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Accurate risk assessment of international scientific and technological (S&T) cooperation is significant to international cooperation. In this paper, 5 risk dimensions with respect to the political, economic, social, cultural as well as technological of the regional comprehensive economic partnership countries (RCEP) are selected to establish a proper S&T cooperation index system for risk assessment. To calculate the weight of each index, a cross-entropy combination weighting method is proposed based on the combination weighting method of game theory. Furthermore, the standard cloud model is constructed by using the golden ratio, and the risk of S&T cooperation among the RCEP countries is analyzed by the cloud model. The results show that the combination weighting method proposed in this paper is effective, and its calculation is simpler than that of the game theory combination weighting method. Besides, compared with political, social, cultural, and technological indicators, economic indicators have a greater impact on S&T cooperation risk. Furthermore, it is also obtained from the results that the risk of S&T cooperation with China and the Philippines is at a lower to low level and medium to higher level, respectively, and the risk of S&T cooperation with other countries is all at a lower to medium level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of efficient and reliable online assessments has become increasingly important in the digital era. We developed a 10-min online word reading assessment of global English based on the existing paper-and-pencil version of our English silent word reading test. The test includes two parts, namely, random word recognition and contextual word reading. A total of 889 participants (437 children and 392 adults; 62.7% female) took part in the study. They were from various regions including mainland China, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Poland, the United States, and the Philippines. Reliability and validity analyses on various demographics samples (by age and country/region of origin) demonstrated that the WordSword Test is highly reliable and valid (e.g., the correlation of this test with other English reading measures were above.80). Education level was positively correlated with test performance, while the correlations between age and test performance were not consistent. Ninety-seven children participants also took the paper-and-pencil version of the WordSword Test. The correlation between performances on the online and paper-and-pencil versions of the test was.879, one year apart. With more children and adults taking the WordSword Test, we ultimately hope to establish norms by area, grade level, and age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research delves into the multifaceted issues surrounding the contested regions within the South China Sea and the intricate geopolitical dynamics at play. In the aftermath of the Arbitral Tribunal’s ruling on UNCLOS, this paper contends that China’s nine-dash line and claims to sovereignty over disputed areas have faced challenges to their legitimacy. Recognizing the contemporary global emphasis on the rule of law, the paper argues that China must reconsider its approach, creating an opportune moment for the Philippines to fortify its claims. While conventional realism and liberalism approach in International Relations prove insufficient for resolving this complex matter, the same can be said with the existing framework of International Law, which is bereft of an institution mandated to enforce legal judgments. This article proposes a model that holds potential benefits for both China and the Philippines. Analyzing the foreign policy patterns of the Duterte administration, the study reveals the strategic use of uncertainty to prevent conflict escalation. This strategic uncertainty, the paper argues, can serve as a tool for the Philippines to attain a position of relative equality with China. The suggested approach involves a phased strategy. First, the Philippines must navigate the impasse by leveraging strategic uncertainty to recalibrate its foreign policy, maintaining the status quo for itself. Simultaneously, it should enhance legitimacy through collaborative networks with other claimant states and seek alliances with major global powers such as the US, Australia, Japan, Korea, and the EU, aligning with common interests. In the second phase, as new alliances emerge and the Philippines achieves a more balanced position, the nation can transition to establishing a genuine friendship with China. Unlike traditional power models solely pursuing power for its sake, this Smooth Power Approach seeks to utilize acquired power to foster authentic friendships. An essential characteristic of smooth power is creating an environment where co-optation through friendship becomes the target state’s best interest. This approach breaks deadlocks by proposing mutually beneficial solutions, sharing power with stakeholders, and avoiding coercion, all with the ultimate goal of harmonizing interests and creating new shared objectives under the Rules-based Order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some observers expected a drastic change in the Philippines' diplomacy toward China when Rodrigo Duterte said goodbye to the United States in 2016. However, after six years, the Philippines has remained an allied partner of the United States. The Philippines' defense establishment bolstered its maritime domain awareness capacity thanks to financial and technical support from the United States. Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) maintained the award from the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) favoring the Philippines over China. This paper sheds light on the Philippines' policymaking process by framing the politics of grand strategy in an emerging state. The grand strategy is an intellectual architecture to clarify the general direction of foreign policy shaped by multiple state actors who are not limited by the foreign affairs office. Neither asymmetrical power relations nor presidential power can dominate the direction of the Philippines' diplomacy. The president, the DFA, and the defense establishment have developed institutional foundations to craft particular policies. Once they designed the grand strategy in the 1990s, successive policymakers did not remove it but rather incrementally changed it, especially in the 2010s, when they faced a series of assertive actions from China. In an emerging state with limited state capacity, Filipino policymakers do not always coordinate well with each other but still maintain a certain level of autonomy to create particular policies. Against the dominant framework of the weak state, this paper argues that Filipino policymakers demonstrate the state's capacity to achieve their policy goals, even with limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cenozoic magmatism was highly active in the South China Sea (SCS), and mostly dominated by basalts. The magmatic rocks are mainly distributed in the lower slope and subbasins of the SCS, in addition to sporadic and small-scale Cenozoic volcanism on the SCS shelf. This paper presents a complete map of the Cenozoic magmatic rocks of the SCS with magmatic rock boundaries. This paper also presents an analysis of geological survey and published data in terms of seismic profiles, ages, geochemistry and isotopic systematics of the Cenozoic magmatic complexes of the SCS and adjacent areas. Many of wells or dredges are located in magmatic rocks identified by seismic profiles. Three periods of magmatic activity are distinguished: (1) a pre-spreading period (>33 Ma); (2) a syn-spreading period (33–15 Ma) and (3) a post-spreading period (<15 Ma). The thickest volcanic rocks encountered more than 1000 m (possibly Oligocene to Miocene) in the Boayan 1/1A well in the Palawan Trough of the southern SCS during Cenozoic. The oldest magmatic rocks are andesites (62.5 ± 2.2 Ma) in the northern SCS (offshore) and andesites (65 ± 3 Ma) in Penghu (on land). The latest modern magmatic activity was detected in 1923 offshore of a submarine volcanic eruption (10°09´29″N, 109°00′50″E, 20 m below sea level) and along the shore of a volcanic eruption in the Philippines. Cenozoic magmatic rocks of the SCS include at least 1008 rock bodies: the smallest is 0.00012 km2, the largest is 1528 km2 and the total area covers 46,309 km2. The Yangjiang-Yitong fault and Zhongnan-Reedbank fault divide