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This paper aims to assess whether the Colombian Constitutional Court has had a transformative approach to transitional justice in relation to conflict-related sexual violence. Building upon previous literature on feminist approaches to transitional justice, we carry out a content analysis of all 37 Autos related to conflict-related sexual violence issued by the Colombian Constitutional Court between 2008 and 2016. In doing so, we delve into how the high court identifies perpetrators and survivors of sexual violence, the causes that lead to sexual violence during conflict and displacement, and the measures they propose to eradicate this crime. Overall, while we find that critical decisions are transformative in most of the analysed dimensions, there remains some room for improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Within feminist geography, there is a growing consensus on the need for research to contribute to social change and transformation beyond the academy, and increased emphasis on the co‐production of impact. In this paper I critically reflect and report on how I co‐produced impact with a participatory audio‐visual research project, conducted in collaboration with women in Bogotá and Medellín and researchers and filmmakers based in the UK and Colombia. I focus particularly on co‐producing 'impact‐in‐process', which builds participants' capacities, creates spaces of reciprocal learning and increases participants' confidence and sense of ownership both during and beyond the research process. Yet, while co‐producing impact‐in‐process benefits research participants and has the potential to contribute to social change and transformation, this form of impact is rarely recognised as such. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Colombiana de Educación is the property of Universidad Pedaggica Nacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Colombiana de Educación is the property of Universidad Pedaggica Nacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista FORUM is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents the results of formative research conducted from January to June 2020 in the Department of Atlántico, Caribbean region of Colombia, whose findings were used as inputs to design the national strategy for comprehensive sexuality education (CSE) outside school – Tírala Plena – including its curriculum. This is within the framework of the multi-country project coordinated by UNFPA and WHO aimed at generating evidence on the role of facilitators in the delivery of CSE in non-school contexts. The research was carried out in four municipalities in northern Colombia, in rural and marginal urban contexts with conditions of vulnerability for the adolescent population, including a strong presence of migrant populations from Venezuela. A total of 150 male and female adolescents ages 10–17 participated in the formative research. Workshops such as patchwork quilt, body mapping and talking maps were used as methods to gather information. The groups were divided by sex and age (10–13 years old and 14–17 years old). Knowledge, attitudes and social norms regarding adolescent pregnancy, sexually transmitted infections, including human immunodeficiency virus, and gender-based violence, were identified in adolescents (schooled and not schooled, but with minimal or no access to CSE). All of the above enabled us to establish a set of recommendations for the strengthening of the CSE strategy Tírala plena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses whether the implementation of business and human rights (BHR) frameworks in Colombia properly responds to the challenges posed by informal mining and gender-based violence and discrimination in the context of conflict and peacebuilding. The mining sector has been considered key in Colombia to promote economic growth, but it is also characterized by significant informality. Informal mining in Colombia has been linked to gender-based violence and discrimination. We contend that while informality has been identified as a substantial hurdle to the realization of human rights, BHR frameworks still fall short in addressing this aspect of business. By examining the specific measures Colombia has devised to implement BHR, including two National Action Plans on BHR, we demonstrate the urgency of addressing informal economies in BHR and to continue developing particular insights to properly protect, respect and remedy the human rights wrongs women experience in the context of informal mining. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present study, the relationship between objective and subjective measures of metacognition, personality traits of the Big Five (extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, and openness) and gender were examined. A convenience sample of 352 university students completed the Metacognitive Awareness Inventory, the Adjectives to Evaluate Personality instrument, and completed 3 domain-specific tests (vocabulary, probabilities, paper folding) along with confidence in performance judgments for each item on these tests. Through a combination of descriptive statistics, zero-order bivariate correlations, simultaneous multiple regression, and a multivariate analysis of covariance, findings indicate that objective and subjective measures of metacognition are weakly related and that subjective measures of metacognition were more strongly related to personality traits. Conscientiousness and openness were the only personality traits that positively predicted metacognition. Gender affected both subjective and objective measures of metacognition, even after controlling for university type (private, public) and