Search

In their papers, Sally Bjorklund and Hillary Grill investigate the negative impact of the reversal of Roe v.Wade on women's ability to choose when and how to manage their bodies and minds. Bjorklund offers an historical perspective, while Grill presents personal and clinical material to illustrate how misogyny and male dominance are reinforced through the intersection of externally imposed laws, socially transmitted beliefs, and the perpetuation of such beliefs through models of mind that implicitly devalue women—models such as psychoanalysis. Iinvite psychoanalysts to continue to interrogate misogyny while also asking how our clinical work might challenge and change psychoanalytic theorizing about female development, theorizing that continues to pathologize women and valorize male dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The papers of Beck and Snider (this issue) grapple with the place of abortion in our psychoanalytic thought and practice, locating abortion within the larger cultural and political world. At the heart of much of the difficulty surrounding a thoughtful consideration of abortion is the accompanying dissociative pressure arising from the binaries of life and death, of maternal versus fetal well-being, and the confounding of socio-cultural and personal decision making. I offer an intergenerational lens juxtaposing the polarized present with the open and accessible abortion landscape of the late 1970s. In both eras, examples are discussed where the political and cultural zeitgeist exerts dissociative pressure on patient and therapist alike, leaving little room for psychoanalytic exploration. The role of both partners in any conception is also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: To evaluate the risk of miscarriage in IVF cycles in women with PCOS. Methods: Systematic review and meta-analysis. Systematic search of MEDLINE, EMBASE and Google Scholar. The language search was restricted to English, Spanish and French, from 2000 to 2019, with crosschecking of references from relevant articles. Inclusion criteria were: (1) IVF cycles (2) a group of patients with PCOS was considered separately, (3) the miscarriage rate was reported, (4) there was a control group, (5) definition of PCOS according the Rotterdam criteria. Exclusion criteria were been excluded from the meta-analysis: (1) publication prior to the year 2000, (2) animal studies, (3) reviews, (4) abstracts or conference papers, (5) letters, (6) case reports, (7) studies comparing different IVF techniques, (8) studies comparing groups with and without metformin or other treatments, (9) studies on induced abortions. Risk of bias was assessed by the Newcastle–Ottawa score (NOS). All the included studies had a low risk of bias (NOS scores ranging 7–8). The review protocol was registered in PROSPERO (CRD42020186713). Seventeen studies were included in the meta-analysis. There was a total of 10,472 pregnancies (2650 in PCOS and 7822 in controls) of which 1885 were miscarriages (682 in PCOS and 1203 in controls). We considered the miscarriage rate (MR), preclinical MR, early MR, and late MR. Results: In IVF pregnancies the risk of miscarriage was significantly increased when considering miscarriages in total (RR = 1.59; CI = 1.45–1.75), preclinical miscarriages (RR = 1.59; CI = 1.35–1.88), and early miscarriages (RR = 1.44; CI = 1.16–1.79). The increased miscarriage rate persisted in Chinese and Western populations when considered separately. The risk of miscarriage was increased in the subgroup of fresh transfers (RR = 1.21; CI = 1.06–1.39) as well as in the subgroup including either fresh or frozen transfers (RR = 1.95; CI = 1.72–2.22). Conclusion: PCOS is linked to an increased MR in IVF pregnancies both of miscarriages in total, and to an increase in preclinical and early miscarriages. Prospero number: CRD42020186713. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A call for papers for the special issue of the journal on topics like theologies of choice, abortion and morality, and secular law is presented.