the magmatic rocks into two different sections in the eastern and western SCS. The ages of the magmatic rocks in the eastern SCS are mostly older than those in the western SCS. The magmatic rocks in the northern, southern, eastern, western SCS and adjacent areas, and SCS basin are related to extension, subduction+collision, subduction, extrusion, extension+cooling+subsidence, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is a preliminary study of the Philippines' foreign policy towards China under President Rodrigo Roa Duterte. It will examine China's economic statecraft as the sender country towards the Philippines as the target country. The ultimate goal of China's economic policies is to foster a submissive response from the Philippines over their territorial disputes in the South China Sea. This paper applies the theoretical model proposed by Jean-Marc F. Blanchard and Norrin M. Ripsman (2008 and 2013) to study the political theory of economic statecraft, as applied by the sender and target countries. Blanchard and Ripsman argue that domestic factors serve as significant intervening variables in the strategy of the target country's leaders towards the sender country. Thus, the target country's leaders will view the sender country's economic sanctions or economic inducements differently, depending on the domestic socioeconomic situation. By looking at the Duterte administration in the Philippines, this paper intends to expand upon the research agenda of the theory on economic statecraft and international relations. It will shine a light on the puzzling flip-flop of the Philippines' foreign policy strategy. It shows that Blanchard and Ripsman's "stateness" conditionalist approach provides a plausible explanation of the Filipino response to China's economic statecraft. Instead of relying on conventional neo-realist, economic liberalist, or regime-type conditionalist arguments, this paper will focus on the control of leaders over the decision-making environment. However, it does acknowledge that stateness does not fully explain the Philippines' strategic adjustment towards China, as international variables could have affected the Philippines' policy response to China's economic statecraft. This paper, therefore, argues that domestic and international factors play vital roles in affecting the dynamics in the target state and the effectiveness of the sender state's economic statecraft. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does the Philippines form its foreign policy toward the People's Republic of China (PRC)? Existing work on the Philippine foreign policy toward China explains the country's stance solely through geopolitical or domestic factors. By examining the political calculus of, and the policy formulation by, the Benigno Aquino III (2010–2016), Rodrigo Duterte (2016–2022), and Ferdinand Marcos Jr. (2022-) administrations, I argue that a combination of domestic politics, geopolitical considerations, and economic realities have shaped the approach of the Philippines toward China. Rather than focus on one factor to explain the Philippines' foreign policy, I suggest that the combination and interaction of these three factors accounting for how various Philippine administrations have operated explains the Philippines' China policies. Furthermore, I nuance these three factors through the lens of political survival. I suggest that leaders stay in power by accumulating political power and staving off challengers. In the Philippines, I suggest that leaders capitalize on criticizing or deviating from the prior administration's China policies, which have resulted in economic or political effects that generate resentment from the population. As a result, Presidents often reverse or modify the policies set about by the previous administration, resulting in a new set of approaches toward China. Data on this paper was facilitated by years of fieldwork conducted in the Philippines between 2017 to 2020. I interviewed officials in the Aquino, Duterte, and Marcos administrations, Filipino oligarchs, political brokers, lawyers, political party representatives, and in-country observers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 2012, with tensions over Huangyan Island taking an increasingly sour turn, China released a document to strengthen inspection and quarantine of fruits imported from the Philippines. To many, this retaliation implied that the former launched economic sanctions against the latter over the growing conflict. As such, this paper takes that tension as a quasi‐natural experiment to examine the impact of deteriorating political relations on trade. We employ difference‐in‐difference to conduct an empirical investigation by using the monthly data of the Philippines' fruit export. The estimation results show that after the implementation of the document, in comparison with other export destination countries, Philippine banana and pineapple exports to China decreased by 42% and 88%, respectively. However, the sanction effects weakened over time. Extended analyses also find that the Philippines evaded the sanctions to some extent by trans‐shipping through third countries, transferring exports to other countries, and deeply processing fruits. In conclusion, the sanctions were not as effective as expected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When great powers such as the United States and China grow especially hawkish with more uncertainties, how does a smaller state react to such a complex and dangerous territorial conflict? Given the competing frames of influence between China and the United States, what are the underlying reasons for the shift in the Philippines' foreign policy? This paper focuses on the Philippines' changing foreign policy on the South China Sea dispute and examines the main rationale for its shift in strategy towards China. We use the perspective of neoclassical realism to unpack the constraining factors that underlie the Philippines' domestic politics and ongoing global exigencies. With changes in its domestic politics and the security challenges posed by the evolving geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region, the Philippines is in a difficult situation, having to choose between a territorially hostile trading partner and its historical security guarantor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Duterte presidency from June 2016 to June 2022, the government of the Philippines limited its affinity with the United States and pursued an ostensibly pro‐China policy. This bold move took place amid the ongoing US–China rivalry. This paper carries out a retrospective examination of Duterte's China policy from the perspective of Philippine domestic politics. Specifically, we assess the international relations literature on hedging as a foreign policy strategy and argue that domestic factors play a major role in filtering systemic influences and leaving state leaders with sufficient room for strategic discretion and maneuvering. This is particularly the case with the Philippines, where strong presidentialism gives clout to the president in foreign policy development. We argue that much of the "audacious" behavior in the foreign policy of the Duterte government can simultaneously be understood as pragmatic, as it was believed to better serve the regime's short‐term goals. While the alliance with the United States remained largely intact, the Duterte government emphasized its success in stabilizing Sino–Philippine relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The major analytical research question addressed in this paper is: What are Thailand's strengths and weaknesses as an international education hub for students from the Asian region? The key descriptive research question is: What is the nature of the educational experience of Asian students in Thailand? The two major research methodologies of the study are mixed research methods and comparative case studies, with the use of in-depth interviews of influential experts, surveys, and an autoethnography. In terms of major findings, there has been a dramatic growth of Asian students at Thai universities during the past two decades. Thailand's major advantages relate to low costs, location, quality campus facilities, and a welcoming attitude toward outsiders, while major disadvantages are the quality of many of Thailand's international programs often related to low English language capabilities. The paper concludes by presenting a creative new architecture for thinking about Asian study abroad in Thailand.