perceptions of academic performance (high, low) such that males were more accurate and less biased in their monitoring than females only in mathematical reasoning and they reported higher awareness of their knowledge and regulation of cognition than their female counterparts. Findings support the need to better understand how personality traits and gender affect self-regulated learning skills like metacognition to improve educational practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The civil conflict in Colombia has gained attention in part for the inclusion of women in rebel forces and peace negotiations between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Scholarship has often explained the FARC's decision to mobilize women as both an ideological and tactical move, designed to increase the ranks of the organization and signal commitment to leftist principles. In this paper, I argue that the incorporation of women into Colombia's civil war is better understood by viewing the country's various leftist armed movements (including the ELN, EPL, and M-19) through a comparative framework. By applying the theoretical concept of outbidding, I argue that the mobilization and expansion of women's roles in Colombian armed groups was in fact an intersubjective process, driven by competition among leftist movements existing in a crowded marketplace. In contrast to alternative explanations that focus on mobilization as an elite-driven process, I argue that the outbidding dynamic exposes agency among women recruited to these groups and demonstrates the potential for women to create strategic openings in times of conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a violation of human rights and must be addressed as such. This paper examines whether donor practices align with a rights-based approach, using data from our comprehensive study of foreign funding flows related to GBV in Colombia, Kenya, and Uganda from 2010 to 2020. By analyzing data from 1,180 grants--and providing parallel analyses of the state of GBV, and GBV reporting and interventions in each country--we demonstrate donors' role in shaping GBV outcomes and their consequent duty to address policies and practices that violate rights. Accordingly, we propose changes in donor practices to promote realization of the right to freedom from violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Profile: Issues in Teachers' Professional Development is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A growing body of scholarship connects the participation of women and the inclusion of gender provisions to the sustainability of peace settlements. But how do women's groups navigate gender power structures and gendered forms of violence within complex and fragile political bargaining processes aimed at ending large-scale conflict? The 2016 Colombian peace agreement, internationally applauded for its inclusion of strong gender provisions and women's participation as negotiators and peace advocates, is a significant case for examining these questions. Drawing on original case material, including interviews of key actors on different sides of the conflict – this article analyses the political bargaining dynamics within and among women's movements, the Santos government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, FARC). We argue that the inclusion of women was pivotal in transforming the elite bargaining process and power structures of Colombian society enabling a gender-based approach to the substantive peace agenda addressing transitional gender justice for sexual violence survivors and gender-equal redistribution through land and rural reform programmes. The study suggests that deeply situated political bargaining analysis is essential to navigating gender in elite bargains rather than a one-size-fits-all approach to inclusive peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Forcibly displaced adolescents face increased risks for mental illness and distress, with adolescent girls disproportionately affected in part due to heightened gender inequity. Although the family unit has the potential to promote healthy development in adolescents, few family interventions have employed a gender transformative approach or included male siblings to maximize benefits for adolescent girls. Methods: This study will assess a whole-family and gender transformative intervention-Sibling Support for Adolescent Girls in Emergencies (SSAGE)-to prevent mental health disorders among adolescent girls in Colombia who were recently and forcibly displaced from Venezuela. The study will employ a hybrid type 1 effectiveness-implementation pilot randomized control trial (RCT) to test the program's effectiveness to explore determinants of implementation to establish the feasibility, acceptability, and fidelity of SSAGE. To address these aims, we will enroll 180 recently arrived, forcibly displaced adolescent girls in an RCT and examine the program's effectiveness in the prevention of mental illness (through reduction in anxiety, depression, interpersonal sensitivity, and somatization symptoms) one-month post-intervention. We will use contextually adapted to collect data on the hypothesized mechanistic pathways, including family attachment, gender-equitable family functioning, self-esteem, and coping strategies. The implementation evaluation will employ mixed methods to assess the program's feasibility, acceptability, fidelity, and barriers and facilitators to successful implementation. Discussion: Findings can support humanitarian program implementation, as well as inform policy to support adolescent girls' mental health and to prevent the myriad disorders that can arise as a result of exposure to