This article is a response to a letter regarding a case report titled "Maternal strangulated diaphragmatic hernia with gangrene of the entire stomach during Pregnancy: A Case Report and Review of the Recent Literature." The author addresses comments made about the paper, clarifying that it focused on a specific type of hernia and provided a comprehensive review of reported cases. The author also defends the references used in the paper and provides insights from colleagues in radiology and surgery. The article emphasizes the importance of early diagnosis and treatment for favorable outcomes in cases of maternal hernia during pregnancy. The author concludes by discussing the limitations of research on rare tumors and suggesting improvements for treatment guidelines. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Persona y Derecho is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: A maternal mortality ratio is a sensitive indicator when comparing the overall maternal health between countries and its very high figure indicates the failure of maternal healthcare efforts. Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam-CLMV countries are the low-income countries of the South-East Asia region where their maternal mortality ratios are disproportionately high. This systematic review aimed to summarize all possible factors influencing maternal mortality in CLMV countries. Methods: This systematic review applied "The Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) Checklist (2020)", Three key phrases: "Maternal Mortality and Health Outcome", "Maternal Healthcare Interventions" and "CLMV Countries" were used for the literature search. 75 full-text papers were systematically selected from three databases (PubMed, Google Scholar and Hinari). Two stages of data analysis were descriptive analysis of the general information of the included papers and qualitative analysis of key findings. Results: Poor family income, illiteracy, low education levels, living in poor households, and agricultural and unskilled manual job types of mothers contributed to insufficient antenatal care. Maternal factors like non-marital status and sex-associated work were highly associated with induced abortions while being rural women, ethnic minorities, poor maternal knowledge and attitudes, certain social and cultural beliefs and husbands' influences directly contributed to the limitations of maternal healthcare services. Maternal factors that made more contributions to poor maternal healthcare outcomes included lower quintiles of wealth index, maternal smoking and drinking behaviours, early and elderly age at marriage, over 35 years pregnancies, unfavourable birth history, gender-based violence experiences, multigravida and higher parity. Higher unmet needs and lower demands for maternal healthcare services occurred among women living far from healthcare facilities. Regarding the maternal healthcare workforce, the quality and number of healthcare providers, the development of healthcare infrastructures and human resource management policy appeared to be arguable. Concerning maternal healthcare service use, the provisions of mobile and outreach maternal healthcare services were inconvenient and limited. Conclusion: Low utilization rates were due to several supply-side constraints. The results will advance knowledge about maternal healthcare and mortality and provide a valuable summary to policymakers for developing policies and strategies promoting high-quality maternal healthcare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Teenage pregnancy is a concerning public health problem in India. Misperception and misunderstanding about pregnancy and its preventive methods lead to pregnancy when adolescents are involved in unsafe sexual intercourse. This scoping review aims to discuss the evidence on the perception, practices, and understanding related to teenage pregnancy among adolescent girls in the Indian context. Method: The Arksey and O'Malley scoping review framework and Joanna Briggs Institute Reviewers' Manual were used for the scoping review. The Population, Concept, and Context strategy (PCC) ensured the review questions, eligibility criteria, and search strategy. The Systematic Review and Meta-analysis: Extension for Scoping Review (PRISMA-ScR) was used. A literature search was done using electronic databases by specific keywords such as "teenage", "adolescences", "pregnancy", "perception", "knowledge", "awareness", etc. Relevant grey literature was identified through further searching. The review included studies that fulfil inclusion criteria having female adolescent groups aged from 10 to 19 years in the Indian context between the years 2000 and 2021. Result: We found 40 eligible studies; more than half of these were from southern (35%) and northern (27.5%) regions, and studies from the rest of India were very sporadically distributed. Most studies (72.5%) were published in the last 10 years. The relevant extracted data from individual studies were synthesized and presented in the two major sections, perception, practices, and the second one, understanding and experiences among teenage girls. The understanding of pregnancy and teenage pregnancy-related preventive methods was detailed analysis in about 72% of papers whereas other aspects, such as perception (22.5%), practices (25%), and experiences (7.5%) were discussed in the remaining papers related to pregnancy among adolescent girls. Conclusion: Evidence in the selected studies shows that understanding and practices are the major areas that were primarily explored, where perception, practices and experiences are the topics that are relatively less investigated. Literature synthesis derives misconception, lack of understanding, and