The Philippines’ foreign policy is anchored on three pillars: the protection of territorial integrity and sovereignty; economic development; and the protection of overseas Filipinos. Since these tenets were first enunciated by the Ramos administration (1992–98), they have remained constant despite perceptions that subsequent presidents have gravitated towards a closer partnership with the United States or China. Alternatively, it has been said that Manila partners with a particular foreign power to advance a particular pillar, thus creating a de facto division of roles: the United States is an ally that protects the Philippines’ territorial integrity and sovereignty, while China is a partner that advances economic development. However, the notion of a division of responsibilities is somewhat superficial. In reality, the Philippines’ relations with both the United States and China contribute to all three pillars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the Philippines’ evolving and changing grand strategies in confronting China’s maritime expansion in the South China Sea. From 2010 to 2016, under the Aquino administration, the Philippines challenged China’s extensive claim over the disputed waters by adopting a hard-balancing approach. In 2016, the succeeding Duterte administration pursued an appeasement policy; in 2018, it shifted to a limited hard balancing policy because of (a) continuing Chinese coercive actions against Armed Forces of the Philippines units in Philippines-occupied land features in the South China Sea and (b) China’s failure to deliver on its promised public investments in the country’s infrastructure building programme. President Ferdinand Marcos Jr initially adhered to his predecessor’s strategy of limited hard-balancing. Seeing no change in China’s stance on the maritime issue, he resorted to a hard-balancing policy. He has vigorously supported the steady modernisation of the Philippine military and strengthened the country’s defence ties with the United States and other like-minded security partners while maintaining cordial diplomatic and economic relations with China. This article argues that the Philippines’ evolving grand strategy has the following elements: (a) Admitting that China’s maritime expansion is the quintessential threat to Philippine national security; (b) pursuing a policy of maintaining the status quo in the West Philippine Sea/South China Sea; (c) acknowledging the urgency to shift the focus of the Philippine military from internal security to territorial defence; and (d) fostering its alliance with the United States and its security partnerships with other American allies and partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Typhoon Hagupit (2020), which formed unexpectedly close to land, posed great challenges for forecasters. During its genesis, there was a westward-moving upper-tropospheric cold low (UTCL) to its north. This study investigated the impact of this UTCL on the genesis process using numerical simulations. In the semi-idealized experiment with this UTCL removed (run-Rcold), pre-Hagupit develops faster, but its track drifts southward in the later stage compared with the control experiment (run-cnl). In the experiment with enhanced UTCL (run-Ecold), the simulated track is similar to that in run-cnl, but pre-Hagupit does not develop into a tropical storm. In run-cnl and run-Ecold, the environmental vertical wind shear is larger than that in run-Rcold in the first 2 days, and the simulated pre-Hagupit experiences two prominent dry-air intrusions in the middle and upper troposphere. At the second intrusion, when the weakened UTCL has moved within 2° of pre-Hagupit, the convection in both experiments decays significantly, and the development of the midlevel vortex begins to lag behind that in run-Rcold, and so does the vertical alignment of the low- and midlevel vortices. The UTCL influences the movement of pre-Hagupit by modifying the large-scale steering flows, especially those above 600 hPa. In run-Rcold, due to the absence of the northward component of wind fields related to the UTCL circulation, pre-Hagupit starts to move west-northwestward instead of northwestward as in run-cnl and run-Ecold. Significance Statement: Typhoon Hagupit (2020) got named near the 24-h warning line of China. TCs crossing this line are considered to have a significant impact on China within 24 h, or may make landfall within 24 h. After formation, Hagupit rapidly intensified to its peak intensity of 42 m s−1 in 48 h, and made landfall in Zhejiang Province at severe typhoon strength after another 8 h. Both the unexpected genesis and the rapid intensification of Hagupit posed great challenges for forecasters and deserve further investigation. This study focused on the genesis process. We noticed that there was a westward-moving upper-tropospheric cold low (UTCL) in the north during the formation of Hagupit. We have conducted three numerical experiments to investigate the impact of this UTCL on the genesis of Hagupit, and found that the UTCL is an important factor affecting the genesis process. It is detrimental to the vortex development. If the UTCL is removed, Hagupit will develop into a tropical storm more quickly, but its potential landfall point of Hagupit will shift from the southeast coast of China to the Philippines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While ChatGPT has recently become very popular, AI has a long history and philosophy. This paper intends to explore the promises and pitfalls of the Generative Pre-trained Transformer (GPT) AI and potentially future technologies by adopting a speculative methodology. Speculative future narratives with a specific focus on educational contexts are provided in an attempt to identify emerging themes and discuss their implications for education in the 21st century. Affordances of (using) AI in Education (AIEd) and possible adverse effects are identified and discussed which emerge from the narratives. It is argued that now is the best of times to define human vs AI contribution to education because AI can accomplish more and more educational activities that used to be the prerogative of human educators. Therefore, it is imperative to rethink the respective roles of technology and human educators in education with a future-oriented mindset.

Governance and regulation of the use of live animals in research and teaching is examined in Australia, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, China, Japan and India. A comparison of the systems in different countries will enable the determination of best practice and fit-forpurpose regulation. The most comprehensive government regulation of animal welfare in institutions covers a broad range of animals and institutions are required to have an Institutional Animal Care and Use Committee, whose membership is specified in guidelines or regulations. The work of the Committees is rigorously overseen by government and facilities that use live animals are audited externally. All countries examined have legislation governing the use of live animals in research, although only Australia and Malaysia have a fully equivalent mandated oversight of teaching. Teaching that uses live animals is partly covered in the Philippines, Japan, Singapore and Thailand This paper thus aims to review the regulation of animal use in different Asian jurisdictions in order to determine best practices that are appropriate to those settings. The most comprehensive oversight is provided in Australia and Malaysia that essentially use the same regulatory framework.