displacement, conflict, and inequitable gender norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Formación Universitaria is the property of Centro de Informacion Tecnologica (CIT) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years the literature on mobility of care has rapidly expanded, and the concept offers a powerful lens to highlight how everyday mobilities are organised, undertaken, and experienced in gendered ways. The concept can nonetheless benefit from further theoretical development. In this paper we enrich the mobility of care concept by drawing on influential conceptualisations of care from feminist theory and analysis of data collected during the COVID-19 lockdown among a group of 40 low-income women living in peri-urban areas of Itagüí, a municipality in the south of the Medellín metropolitan area, Colombia. Through this approach we first argue that relying on a taxonomy of trip purposes limits the understanding of the role of care in urban mobilities and risks underestimating the prevalence of mobility of care. Second, we suggest that activities of self-care also generate mobility of care and that their consideration allows practices and experiences of receiving care to be considered. Finally, we show how care activities are part of, and generate, intertwined mobilities and immobilities, and argue that rendering visible the full extent of mobilities of care demands that careful consideration be given to immobilities as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista FACE is the property of Universidad de Pamplona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1995, Colombia signed the first legally binding international treaty that criminalizes all forms of violence against women. Subsequently, the government took several steps to improve laws and policies, but the progress was slow. This study uses a differences-in-differences approach and Demographic and Health Survey data to estimate the impact of a renewed effort to reduce intimate partner violence (IPV), based on recommendations by the UN. To identify the effect of the national policies, it uses the fact that while the central government passes laws and formulates policies, it partly relies on departments (provinces) to implement them. Of Colombia's 32 departments and Bogota D.C., approximately a quarter had some type of gender policy in place by 2011. The main finding is that self-reported intimate partner violence decreased from 20% to 16% between 2010 and 2015 in departments that had implemented IPV policies, while it remained at 19% in the others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Academic perspectives on women in conflict have been consistently moving away from the reductionist narrative of victimhood or deviation from gender norms. Yet, this narrative is still predominant in humanitarian discourses, while it is assumed that women's participation in peacebuilding derives from their natural proclivities. These narratives, we argue, reinforce the gendered patriarchal post-conflict order as ex-combatant women are pushed into traditional roles through reintegration processes without addressing gendered structural and systemic violence. This article is based on the Colombian case, where a peace agreement in 2016 marked the official end to decades of conflict between FARC-EP rebels and the government. While deep changes were promised, the reality for women ex-combatants has been – despite unprecedented levels of women's participation – a reordering into traditional roles and a reinforcement of conjugal order rather than a transformative progression towards peacetime emancipation. We argue that, while the government claimed that the economic and political systems were non-negotiable red-lines, there was also another unspoken red-line: that of gender roles. This article argues that addressing the gendered structural roots of conflicts in order to build sustainable peace requires a decisive participation of women, including former rebel combatants whose potential contribution to transformative peacebuilding are often ignored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study considers the role that public service announcements (PSAs) play in addressing violence against women (VAW) in Latin America. Using content analysis, the study examines 407 PSAs about VAW from 20 Latin American countries. The results show that 62.3% of the PSAs encourage bystanders to denounce violence while portraying women as victims in 48.8% of the PSAs. However, 71.7% of PSAs did not include a helpline or how to report the crime, only 11.8% of the PSAs have non-narrative, or factual information, about VAW, and just 6.4% engage in compelling narrative messaging or storytelling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Colombian peace process was internationally celebrated for its unprecedented focus on women's experiences of war, but the everyday violence women that may face in their homes was not acknowledged. This article explores the links between exposure to local armed conflict violence and individual women's experiences of intimate partner violence. I combine pooled nationally representative data on individual women's experiences of intimate partner violence with information about the intensity of conflict during 2004–16. Results of fixed-effects linear probability models show that conflict was generally linked to a slightly elevated risk of women experiencing emotional, physical, and sexual violence perpetrated by their partner. Among women who had experienced intimate partner violence, conflict was related to an increased probability of being partnered at interview, which could reflect women staying in abusive relationships because conflict normalizes violence or