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Employing insights provided by the theory of monopolistic markets in economics and Great Power behaviour in the discipline of international relations, this paper aims to provide an alternative understanding of India's refusal to join the BRI beyond the immediate bilateral security, domestic politics, and economic considerations in Sino-Indian relations. We argue that BRI is an effort by China to position itself as the leading firm in the market for international development – a space for long dominated by Western development providers. The paper argues that India's efforts to contest the BRI can be seen as a natural outcome of other rising powers resisting China's efforts to monopolize the development market. In doing so, it provides a template of why rising powers compete with each other in providing developmental aid even when cooperation may create mutual benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China-India border dispute is the biggest obstacle to the development of China-India relations. The existing studies on the China-India border dispute do not pay enough attention to geographical factors and lack comprehensive analysis of multi-agent and multi-scale, so it is difficult to grasp the essential characteristics and overall situation of the China-India border issue. This paper proposes a multi-scale geopolitical analysis framework to analyze the competitive nature of contemporary China-India border dispute under the joint action of multi-scale and multi-agent. The main conclusion is that the contemporary China-India border dispute is a complex problem caused by multi-scale spatial superposition and multi-agent power game. On the global scale, the China-India border dispute is an important part of the strategic interaction be‐ tween the United States and India to contain China; At the regional scale of South Asia, China-India border dispute is a land blockade for India and its partner countries to restrict China's expansion of influence in South Asia; On the bilateral scale of China and India, India regards the China-India border dispute as a strategic fulcrum to seek land advantages over China, and tries to gain strategic advantages over China on both land and sea; At the national internal scale, the China-India border dispute is a competition between China and India in the border transformation mechanism; At the border area scale, the China-India border dispute is a competition between the two countries in terms of their ability to effectively manage border areas. The national inter‐ nal scale is the core scale that determines the China-India border dispute, but the possibility of the two countries reaching a reasonable compromise on this scale is still very small in the short term. The current situation of the global, South Asian region, and bilateral scale is not conducive to a rational solution of the China-India border dispute. The border area scale is the main focus of the China-India border dispute for a long time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Border issues, such as sovereignty, territorial claims, and security, play a significant role in transboundary river management. Borders can act as physical barriers that impede cooperation and coordination, and disputes over ownership and control of river resources can exacerbate tensions and lead to conflicts. Transboundary river management is a complex and critical issue that has gained increasing attention in recent years. The management of rivers that cross international borders raises numerous challenges, including political, economic, social, and environmental concerns. Effective management requires the cooperation of all countries sharing the river basin, and it involves the development of legal and institutional frameworks that promote sustainable use, equitable sharing, and peaceful resolution of conflicts. This paper aims to explore the intricate relationship between India's persistent border disputes with China and their far-reaching implications for the management of transboundary rivers. Their unresolved territorial disputes have profound implications for the shared river basins, such as the Brahmaputra Basin, and pose significant challenges to the implementation of effective transboundary river management strategies. Through an interdisciplinary examination of historical, geopolitical, and hydrological factors, this study sheds light on the multifaceted dimensions of India's border disputes with China and elucidates their detrimental impacts on the use of transboundary river resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the changing geopolitical landscape with the Covid-19 pandemic scenario, the China-India tussle and scale of regional and global exposition has begun to display with certain consequences, which seems to shake the existing regional balance of power. A mounting political and military confrontation between these two powers as experts suggested could create a hurdle on regional-global stability and can strike on the path of globalization. With historical and existing context analysis, this paper explores that putting genuine differences aside, China and India being responsible stakeholders of the global community, can cooperate and contribute to regional and global peace and prosperity. This paper is based on qualitative research and explorative form in a pattern. This paper concludes that to reduce protracted political and border-related tensions, continuous institutional dialogue, regular communication, and formal-informal exchanges could be effective tools for a peaceful resolution. At this juncture, the competition and cooperation approach could be useful for fostering China-India bilateral relations, and this situation will help to address common challenges of the global community, restructure the global order, and re-adjust regional and global scenarios crippled by the Covid-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geopolitics are reshaping global science as the United States decouples from China and aligns with India. Scholar mobility from South Korea maintains resilience while mobility from Brazil continues its steady ascent. Postpandemic scholar mobility to the United States lingers at levels from 15 years ago. As emerging powers expand academic partnerships and research activity, adaptation imperatives loom for the United States to retain leadership in science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing India-Japan engagements are not only focused on economic issues, but also cover a wide range of interests, including regional security, political, and maritime security concerns. Both countries are consolidating strategic partnerships to address the risks and vulnerabilities posed by the evolving regional balance of power. Through their embeddedness with China, both India and Japan form an intrinsic part of the Indo-Pacific geopolitical security architecture. The key transformation of relations between these two states in the region is in response to the geopolitical change brought about by China's rapid ascension. In this regard, the article further explains how both countries are systematically strengthening a strategic partnership and gradually