Why do authoritarian states sometimes play up dangerous international crises and embarrassing diplomatic incidents in domestic propaganda? Is it to mobilize, threaten, divert, or pacify? Recent studies in comparative politics have focused on regime legitimacy and stability as key drivers of authoritarian propaganda practices, leaving aside other possible motivations such as mobilization of the regime's domestic allies or strategic signaling aimed at foreign audiences. Foreign policy analysts, meanwhile, have emphasized international dimensions of the propaganda behavior of China—the contemporary world's most powerful and technologically sophisticated authoritarian state—but have often mistakenly framed complementary theories as competing alternative explanations. This article argues that once the multiple domestic and international audiences for authoritarian propaganda are brought into view, many supposedly competing explanations turn out to be logically compatible and, in many cases, mutually reinforcing. We identify four sets of explanations—mobilization, signaling, diversion, and pacification—first showing how they fit together logically, before illustrating their convergence in the PRC's otherwise puzzling high-intensity propaganda campaign in 2016 over the Philippines vs. China arbitration on the South China Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hidilyn Diaz won the Philippines' first Gold Medal in the 2020 Olympics. After her win, news emerged that her coaches used the South China Sea issue to make Diaz win over her rival, who represented China. Diaz later said in interviews that the sea belonged to the Philippines. The researcher inductively analyzed Facebook reactions to these news items to unearth constructs of country loyalty, sports, and the Olympics. The researcher found that Filipinos were divided according to how they perceived loyalty to country: those who saw it as innate also sided with Hidilyn and tended not to separate sports from politics; on the other hand, those who wanted to separate sports from politics tended to perceive the country as powerless, and nationalism as futile. These findings have implications for studies into athletes' protests, which have hardly been studied in the Philippine context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the prospects for the Belt and Road (BRI) in the Philippines? How will Marcos' foreign policy impact BRI projects in the country? The authors argue that the BRI's prospects are less optimistic now because (i) the Philippines' experience with Chinese infrastructure projects during Duterte's time was not overwhelmingly positive and (ii) China continues to occupy the West Philippine Sea. China's BRI missed its chance of capitalising on the political climate during the Duterte administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to identify the teaching strategies used in Grade 4 Culture and Heritage lessons in a Chinese-Filipino School. Further, it is important to effectively address these with constructivist-based teaching strategies to help maximize the learning experience. This study used qualitative method where Ethnographic research design and Descriptive method were used to conduct classroom observations. The instruments used to obtain the results were patterned and modified from Craig Kissock's (1981) Curriculum Planning for Social Studies Teaching: A Cross-cultural Approach, a self-made Teachers' Self-evaluation form and Peer Observation form participated by nine teachers of a Chinese-Filipino School in Quezon City, Philippines. The analysis of the results identified five teaching strategies with Discussion and Lecture strategy as the most applied alongside Game strategy, Question and Answer strategy, and Project method. Other activities that strengthened the Culture and Heritage awareness were integrated through a collaborative effort with other subject areas. As a result, the study supported that Social Development theory affects the teaching-learning process where opportunities for social interaction helps in the development of a child. Using various teaching strategies encouraged students to interact with one another, to freely express their thoughts, and to participate in fun and healthy competition. It also encouraged students to think and to unleash their creativity and imagination. At the same time, the use of tools and other resources helped increase student engagement.

• Nineteen studies were identified that modelled S. japonicum control strategies. • Mathematical models of S. Japonicum have shifted towards the prevalence-based multi-host model. • Few mathematical models of S. Japonicum have considered other definitive hosts and seasonal fluctuations with mixed results. • Mathematical models have generally agreed on the inability of human treatment alone to reach elimination of S. Japonicum. • Few modelling studies have considered S. Japonicum in the Philippines. Schistosoma japonicum remains endemic in China and the Philippines. Substantial progress has been made in the control of Japonicum in both China and the Philippines. China is reaching elimination thanks to a concerted effort of control strategies. Mathematical modelling has been a key tool in the design of control strategies, in place of expensive randomised-controlled trials. We conducted a systematic review to investigate mathematical models of Japonicum control strategies in China and the Philippines. We conducted a systematic review on July 5, 2020, in four electronic bibliographic databases - PubMed, Web of Science, SCOPUS and Embase. Articles were screened for relevance and for meeting the inclusion criteria. Data extracted included authors, year of publication, year of data collection, setting and ecological context, objectives, control strategies, main findings, the form and content of the model including its background, type, representation of population dynamics, heterogeneity of hosts, simulation period, source of parameters, model validation and sensitivity analysis. Results After screening, 19 eligible papers were included in the systematic review. Seventeen considered control strategies in China and two in the Philippines. Two frameworks were identified; the mean-worm burden framework and the prevalence-based framework, the latter of which increasingly common. Most models considered human and bovine definitive hosts. There were mixed additional elements included in the models, such as alternative definitive hosts and the role of seasonality and weather. Models generally agreed upon the need for an integrated control strategy rather than reliance on mass drug administration alone to sustain reductions in prevalence. Mathematical modelling of Japonicum has converged from multiple approaches to modelling using the prevalence-based framework with human and bovine definitive hosts and find integrated control strategies to be most effective. Further research could investigate the role of other definitive hosts and model the effect of seasonal fluctuations in transmission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decisions to give and receive help are often influenced by group memberships, social identities, and intergroup relations. Two studies were conducted to test how perceived political relations between countries are related to willingness to accept offers of intergroup help. Respondents in two low‐income countries, the Philippines (N = 289) and Pakistan (N = 275), indicated their willingness to accept (or not) Covid‐19 vaccine donations from two higher‐status countries (China and the United States) during the Covid pandemic. Results showed that the perceived motivation of the outgroup nation for providing help was associated with rejection or acceptance of help, mediated by emotional reactions to the help. A perception that outgroup nations donate vaccines to demonstrate and assert their superiority and power, that they donate vaccines to keep the outgroup dependent on the ingroup, and a perception that they donate vaccines out of self‐interest, were all associated with rejection of vaccine donations. A perception that donations by the outgroup are motivated by genuine concern for the ingroup was associated with acceptance of help. Findings confirm that political intergroup relations are related to attitudes about whether the ingroup nation should accept intergroup help or not. Theoretical and applied implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research sheds light on the structural causes of the