increases women's reluctance to leave those relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objectives of this research were: (1) to examine the influence of environmental awareness (EA), sustainable consumption (SC) and social responsibility (SR) on the environmentally responsible purchase intention (ERPI) of consumers in the member countries of the Pacific Alliance, namely, Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru; and (2) to analyze whether there is a moderating effect related to the country of residence and gender of the consumer. The study was conducted under a quantitative and cross-sectional approach. The sample consisted of 1646 consumers: 24.4% from Peru (n = 402), 25.4% from Mexico (n = 418), 26.1% from Colombia (n = 401) and 24.1% from Chile (n = 397). Data analysis and hypothesis testing were performed using a multigroup Structural Equation Model (SEM). The results show a positive influence among environmental awareness (EA), sustainable consumption (SC) and social responsibility (SR) on environmentally responsible purchase intention (ERPI). Gender and country of residence were also shown to be moderating variables in these relationships. In conclusion, it can be affirmed that the participants of this study recognize the importance of acquiring environmentally friendly products. Among them, the female population is more aware of this issue. It is recommended new business models be created to provide products and services oriented to this market according to consumers' tastes, desires and purchasing preferences; the proposals they have should be friendly to the environment and to society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Gerencia y Políticas de Salud is the property of Pontificia Universidad Javeriana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Colombiana de Psicologia is the property of Universidad Catolica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Women have been the major victims of the Colombian armed conflict for more than 50 years. Nowadays, when the country faces an aftermath focused on reconciliation, understanding women's experiences during the conflict is key to providing them tools for social justice and effective fulfilling of their needs. This qualitative synthesis of literature includes publications in Spanish and English of electronic databases over the past 20 years regarding rural women and the Colombian armed conflict. Studies were included for review if they were published between 2000 and 2019, were qualitative peer-reviewed articles, and addressed directly or indirectly the pregnancy process as well as the women's sexual and reproductive health in rural Colombia. Seven of 169 articles initially identified were included for an inductive analysis of categories and themes. After the analysis process, three main themes emerged from the literature: (a) crumbling families, (b) being a woman: the challenges between being a peacemaker and a victim, and (c) protecting and caring of life. These three themes comprise 10 categories and 20 subcategories that provide support to the inductive qualitative synthesis. This review provides a comprehensive synthesis of the Colombian armed conflict focused on the victimization of women. It concludes with reflections about the Colombian women's role in transitioning toward peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In 2016, a Peace Agreement, explicitly addressing the right to food, was signed, marking the end of more than 50 years of armed conflict and the longest war in the Americas. The expectation was that the years to follow would be marked by rapid social and political change, with the potential to improve food security. Objectives: (i) Ascertain changes in the prevalence of food insecurity in Colombia between 2016 and 2019; (ii) examine which population subgroups (eg, urban women, rural women, urban men, and rural men) were most vulnerable; and (iii) determine significant individual-level factors predicting food insecurity in these 2 years. Methods: This study used the Gallup World Poll 2016 and 2019 nationally representative samples of Colombian adults aged 15 and older for the analyses (n ≈ 1000 per year). Food insecurity was measured using the Food Insecurity Experience Scale. Descriptive statistics and logistic regression analyses were conducted using IBM SPSS Complex Samples (version 26). Results: Food insecurity in Colombia increased by 7 percentage points between 2016 and 2019 (from 33% to 40%); women living in rural areas in 2019 reported the highest prevalence (50%). Results from logistic analysis confirm low income, unemployment, and lack of social support were significant predictors of food insecurity in both years. In 2019, gender, low education, and lack of autonomy were also significant predictors. Further research on the determinants of food insecurity is necessary to inform Colombian policies and programs that address food insecurity. The urgency to act is more apparent than ever, given the country's worsening food security profile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most low- and middle-income countries have implemented mass education reforms in the last few decades. Demographers and policymakers have posited that mass schooling would enhance women's autonomy and, there fore, accelerate pop u lation trans for ma tions in the Global South. However, gains in women's school ing may have unex pected impli ca tions for female autonomy in contexts where hypergamy norms--the ideal that men should marry down and women should marry up in education and other markers of status--are still dominant. This study addresses difficulties in evaluating the causal impact of additional education on women's autonomy by