reinforcing economic, political, security, and strategic cooperation against China. This article seeks to address how both states would restrain rising China's strategic maneuvering in the Indo-Pacific region through an analysis of the India-Japan alignment, with the main focus of this study being on analyzing how both India and Japan are now investing in a long-term strategy to balance China's hegemonic policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article probes the viability and survival of BRICS in the context of intensified China–India conflicts and strategic divergences. It argues that occasional eruptions of serious tensions in China–India relations, underpinned by their 1962 border war, threaten to make BRICS an ineffective or weak organization. The article shows that the threats to BRICS's effectiveness as a new economic grouping originate from both countries' strategies and counter-strategies to outperform and outbid each other in a number of critical geopolitical areas, most importantly South Asia, and the Indian Ocean Region. The absence of liberal institutional geoeconomic strategies in their bilateral relations to generate meaningful cooperation for mutual gains further exacerbates their conflicts, with clear implications for BRICS. The article discusses three policy implications for BRICS to function as an effective new economic grouping of the Global South—institutional reforms, a shift from geopolitical to liberal institutional geoeconomic strategy of cooperation, and a coordinated policy approach to global political and economic issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'rivalry' between India and China on the global stage is much ado about nothing. India and China both have huge potential to play a bigger role in global business than they do today. Both countries have experienced major growth domestically, which is not yet matched by their role in global business. MNEs from the two countries have been internationalizing along very different pathways, with few overlaps. Their ability to realize their potential depends on policies and institutions as well as entrepreneurial business leadership in their own country. Their future internationalization depends only to a small degree on the other of the two countries [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to Southeast Asia's geopolitical, economic, and commercial significance, world powers have focused on this region. China and India, the two neighboring nations of Southeast Asia, both with aspirations to become the dominating force in the Indo-Pacific region, have been employing all means to draw Southeast Asia into their sphere of influence. Controlling Southeast Asia would confer immense strategic gains on both nations. The goal of this study is to assess the policy of India and China toward Southeast Asia utilizing pertinent data and documents, official comments from the respective governments, and the research of Vietnamese and foreign researchers. The analysis reveals that India and China seek benefits by promoting close ties with Southeast Asia, but their methods for achieving this objective are distinct. Suppose India employs flexible diplomatic measures to develop its good relations with Southeast Asia. In that case, China has the upper hand when pursuing a diplomatic strategy that is both flexible and assertive to advance its objectives, particularly in East Sea-related problems. This provides Southeast Asia/ASEAN with difficult choices and decisions about India and China to balance their respective interests and, more significantly, to maintain ASEAN's central position in regional and international concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's trading ties with Southeast Asian nations started in ancient times, sustained during the colonial times and later rekindled in the post-Cold War era. Since India embarked on major economic reforms in 1991, economic partnership had been important in India's engagements with ASEAN. Nevertheless, the multipolar world of the 21st century had also given rise to new emerging geopolitical realities that inevitably influence the economic domain of the partnership. The main issue this article attempts to address is how in a multipolar world, China influences India's strategic partnership with ASEAN. The main objective of this endeavour is to highlight the key global dynamics in view of China's rise mainly related to the Indo-Pacific that shape India's partnership with ASEAN; and the opportunities for ASEAN in its ties with India moving forward. This is analysed from the conceptual framework of strategic hedging to highlight how the US-China competition of the post-Cold War era influences the foreign policy outlook of India, shaping India's approach towards ASEAN. The methodology employed for this analysis is a qualitative analysis of primary data obtained from official publications of government websites and portals. Analysis is undertaken chronologically and further substantiated with secondary data from scholarly works, as well as news articles. The findings reveal that since independence, China has featured strongly in India's geopolitical strategies and therefore China's strong economic footprints within ASEAN have much bearing on India's policies towards ASEAN. Nevertheless, India's strengthening partnership with the major powers of the world within the Indo-Pacific framework also has the potential for spin-off effects for ASEAN's economic as well as strategic benefits. In conclusion, the developments related to the Indo-Pacific in view of China's rise, indicate a positive outlook for India-ASEAN partnership which ASEAN could leverage on. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The competition between India and China has intensified with the changes in the strategic landscape of the Asia-Pacific region. Both countries with their growing economies, trade, military capabilities and global interdependence seek to control the Indian Ocean. China is investing heavily in strategic projects in IOR nations under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Maritime Silk Road (MSR) initiatives. India is also strengthening its engagements and cooperation with its neighbours, resulting in intense competition between the two powers. Sri Lanka, being a small island state, maintains relationships with both the countries despite the challenges. This article highlights that how Sri Lanka is maintaining balance amongst the on-going strategic competition between China and India. The theoretical framework of this article is based on the Role Theory which explains that how Sri Lanka is trying to avoid being trapped in this competition and maximise its economic and diplomatic leverage by balancing its policies between China and India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1962 war produced the Actual Line of Control, a border, as Gardner points out, based on no particular geographic principle, but nevertheless one central to the Indian nation, even "something to die for" (253). The Frontier Complex: Geopolitics and the Making of the India-China Border, 1842-1962. The Frontier Complex: Geopolitics and the Making of the India-China Border, 1842-1962 by Kyle J. Gardner. [Extracted from the article]