practices without knowing the consequences are the key factors responsible for early pregnancies. Future interventions like increasing awareness, providing comprehensive reproductive knowledge, convenient health care aids, and proper counselling are adequate measures for minimalising the problem. The present analysis showed that studies are limited in their scope concerning various aspects of teenage pregnancy in India, so this scoping review gives essential perspectives on future research and implementation plans and policies in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an era of accelerating biomedical innovations, partial ectogenesis looms as a double-edged sword for female bodily autonomy and reproductive rights. Rather than simplifying or 'solving' abortion access and the ethical issues inherent to that right, this technology wields the alarming potential to curtail women's right to safe and legal abortions. This article investigates the potential of partial ectogenesis as a 'solution' to the abortion debate, focusing on two significant hypotheses. Foremost, the paper scrutinizes the dilemma of ectogenesis abortion; specifically, instances where a woman intending to terminate her pregnancy is obliged to undergo foetal transfer surgery. This scrutiny engages with Räsänen's concept of the right to the death of a foetus, yet ultimately concludes that this supposed right is unconvincing. Despite there being no such right, this paper argues that the prospect of partial ectogenesis is incapable of resolving the core issues of the abortion debate, not least because of the inherent conflict between a woman's right to her own body and the proposed technology or rather, compulsion of such surgeries. Instead, this article posits that a more significant ethical and logical concern lies in misconceptions surrounding the term 'foetus' and how such misconceptions impact considerations of autonomy. Thereafter, this paper examines the potential for partial ectogenesis to alter the legal viability threshold set by the Abortion Act 1967-in particular, this paper explores the impact a shift in the viability threshold would have on female bodily autonomy. In the aim of resolving these concerns, this article concludes by advocating for the decriminalisation of abortion to safeguard female bodily autonomy against constraints on abortion access were the viability threshold legally revised. By addressing these crucial topics, this article aims to provide a nuanced analysis of the dialogue surrounding reproductive rights, bodily autonomy, and the complex interplay between emerging biotechnologies, medical ethics and legislative frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Sozialreform is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ireland's 2018 referendum on the Eighth Amendment, in which a majority of the Irish electorate voted to repeal the state's quasi-total ban on abortion, saw important public discussions regarding Irish national identity in the twenty-first century. From a linguistic perspective, this begs the question of what role language played in the construction of national identity during the referendum campaign. This paper will examine Irish English features in the referendum campaign's linguistic landscape and the extent to which they were used to index national identity. While there has been a significant amount of research on language ideologies connected to Irish, there has been little attention paid to Irish English and its relationship with national identity in the linguistic landscape literature. Drawing on a dataset of 1680 LL items collected from the 2018 referendum campaign (including campaign posters, placards, banners and stickers), this paper examines signs containing distinctive Irish English features, employing a qualitative, multimodal approach to the indexing of national identity. Specifically, it asks whether and under what conditions it is possible to claim that the use of Irish English features can be taken to index national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the four manuscripts for this special issue of CS/CM. The order of the articles is the same as the introduction: Planned Parenthood Before and After Roe: Historical Lessons for the Current Fight, Relocating Reproductive Justice in Donor Sperm and Egg Capitalism, Let's Make the Womb Safe Again, and Everyday Practices, Unaffordable Rights, Radical Liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this article, I will present a personal journey of making sense of the experience of sibling abortion under China's Once-child Policy and transgenerational trauma related to China's Cultural Revolution in a group analysis training group. The first part of this paper will reflect on and analyse how groups helped me to claim the identity as a mourner, allowed both the presence and absence of my unborn brother to become real, and offered me reparative family relationships when I dealt with my grief. Drawing on the concept of large-group identity and transgenerational transmission, the second part of this paper will explore how experiences in groups enabled me to discover and understand the transgenerational transmission of trauma related to the Cultural Revolution in my family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Despite the increased availability of safe abortion methods in sub-Saharan Africa, women and girls continue to use unsafe abortion methods and procedures to terminate their unwanted pregnancies, resulting in severe complications, lifelong disabilities, and death. Barriers to safe abortion methods include restrictive laws, low awareness of safe abortion methods, poverty, and sociocultural and health system barriers. Nonetheless, there is a