complex and often seemingly contradictory aspects of junior allies' behavior in an era of global power rivalry. These relatively smaller US allies must deepen cooperation with the US to address some critical security challenges that cannot be dealt with alone, but have failed in three key ways. First, the less capable the US becomes via dwindling resources reserved for meeting allied security needs, the more likely the allied dependence on US military protection is proportionately reduced in the absence of viable alternatives. Second, China's attempts to drive a wedge between the US and its allies compounds the perception of disunity that results in allied dependence being significantly reduced. Lastly, the smaller states have limited capacity to create a buffer to navigate the rivalry between the two larger nations. Two case studies, the US-ROK and US-Philippines alliances, indicate how junior allied behavior can be seen as contradictory to the allies' own interests as a consequence of assuming tradeoffs that result from reacting to both major powers' policy choices, which, in turn, undermines the ability of the smaller states to determine their own security policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Migrant domestic workers are vulnerable to physical and mental health problems given the many challenges they experience while working abroad. Using network analysis, this study examined the structure of depression, cardiometabolic health indicators (BMI, waist-hip ratio (WHR), blood pressure, and heart rate), bone mass, and perceived health status in this population. The network model allowed for an examination of central symptoms or symptoms with the most direct connections with other symptoms; bridge symptoms, or symptoms that link two or more communities; and edges, or relationships among symptoms. Method: Cross-sectional data were gathered from 1375 Filipino domestic workers in Macao (SAR), China. Data from a subsample of 510 participants who met a cutoff indicating depression were analyzed. Anthropometric measurements and surveys were used to collect data, which was analyzed using R statistical software. Results: Results showed four community clusters: three communities consisted of at least two depression symptoms each and the fourth community included physical health indicators. Strong edges were formed between BMI-bone mass, psychomotor-concentration, BMI-WHR, and sad mood-anhedonia. The node with the highest expected influence was BMI. There were three bridges: worthlessness, psychomotor difficulties, and concentration difficulties. Conclusion: The link between depression, cardiometabolic indicators, bone mass, and poor perceived health reinforces the need to address multimorbidity within migrant populations. Health promotion interventions that address mental and physical health may improve the health of this population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies have shown that the School Kindness Scale (SKS) has adequate psychometric properties in different societies such as Canada, Turkey, and the Philippines. However, there is scarce evidence on the psychometric validity of this scale across multiple societies and educational contexts. This study explores the cross‐national invariance of the SKS among high school students in the Philippines, Hong Kong, and mainland China. Results showed that the modified unidimensional model of school kindness with correlated error terms on item number 2 and 3 had the most optimal fit. There was evidence supporting partial invariance of the modified unidimensional model of school kindness across setting and year level, and full invariance across gender. Whereas school kindness also demonstrated positive correlations with perceived academic performance in Hong Kong and mainland China, this construct was linked to higher emotional and social engagement in math in all contexts. Practitioner points: Modifying items in the School Kindness Scale is needed to improve its psychometric validity and invariance in different settings.School kindness was linked to perceived academic performance in mainland China and Hong Kong.School kindness was related to emotional and social engagement in math in mainland China, Hong Kong, and the Philippines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on 35-year (1981–2015) ensemble (24 members) hindcasts of the IAP/LASG global seasonal prediction system named FGOALS-f2 V1.0 (FGOALS-f2), the tropical cyclone (TC) seasonal prediction skills over the South China Sea (SCS) during the TC peak season (July–November) are evaluated. Starting the prediction from June 20th, FGOALS-f2 can well capture the seasonal mean characteristics for both the genesis location and track of TCs over the SCS. For seasonal anomalous TC numbers, FGOALS-f2 underestimates the maximum and minimum of the TC number compared to the observation. The temporal correlation coefficients (TCCs) between FGOALS-f2 and the observation are 0.39 for the TC number and 0.51 for accumulated cyclone energy (ACE) over the SCS, respectively, which are both above the 95% significant level. Additionally, FGOALS-f2 has acceptable prediction skill for the seasonal mean number of TCs landing on three areas (coastal southeastern China, Indochina Peninsula, and Philippines) surrounding the SCS. The skillful prediction of SCS TCs could be ascribed to the well-predicted tropical anomaly of sea surface temperature (SSTA), TC and El Niño-Southern Oscillation (TC-ENSO) relations, and Genesis potential index (GPI). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's "gray zone" tactics to intimidate rival claimants in the South China Sea have become a U.S. concern. Against a backdrop of a recently deepening U.S.-Philippines alliance, this article suggested a gray zone conflict scenario in which China blockades Filipino resupply vessels for Filipino marines on the Sierra Madre at Second Thomas Shoal in a fictional late 2020s environment. In this case, the Philippines would likely request armed U.S. escorts for its resupply vessel. The United States. can formulate a middle-of-the-road position centered on diplomatic condemnation against China's provocations, between a strong response option and inaction to this gray zone conflict. Also, in this context, the United States would welcome the ROK's diplomatic and economic support. For example, the United States would expect the ROK to participate in U.S. diplomatic efforts by signing a joint statement through the Quad-Plus. In addition, the United States would also anticipate ROK assistance to help the Philippines cope with Chinese economic retaliation in the gray zone crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the Philippine-U.S. Mutual Defence Treaty (MDT) between the U.S. and the Philippines became the cornerstone of the two countries' alliance. When the American forces withdrew from their bases in 1992 after the Philippine Senate (by a vote of 12 to 11) rejected the extension of the bases' stay, the MDT has since served as the fallback basis of the Philippine-U.S. security relationship. However, the MDT does not spell out the details of the U.S. commitment to the Philippine defense. The MDT has been the bone of contention during the first and second decades of the new millennium, especially when China started asserting its expansive claims over much of the South China Sea. Eventually, the two allies made the necessary adjustments to transform the MDT from a mere consultative agreement to the sole bedrock of security relations. In conclusion, the article argues that the Philippines and the U.S. were able to maximize the effectiveness and relevance of their alliance by applying the Goldilocks principle—neither too cold, neither too hot—with the U.S. concretizing its security commitments to the Philippines and the two parties committing themselves together in addressing China's maritime expansionism cautiously, reliably, and responsibly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on precipitation data from 60 stations in South China (SC) and NCEP reanalysis data, the Hybrid Single-Particle Lagrangian Integrated Trajectory model (HYSPLIT_4.9) is used to analyze the difference of water vapor transport tracks, water vapor sources, and their precipitation contribution rate to frontal/monsoon precipitation, with four combinations of ENSO and PDO phase for a period of 53 years (1960–2012). The results show that: (1) For the frontal precipitation, in the Pacific Decadal Oscillation positive phase (PDO+), there is a great positive water vapor difference between ENSO+ (the positive ENSO phase) and ENSO− (the negative ENSO phase) over the tropical Indian Ocean (IO), the Bay of Bengal (BOB), the South China Sea (SCS) and the western Pacific (WP), the distribution of the difference is adjusted for PDO− (the negative PDO phase). For monsoon precipitation, when PDO and ENSO are in phase resonance, water vapor gathers over IO-BOB-SCS. (2) For the frontal precipitation, both PDO+ and PDO−, compare with ENSO+, more water vapor from SCS for ENSO−, but the southward water vapor transport anomaly over the western part of BOB-SCS-ocean east of the Philippines, which leads a decline in precipitation contribution rate of SCS water vapor. Both ENSO+ and ENSO−, compare with PDO−, more water vapor comes from IO-BOB for PDO+, but their precipitation contribution rates are lower. (3) For the summer monsoon precipitation, SCS and IO are important rain contributor sources. Regardless of the PDO phase, compared with ENSO+, there is more water vapor from the IO and WP for ENSO−, the easterly anomaly in the south of the stronger subtropical high brings more water vapor from WP to SC, the strong westerly anomalies in the IO-BOB-SCS increases IO water vapor transporting to SC, so water vapor precipitation contribution rates of IO and WP are higher. Both ENSO+ and ENSO−, compare with PDO−, more water vapor comes from SCS and EC for PDO+, but their precipitation contribution rates are lower. (4) The water vapor transport process of precipitation in PFS over SC is jointly affected by ENSO and PDO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, populations are ageing and the estimated number of hip fractures will increase from 1.7 million in 1990 to more than 6 million in 2050. The greatest increase in hip fractures is predicted in Low- and Middle-Income Countries (LMICs), largely in the Asia-Pacific region where direct costs are expected to exceed $US15 billion by 2050. The aims of this qualitative study are to identify barriers to, and enablers of, evidence-informed hip fracture care in LMICs, and to determine if the Blue Book standards, developed by the British Orthopaedic Association and British Geriatrics Society to facilitate evidence-informed care of patients with fragility fractures, are applicable to these settings. This study utilized semi-structured interviews with clinical and administrative hospital staff to explore current hip fracture care in LMICs. Transcribed interviews were imported into NVivo 12 and analysed thematically. Interviews were conducted with 35 participants from 11 hospitals in 5 countries. We identified five themes-costs of care and the capacity of patients to pay, timely hospital presentation, competing demands on limited resources, delegation and defined responsibility and utilization of available data-and within each theme, barriers and enablers were distinguished. We found a mismatch between patient needs and provision of recommended hip fracture care, which in LMICs must commence at the time of injury. This study describes clinician and administrator perspectives of the barriers to, and enablers of, high-quality hip fracture care in LMICs; results indicate that initiatives to overcome barriers (in particular, delays to definitive treatment) are required. While the Blue Book offers a starting point for clinicians and administrators looking to provide high-quality hip fracture care to older people in LMICs, locally developed interventions are likely to provide the most successful solutions to improving hip fracture care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and purpose: Social engagement is an important active aging strategy to promote older adults' mental health. The purposes of this study were to compare social engagement in older populations around the world and explore associations with mental health outcomes. Materials and methods: An international cross‐sectional survey was conducted from 2017 to 2019. Data were retrieved from The International Social Survey Programme for a secondary data analysis across 30 countries. This study applied the Taxonomy of Social Activities and its six levels as operational definitions for a consistent concept of social engagement for international comparisons. Results: In total, 9403 older adults with a mean age of 72.85 ± 6.40 years responded. The highest levels of older adults' social engagement were found in Switzerland, Thailand, and New Zealand. Older adults of a higher age, with a lower educational level, who were permanently sick or disabled, who had no partner, who were widowed or whose civil partner had died, who lived alone, and who had lower self‐placement in society had significantly lower social engagement than did their counterparts. In the regression model, older adults' social engagement positively predicted general health, self‐accomplishment, and life satisfaction, but negatively predicted loneliness and depression. Conclusions: In aging societies worldwide, encouraging older adults' social engagement would be beneficial to promote mental health. Implications for nursing practice and health policies: Community professional nurses can develop strategies of social engagement based on the needs and sociodemographic factors of older adults to improve their mental health. Developing efficient strategies and local policies by learning from successful experiences in other countries is important to promote social engagement in aging societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention works to eliminate tuberculosis (TB) disease by finding and treating cases of TB disease and expanding latent tuberculosis infection (LTBI) testing and treatment to prevent TB disease. Approximately 70% of reported TB cases in the United States occur among non-U.S.–born persons. We conducted 15 focus groups with U.S. residents born in the six most common countries of birth among non-U.S.–born TB patients: Mexico, the Philippines, India, Vietnam, China and Guatemala. Participants reacted to 39 messages on LTBI and TB disease risk factors, the Bacille Calmette-Guérin (BCG) vaccine, and LTBI testing and treatment. There was low awareness of LTBI, the TB blood test, and how the TB blood test is not affected by prior BCG vaccination. Several participants thought TB disease is contracted by sharing kitchenware. Some felt negatively targeted when presented with information about countries where TB disease is more common than the U.S. Findings highlight the need for communication aimed at increasing LTBI testing and treatment to include messages framed in ways that will be resonant and actionable to populations at risk. Focus groups revealed LTBI misconceptions which highlight areas for targeted education to decrease TB stigma and increase LTBI testing and treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After five years of pursuing a policy of appeasement towards China, the Philippines is incrementally and reluctantly shifting to "limited hard balancing." The goal is to constrain China's revisionist agenda in the South China Sea. This strategy entails building up the Philippine military's territorial defence capabilities, maintaining its alliance with the U.S., and forging security partnerships with other middle power like South Korean, Japan, and Australia. During his six-year term, the late President Benigno Aquino III stood up to China's expansive claim in the South China Sea. When Rodrigo Roa Duterte assumed the presidency in June 2016, he unravelled his predecessor's balancing policy towards China. Nonetheless, recent developments such as the People's Liberation Army Navy's hostile moves against the Armed Forces of the Philippines units on Philippine-occupied islands in the South China Sea and the delays in the promised Chinese public investments in the country prompted the Duterte Administration to review the appeasement approach and to mull over on a limited hard balancing policy. In conclusion, this article contends that the Duterte Administration is at the crossroads, figuring out if it will continue its appeasement stance or adopt a limited hard balancing policy towards China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is limited information on the feeding practices of 9.42 million children living within institution‐based care (IBC) worldwide. Poor feeding practices can predispose or exacerbate malnutrition, illness and disability. Here we describe the feeding practices of children living within IBC based on a retrospective