leveraging the timing of compulsory schooling reforms in three Latin American countries: Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru. Using Demographic and Health Surveys, I implement an instrumental variable design using random exposure to compulsory schooling laws as an instrument for years of education. Results show that for women who entered the school system as a result of compulsory reforms, further schooling decreased their level of autonomy in all countries--especially among women from rural Bolivia and Peru. Additional analyses suggest these results are explained by changes in the selection into schooling and the formation of unions defying hypergamy norms.Together, these findings highlight the importance of examining there turns tomass schooling considering population heterogeneity and the contextual meaning of women's education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While social and political movements are the scale of action most often identified with food sovereignty-related struggles, everyday provisioning practices are critical for sustaining the distinctiveness and relative autonomy of localised food systems. We examine gendered provisioning in a Colombian, Afro-descendent community as a case study of how food sovereignty is enacted in daily life. Women's everyday food provisioning practices nourish households, sustain socio-cultural and ecological relationships, and maintain greater self-sufficiency within market economy integration processes. Deeper analysis of gendered provisioning highlights complexities, power relationships and challenges within localised food systems and refines understandings of gender dimensions of food sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nowadays sexual violence among adolescents continues to be detected in schools. In this sense, several studies show the great importance of the interactions of boys and girls with people in their educational environment to configure their emotional and sexual identity, their beliefs about violence, and their relationship with sexual violence, being necessary to identify the actions that prevent sexual violence at schools. In the current article, and according to the literature review, a model based on structural equations is proposed to analyze the influence of students' relationships with one another, with the educational community (at the center, with faculty, staff, other workers), and families' relationships with the center as well as adolescents' own beliefs related to gender violence on being a victim, bystander, or aggressor of behaviors related to sexual violence in a sample of 4,273 Spanish students in secondary education. This model is replicated for only women (n = 2,022) and only men (n = 2,038). The results show that positive relationships are a protective factor against involvement in situations of sexual aggression, and they influence the acquisition of transformative beliefs regarding models of attraction and nonviolence. In turn, these beliefs even more obviously affect the prevention of this type of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite recognizing that climate change and its impacts are not gender-neutral, only few studies address the arising complexities. While in some climate-relevant sectors, such as the transport sector, there already is some initial research on the relationship between climate and gender, research on the climate–gender nexus in the coal sector is still underdeveloped, and the few existing studies focus on dichotomous relations (gender–coal and coal–climate). This article discusses the currently neglected climate, coal, and gender triad and develops a conceptualization along the following aspects: (i) common lines of arguments, (ii) shortcomings in predominant arguments, and (iii) the state-of-the-art regarding the climate–gender–coal triad. To illustrate this outline, it uses the empirical case of the Colombian coal sector. Based on original data obtained via semi-structured interviews, it analyzes how imminent national-level climate policies for the coal sector, i.e., an energy transition, can be made gender-responsive and thus contribute to a just transition. The empirical example shows that women are already important change agents at the local level and in informal decision-making spaces. Although more research is needed to obtain further insights and evidence, this article contributes to the findings of more recent research which allow for the assumption that addressing climate and gender simultaneously may be mutually beneficial for both policy objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines organized opposition to feminist and LGBTI political projects in Colombia. Although there is a large body of literature on feminist movements and a growing literature on LGBTI movements, there is little research on resistance to them. Through an intersectional feminist lens, this study analyzes the "anti-gender" campaign organized against the gender perspective in Colombia's 2016 peace agreement to demonstrate the limitations of backlash theory and certain normative understandings of human rights. In contrast to assumptions that backlash is predetermined, the study demonstrates that the anti-gender mobilization against the peace agreement was circumstantial rather than inevitable. To highlight the productive nature of backlash, it traces how opponents employed human rights rhetoric to establish an alternative present and promote an imagined future rooted in exclusion and repression. In addition, it shows that mobilized backlash against feminist and LGBTI movements does not necessarily decelerate or reverse the respective movements' agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]