paucity of data on the decision-making around and use of abortion methods. This paper aims to provide answers to the following questions: Which abortion methods do women and girls use and why? Who and what influences their decisions? What can we learn from their decision-making process to enhance the uptake of safe abortion methods? We focus our in-depth analysis on the rationale behind the choice of abortion methods used by women and girls in Kilifi County in Kenya and Atlantique Department in Benin. Methods: We draw on data collected as part of an ethnographic study conducted between January and August 2021 on lived experiences, social determinants, and pathways to abortion. Data were collected using repeated in-depth interviews with 95 girls and women who had a recent abortion experience. Data from the interviews were supplemented using information from key informant interviews, focus group discussions, and participant observation. Data analysis was conducted through an inductive process. Results: Our findings reveal that women and girls use various methods to procure abortions, including herbs, high doses of pharmaceutical drugs, homemade concoctions, medical abortion drugs, and surgical abortion methods. Procedures may involve singular or multiple attempts, and sometimes, mixing several methods to achieve the goal of pregnancy termination. The use of various abortion methods is mainly driven by the pursuit of social safety (preservation of secrecy and social relationships, avoidance of shame and stigmatization) instead of medical safety (which implies technical safety and quality). Conclusion: Our findings reaffirm the need for comprehensive access to, and availability of, abortion-related information and services, especially safe abortion and post-abortion care services that emphasize both medical and social safety. Plain Language Summary: Despite the availability of safe abortion methods in sub-Saharan Africa, women and girls in the region continue to resort to unsafe methods, leading to severe complications, disabilities, and maternal death. This can be attributed to restrictive abortion laws, lack of awareness on safe abortion methods, poverty, and sociocultural and health system barriers. This paper uses data from a larger ethnographic study in Kilifi County, Kenya, and Atlantique Department, Benin, to understand which methods women and girls use, and why, to help improve the use of safe abortion methods. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with 95 girls and women who had recently undergone an abortion, as well as key informant interviews, focus group discussions, and participant observation. The findings reveal that women and girls use various methods to terminate their pregnancies, including herbs, high doses of pharmaceutical drugs, homemade concoctions, medical abortion drugs, and surgical methods. They often use these methods once, multiple times, or in combination to achieve their goal. The main reason for their choice of methods is not medical safety but social safety, including preserving social relationships and avoiding shame and stigma. We conclude that there is a pressing need for greater access to accurate, well-framed information about safe abortion methods. Abortion services should consider not only medical safety but also discretion to mitigate the social implications of having an abortion in a medical facility. By addressing these factors, it is possible to enhance the use of safe abortion methods and reduce the reliance on unsafe practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Given Iran's recent shift towards pronatalist population policies, concerns have arisen regarding the potential increase in abortion rates. This review study examines the trends of (medical), intentional (illegal), and spontaneous abortions in Iran over the past two decades, as well as the factors that have contributed to these trends. Methods: This paper reviewed research articles published between 2005 and 2022 on abortion in Iran. The study employed the PRISMA checklist for systematic reviews. Articles were searched from international (Google Scholar, PubMed, Science Direct, and Web of Science) and national databases (Magiran, Medlib, SID). Once the eligibility criteria were applied, 42 records were included from the initial 349 records. Results: Abortion is influenced by a variety of socioeconomic and cultural factors and the availability of family planning services. Factors that contribute to unintended pregnancy include attitudes toward abortion, knowledge about reproductive health, access to reproductive health services, and fertility desires, among others. In addition to health and medical factors, consanguineous marriage plays an important role in spontaneous and therapeutic abortion. A higher number of illegal abortions were reported by women from more privileged socioeconomic classes. In comparison, a higher number of medical and spontaneous abortions were reported by women from less privileged socioeconomic classes. Conclusion: Iranian policymakers are concerned about the declining fertility rate and have turned to pronatalist policies. From a demographic standpoint, this seems to be a reasonable approach. However, the new population policies, particularly, the Family Protection and Young Population Law, along with creating limitations in access to reproductive health services and prenatal screening tests as well as stricter abortion law could potentially lead to an increase in various types of abortions and their associated consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Medication abortion has been established globally as safe and effective. This modality has increased accessibility and the opportunity to centre individual autonomy