analysis of records from 3335 children, 0–18 years old, participating in Holt International's Child Nutrition Program (CNP), from 36 sites in six countries. Data analysed included demographic information on age, sex, feeding practices, disabilities and feeding difficulties. Descriptive statistics were produced. A generalised linear model explored associations between feeding difficulties and disability and 2 × 2 tables examined feeding difficulties over time. An additional set of feeding observations with qualitative and quantitative data was analysed. At baseline, the median age of children was 16 months (0.66–68 months) with 1650/3335 (49.5%) females. There were 757/3335 (22.7%) children with disabilities; 550/984 (55.9%) were low birth weight; 311/784 (39.7%) were premature; 447/3113 (14.4%) had low body mass index and 378/3335 (11.3%) had feeding difficulties. The adjusted risk of having a feeding difficulty was 5.08 ([95% confidence interval: 2.65–9.7], p ≤ 0.001) times greater in children with disabilities than those without. Many children saw their feeding difficulties resolve after 1‐year in CNP, 54/163 (33.1%) for children with disabilities and 57/106 (53.8%) for those without disabilities. Suboptimal hygiene, dietary and feeding practices were reported. In conclusion, feeding difficulties were common in IBC, especially among children with disabilities. Supporting safe interactive mealtimes for children living within IBC should be prioritised, to ensure overall health and development. Key points: Feeding difficulties are common among children living in institution‐based care (IBC), particularly but not exclusively among those children with disabilities.Suboptimal feeding practices were common in IBC and encompassed inadequate hygiene, limited support for self‐feeding, reading children's feeding cues (especially around pacing and satiety), addressing feeding difficulties, such as difficulty chewing or swallowing. These should be prioritised in training and supervision for caregivers.Addressing the needs of this vulnerable group should include support for safe feeding techniques. These should be prioritised to help ease the transition into eventual family‐based care if we are to move towards deinstitutionalizing children and strengthening families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: A study conducted in China on patients with coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) showed that cancer conferred a five times increased risk for needing intensive care admission and mortality; No data has yet been collected and published from the Philippines. Thus, the investigators conducted this substudy to determine the association of having a history of cancer with clinical outcomes among patients included in the Philippine CORONA Study. Methodology: Multi-center, retrospective cohort design Results: A total of 244 patients had a history of cancer, out of 10,881 COVID-19 hospital admissions. After adjusting for different confounding variables of interest, having cancer was significantly associated with a 75% increased odds of having severe/critical COVID-19 at nadir (CI 95% 1.32, 2.33; p < 0.001). After adjusting for different confounding variables of interest, having cancer was significantly associated with the following time-to-event outcomes: 72% increase in hazard of in-hospital mortality (CI 95% 1.37, 2.16; p < 0.001), 65% increase in hazard of respiratory failure (CI 95% 1.31, 2.08; p < 0.001), and 57% increase in hazard of being admitted to ICU (CI 95% 1.24, 1.97; p < 0.001). Conclusion: A history of cancer conferred poorer clinical outcomes on adult, hospitalized COVID-19 patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The track of tropical cyclones (TCs) formed in the South China Sea (SCS) can be divided into eastward and westward directions. Significant decadal variation during 1980–2020 only exists in the number of eastward‐moving TCs, especially during July–September, with 47% TCs moving eastward during 1994–2004 (Period II), 22% during 1980–1993 (Period I) and only 15% during 2005–2020 (Period III). This decadal change is related to the zonal shift of Western Pacific Subtropical High (WPSH). An eastward‐retreated WPSH during 1994–2004 leads to upward motion and westerly flow anomaly over the northern SCS, and therefore favors TC genesis and eastward motion. The eastward‐retreated WPSH is associated with a warm sea surface temperature anomaly over the tropical western‐central Pacific which induces a cyclonic flow and weakens the WPSH. With the weaker modulation of WPSH, stronger intraseasonal oscillation (ISO) in the SCS during Period II favors eastward‐moving TCs due to the westerly flow associated with the ISO. Plain Language Summary: Tropical cyclones (TCs) formed over the South China Sea (SCS) can move either eastward or westward. Eastward‐moving TCs can make landfall along the eastern coast of China, the Philippines, and Taiwan Island, or entering western North Pacific. Meanwhile, westward‐moving TCs usually make landfall along the coasts of southern China and Vietnam. Our study reveals a significant decadal variation of eastward‐moving TCs. More TCs moved eastward during 1994–2004 due to enhanced westerly and convective activity associated with an eastward‐retreated Western Pacific Subtropical High, which is caused by the Gill‐pattern response to the warm sea surface temperature anomaly over the western‐central Pacific. The other reason for a decadal variation of eastward‐moving TCs over the SCS is the stronger intraseasonal oscillation activity during 1994–2004, which induces the convective activities and westerly flow anomaly over the main TC genesis region. Key Points: The number of eastward‐moving tropical cyclones (TCs) in the South China Sea has experienced a decadal variation since 1980The zonal shift of Western Pacific Subtropical High (WPSH) is the main factor of the decadal variation of eastward‐moving TCsThe eastward‐retreated WPSH together with strong intraseasonal oscillation favors TCs moving eastward during 1994–2004 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mahayana Buddhism is well known for being successfully implanted in various cultures. Chinese Buddhism, considered one of the three great religions of China along with Confucianism and Taoism, is a classic example. From China, Buddhism traveled further and, in the twentieth century, developed a particular way of engaging the world. Humanistic Buddhism, a particular form of engaged Buddhism that grew out of twentieth-century Chinese Buddhism, has been present in the Philippines since the 1990s and signaled a new phase in the growth of Buddhism in the country. In particular, the Philippine initiators of Foguangshan and Ciji did not limit themselves to the ethnic Chinese community from the outset, and both movements have achieved modest success in the last thirty years. By building on previous research with new inputs from key informants, this article explores the emerging localization of Foguangshan and Ciji in the predominantly Catholic Philippines, identifying the particular ways in which the two groups adapted their missions in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: During the COVID-19 pandemic, older adults experience various challenges, including information uncertainties, financial pressure, and visit restrictions, which may lead to anxiety about the future. As a protective factor, sense of coherence (SOC) may play a role to reduce some psychological discomfort. This study aimed to analyze the relationships of SOC with anxiety, digital health literacy (DHL), information, and financial satisfaction among older adults during the outbreak. Methods: This is part of a large-scale DHL study with a cross-sectional survey across 41 countries. This study extracted data from three Asian countries (China, the Philippines, and Singapore) and included people aged ≥60. Structural equation modeling with path analysis was utilized to examine the relationships of SOC with anxiety about the future and other variables. Results: A total of 266 older adults were included, with 43.2% expressed anxiety about the future. DHL (β=–0.13, p < 0.05) and SOC (β=–0.26, p = 0.01) were negatively associated with anxiety, while financial and information satisfaction were not. However, financial satisfaction (β = 0.34, p < 0.01) and DHL (β = 0.32, p = 0.01) were positively associated with SOC. Higher SOC further mediated the negative relationships of DHL (β= −0.11, p = 0.004) and financial