at the heart of abortion care, by facilitating self-managed abortion. Previous research has shown how self-managed abortion is beneficial in myriad settings ranging from problematic to (relatively) unproblematic contexts of access. In this paper we explore the relationship between self-management and sources of support (including health professionals, family, and friends); as well as considering issues of reproductive control and autonomy. Drawing on qualitative, experience-centred interviews, we utilise the concept of social connectedness to examine how supported self-managed abortion was experienced in the United Kingdom during the COVID-19 pandemic. Overall, self-management was welcomed, with participants speaking positively about managing their own abortion at home. However, a sense of connectedness was crucial in helping participants deal with difficult experiences; and functioned to support individual autonomy in self-care. This paper is the first to examine factors of connection, support, and isolation, as experienced by those undergoing self-managed abortion in the UK in detail. Our research suggests a continued need to advocate for high quality support for self-managed abortion, as well as for choice of abortion method, to support patient-centered care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: There are few reliable Iranian‑induced abortion data. The aim of this paper was to investigate the prevalence and socioeconomic characteristics of women and men who report having had or been a partner in an abortion. Materials and Methods: A cross‑sectional survey of women and men aged 15–49 years referred to the health center that randomly selected from 110 health center that was used. Results: Data from 1520 women and men surveys were analyzed. One in 10 women and one in 12 men had experienced or been a partner in an abortion. In adjusted analyses, women and men in the 34–49 age group [adjusted odds ratio (AOR) 0.62, 95% (CI) 0.41, 0.96], the importance of religion in fertility (AOR = 0.42; 95% CI 0.26, 0.67), dissatisfied general health (AOR = 0.52; 95% CI 0.32, 0.87), and history of unwanted pregnancy for twice (AOR = 2.32; 95% CI 1.43, 3.77) and history of unwanted pregnancy for three‑time or more (AOR = 2.69; 95% CI 1.59, 5.49) were associated with significantly increased odds of abortion. Haven’t heard of medication abortion, that is, abortion with tablets (AOR = 0.43; 95% CI 0.29, 0.67) was associated with significantly reduced odds of abortion. Conclusions: The findings contribute to scarce information about abortion in Iranian. Due to the high prevalence of abortion and the country’s population growth policy, Iranian women need a full range of sexual and reproductive health services, including contraceptive counseling and accessible abortion care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ius Canonicum is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Don Marquis' future‐like‐ours account is regarded as the best secular anti‐abortion position because he frames abortion as a wrongful killing via deprivation of a valuable future. Marquis objects to the reductio ad absurdum of contraception as being immoral because it is too difficult to identify an individual that is deprived of a future. To demonstrate why Marquis' treatment of the contraception reductio is flawed by his own future‐like‐ours line of reasoning, I offer an argument for why there is indeed a candidate for harm—the ovum—for it can be viewed as providing the functional foundation for a new life through (1) mitochondrial DNA inheritance, (2) paternal histone restructuring during fertilization, and (3) ability to initiate parthenogenesis. As evidenced by these distinct and natural features of ova, candidate (2) "some ovum or other" should be morally prioritized as the direct candidate for harm in the contraception reductio. By assessing the philosophical inconsistencies in Marquis' future‐like‐ours argument, this paper provides strong metaphysical grounds for rejecting the best secular anti‐abortion position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the legal framework concerning the conscientious objection rights of employees in Ireland and critically considers how the various sources within that legal framework may overlap and intersect. It specifically considers the uncertainties created by section 22 of the Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Act 2018 and its interaction with the Constitution of Ireland, the common law, other statutory regimes in employment law, EU law and the European Convention on Human Rights. In conducting this analysis, the paper attempts to map out likely future directions of travel within the law of conscientious objection in the context of termination of pregnancy in Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Termination of pregnancies by itself is an extremely sensitive issue and is even characterized as an offence within Sections 312-316 of the Indian Penal Code. However, legally sanctioned exceptions have been created in the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1971 (hereinafter referred to as the "MTP Act"). Whenever congenital malformations are detected in a foetus, the relaxation of the upper statutory limit set by the MTP Act becomes the subject of intense debate. When the permissible statutory period elapses, writ petitions to judicial forums may become the last refuge of couples who wish to terminate pregnancy. Many experts question the legal legitimacy of such a relaxation since the time limit set by the statute is unambiguously precise with no scope for exceptions save for a few statutory conditions. However, the authors argue that there are certain eventualities in cases like these, which can form a class by itself and which the MTP Act doesn't take into account. The authors shall proffer new medico-legal arguments using broader constitutional values and suggest changes in the MTP Act to keep it in consonance with newer conceptions of 'mental health' and 'reproductive autonomy'. It is stated at the outset that the purpose of this article is to further enrich the medical jurisprudence on pre-natal technologies by using principles of laws discussed in Courtroom decisions. The paper shall provide a critique of the legal insights and Court precedents which have shaped discussions on the legal challenges faced in pregnancy cases where the presence of foetal anomalies forces the parents to make difficult choices regarding the continuation of their pregnancies. It is maintained that the domain of this paper shall be limited to legal principles and decisions pertaining to the Indian jurisdiction. The technical and biological variables behind the causation of genetic disorders shall be beyond the scope of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: One of the main factors contributing to maternal morbidity and mortality is induced abortion. The WHO estimates that over 44 million induced abortions take place annually around the world. The majority of these abortions—about 50%—are unsafe, significantly increasing maternal morbidity and contributing to 13% of maternal deaths. Thus, this review aimed to estimate the pooled prevalence of induced abortion and its associated factors in Africa. Methods: To find literature on the prevalence of induced abortion and its associated factors, a thorough search of the internet databases such as PubMed/MEDLINE, African Journals Online, and Google Scholar was conducted. The data were extracted using a structured method of data collection. Software called STATA 14 was used to do the analysis. funnel plot and Egger regression test were used to evaluate potential publication bias. I2 statistics and Cochrane's Q were used to measure the heterogeneity at a p-value < 0.05. Results: 976 studies were found through a thorough search of electronic databases. Finally, 46 full-text abstract papers were included in this study. The estimated pooled prevalence of induced abortion was 16% (95% CI: 13%-19%). According to the sub-group analysis, most studies were conducted in Ethiopia, and the pooled prevalence was 19% (95% CI: 10%–30%). Similarly, the subgroup analysis by year of study showed that the prevalence of induced abortion was 39% (95% CI: 17%–64%) among studies conducted in 2019. Conclusion: The results of this study thus imply that the pooled prevalence of induced abortion is higher than that of earlier studies that were published in some nations. the data from this study are needed to support reproductive and adolescent health programmers and policymakers and to formulate recommendations for future clinical practice and guidelines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After Dobbs, religion, commonly seen as an argument against abortion, has been used to argue for the right to choose. In July 2022, a synagogue sued Florida, asserting that its ban on abortion after fifteen weeks violated Article 1, Section 3 of the Florida Constitution, which prohibits the penalization of free expression of religion. In September 2022, the ACLU argued that the state's abortion ban violated Indiana's Religious Freedom Restoration Act. And in October 2022, three Jewish women sued the state of Kentucky, alleging that its abortion ban violated the Kentucky Religious Freedom Restoration Act. This Note provides a guide to the merits and challenges of the argument that an abortion ban violates a state Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA). Although this Note focuses on how Jewish plaintiffs can raise such claims, the arguments outlined could be raised by individuals of multiple faiths. This Note contributes to a growing debate about religious arguments for the right to an abortion. And it is the first paper to outline how religious freedom claims to obtaining an abortion might fare under state RFRAs. The approach to RFRA outlined in this paper lays the groundwork for a rights-advancing framework of religious exercise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Societal narratives about families, ranging from individual discourses to public discourse, do not always reflect the reality of family lives. This is also valid for Narratives of Return (NoR), which propose a return to a "natural" family order and lean on conservative ideological values. However, such a notion does not rely on actual past and present social practice but tries to reshape it. It deliberately omits the variety of existing forms and relationships present among families. During the COVID-19 pandemic in Slovakia, many processes, patterns, and problems in society became more visible. The crisis put particular pressure on families and intergenerational relationships, mainly regarding care. This paper analyses micro-narratives about families, relationships, and care, juxtaposed to actual practice, during the pandemic. We rely on data from a two-year-long ethnographic research project using online surveys, ethnographic interviews, and autobiographical texts. We compare these data with political discourse and its presentation in media, where we looked for aspects of NoR. It seems that the political discourse was primarily focused on securing public health but was at the same time oriented towards particular problems (such as natality or abortions), constructing an ideological narrative with specific family structures in mind (in accordance with NoR). Simultaneously, it put older adults at the forefront as a uniform social group that was vulnerable and dependent