satisfaction (β= −0.12, p = 0.004) on anxiety of older adults. Conclusions: SOC had direct negative effect on anxiety and mediated the relationships between anxiety and DHL/financial satisfaction. Strategies should be developed to enhance SOC and DHL among older adults, as these capacities may help to manage anxiety during the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on twenty in-depth interviews conducted with Filipino migrants living and working in mainland China, I aim to shed light at their lived experiences. I primarily focus on the emotions that constitute their essential part, and the ways migrants choose to deal with them. As a result, I argue that migration systems – responsible either for emigration or immigration – by way of specific regulations, their implementation, as well as the culture surrounding mobility, utilise migrants' emotions to manage and control this population. In order to better understand these measures and their consequences, I refer to the concept of 'affective governmentality'. Furthermore, I show how migrants' affective experiences become a source of hierarchies, but at the same time, a basis for the emergence of strong community ties and the establishment of 'emotional community'. I argue that, despite the strict regulations and practices which aim at maintaining people's relationship with the Philippines and discouraging them from settling down in China, migrants are still able to form a sense of rootedness. While experiencing vulnerability and being subjected to exploitation and discrimination, they still remain active agents who use emotions as their own resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: It is still unclear how Asian universities incorporate the theory or practice of sustainable development (SD) in their research and education programmes. To address this gap, the purpose of this paper is to report on a study that has examined how universities in Asian countries handle and address matters related to SD. Design/methodology/approach: The study used a bibliometric analysis and an online survey-method. The online survey data were analysed through descriptive analysis and one-sample student's "t"-test. Findings: The study indicates that there is considerable variation among the Asian countries regarding sustainability practices in higher education institutions (HEIs). The HEIs in far eastern countries, such as Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand are perceived to demonstrate more sustainability practices. Research limitations/implications: Even though a substantial number of participants participated in the survey, it did not cover all Asian countries. The online survey was carried out over a limited period of time, and not all HEIs in the field may have received information about the study. Practical implications: Asia is the largest continent facing a number of sustainability challenges. In this context, the contribution of HEIs is very important. The findings of the current study may serve as a baseline for Asian HEIs to take more initiatives towards SD goals, as HEIs are responsible for the education and training of hundreds of thousands of students who will be occupying key positions in industry, government or education in the coming years. Originality/value: The study contributes to the existing literature in two distinct ways. First, it was possible to develop a comprehensive instrument to measure sustainability practices in HEIs. Second, this study has filled the gap of the scarcity of studies regarding sustainability practices in HEIs in Asia.

This article analyzes how the structural factor of asymmetry affects China's relations with a small power. As the studies of Brantly Womack suggest, asymmetry theory is conducive to deepening the understanding of China's relations with smaller countries. We argue that an examination of China–Philippines relations from 2010 to 2020 indicates that Beijing has trouble managing its ties with Manila because of the asymmetry in the nature of the relations, which originates in the power and status gaps between them. The asymmetrical structure of this bilateral interplay inclines China to underestimate and neglect the Philippines' intentions and determination to resist, which has been made especially clear in the South China Sea disputes. As a result, their relationship experienced repeated ups and downs throughout the 2010s, in particular over the maritime sovereignty issue. This study also hints at the complicated situations surrounding China where many medium-sized and small states attempt to maneuver among great powers. Without affinities with such governments in the Indo-Pacific region, it will be difficult for Beijing to achieve a peaceful rise and acquire status as a next-generation superpower. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Bacterial blight (BB), caused by Xanthomonas oryzae pv. oryzae (Xoo) is one of the most devastating bacterial diseases of rice in temperate and tropical regions. Breeding and deployment of resistant cultivars carrying major resistance (R) genes has been the most effective approach for BB management. However, because of specific interaction of each R gene with the product of the corresponding pathogen avirulence or effector gene, new pathogen strains that can overcome the deployed resistance often emerge rapidly. To deal with ever-evolving Xoo, it is necessary to identify novel R genes and resistance quantitative trait loci (QTL). Results: BB resistance of a diverse panel of 340 accessions from the 3000 Rice Genomes Project (3 K RGP) was evaluated by artificial inoculation with four representative Xoo strains, namely Z173 (C4), GD1358 (C5), V from China and PXO339 (P9a) from Philippines. Using the 3 K RG 4.8mio filtered SNP Dataset, a total of 11 QTL associated with BB resistance on chromosomes 4, 5, 11 and 12 were identified through a genome-wide association study (GWAS). Among them, eight resistance loci, which were narrowed down to relatively small genomic intervals, coincided with previously reported QTL or R genes, e.g. xa5, xa25, xa44(t). The other three QTL were putative novel loci associated with BB resistance. Linear regression analysis showed a dependence of BB lesion length on the number of favorable alleles, suggesting that pyramiding QTL using marker-assisted selection would be an effective approach for improving resistance. In addition, the Hap2 allele of LOC_Os11g46250 underlying qC5–11.1 was validated as positively regulating resistance against strain C5. Conclusions: Our findings provide valuable information for the genetic improvement of BB resistance and application of germplasm resources in rice breeding programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Asia-Pacific region has the highest number of active smokers in the world. Efforts to reduce tobacco use should implement evidence-based measures. The Association of Pacific Rim Universities is a non-profit network of more than 50 universities representing 18 economies. In 2017, it held a virtual global health case competition relating to the use of universities as platforms for tobacco control. This study is a content analysis of tobacco control proposals submitted by 24 teams from 10 economies. Content analysis of the 10-min videos examined (1) general tone and scope of videos; (2) contextual analysis; (3) intervention approaches; (4) theoretical framework; (5) primary versus secondary prevention; (6) individual versus structural approaches. Proposals were not comprehensive; most included some but not all elements recommended by the WHO FCTC. Smoking was often referred to as a 'habit' (instead of an addiction), which likely explains the predominance of individual-level behavior change interventions (smoking cessation) over structural interventions (tobacco ad or sales bans). The most common intervention was the enforcement of current bans on smoking (proposed in 78% of videos), perceived as a major barrier to tobacco control. While most proposals emphasized individual components (e.g. health education and peer support), some also proposed to create more supportive smoke-free environments through billboards, posters and cues to action, such as 'no smoking' reminders and signs with cessation hotline numbers. University faculty, students and campus-wide organizations are well positioned to lead tobacco control efforts. More work is needed to support the establishment of smoke-free campus environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]