on others, omitting their function as caregivers of the youngest generation in the family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For 49 years, the right to abortion was taken for granted—inhaled by every girl, every woman—by all people assigned female at birth in the United States. This right no longer exists. In 2022, with the Dobbs v. Jackson decision, the Supreme Court removed federal protection for the legal right to abortion and therefore women's agency over their bodies. This paper will contextualize abortion as part of a continuum that encompasses gender, motherhood and the meaning of reproduction and reproductive rights as sociocultural and intrapsychic phenomena. The expectation that mature female-bodied people are child-desiring women persists and is not conceptualized as optional. It is the original choice women do not have. The next choice women no longer have, if they become pregnant, is whether or not to continue a pregnancy. The Dobbs decision means the cultural reinstatement of female de-sexualization, along with the suffocating and silencing of agency—a negation of women's voices, desire, power and subjectivity—a recipe for psychological destabilization. Personal and clinical material will illustrate these points. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contextualizes the Dobbs v. Jackson decision within the history of how children have been used, literally and symbolically, as commodities, to serve political, economic and religious goals. Also examined are attitudes toward women and moral decision-making, and motives behind state interference in reproductive choice. Focus is placed on the promotion of adoption, by some anti-abortionactivists, as the moral alternative to abortion. The recent activities of some evangelical Christian groups to deploy adoption as away to increase their numbers, as well as the Spanish government's history of stealing babies from anti-governmentmothers, and the history in the U.S.of the use of sterilization as apurported means of reducing poverty, are offered as evidence. Suggestions are made for how psychoanalysis might expand theory to include the role of the social unconscious, particularly in understanding the development of female subjectivity and awoman's capacity to make moral/ethical choices for herself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Approximately 50 years have passed since Judith Jarvis Thomson wrote A Defense of Abortion (1971). Her article has significantly shaped the philosophical literature on abortion. In this paper, I will summarize some of the interesting and important work done on the topic since Thomson's article. I will highlight Thomson as a defender of the claim that abortion is morally permissible and Don Marquis as an influential opponent of that claim. I will start by articulating Thomson's case, focusing on the violinist analogy. I will underscore key questions, concepts, and objections the analogy raises. I will then examine briefly how philosophers have addressed some of these issues. Next, I will outline Marquis' work, provide a similar commentary on it, and discuss some of its main responses. I will then survey other philosophers who have addressed abortion beyond the scope of providing specific replies to Thomson or Marquis. I will close by highlighting significant points of agreement and disagreement in the literature, as well as crucial gaps in the current research. The paper is not an attempt to address every work on the topic over the last five decades, nor is it aimed at taking a position on the moral permissibility of abortion. My goal is to provide an overview of the dialectic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A dogma accepted in many ethical, religious, and legal frameworks is that the reasons behind conscientious objection (CO) in healthcare cannot be evaluated or judged by any institution because conscience is individual and autonomous. This paper shows that this background view is mistaken: the requirement to reveal and explain the reasons for conscientious objection in healthcare is ethically justified and legally desirable. Referring to real healthcare cases and legal regulations, this paper argues that these reasons should be evaluated either ex ante or ex post and defends novel conceptual claims that have not been analyzed in the debates on CO. First, a moral threshold requirement: CO is only justified if the reasons behind a refusal are of a moral nature and meet a certain threshold of moral importance. Second, this paper considers the rarely discussed conceptual similarities between CO in healthcare and the legal regulations concerning military refusals that place the burden of proof on conscientious objectors. This paper concludes that conscientious objection in healthcare can be accommodated only in some cases of destroying or killing human organisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

MIRAGE syndrome is a recently described congenital condition characterized genetically by heterozygous gain-of-function missense mutations in the growth repressor sterile alpha domain containing 9 (SAMD9) located on the arm of chromosome 7 (7q21.2). The syndrome is rare and is usually diagnosed in newborns and children with myelodysplasia, infection, restriction of growth, adrenal hypoplasia, genital phenotypes, and enteropathy, hence the acronym MIRAGE. The aims of this paper are (1) to present fetal ultrasound features in a case where MIRAGE syndrome was diagnosed prenatally and (2) to review the existing literature records on prenatal manifestations of MIRAGE syndrome. In our case, the fetus had severe early fetal growth restriction (FGR) with normal Doppler studies, atypical genitalia, oligohydramnios, and hyperechogenic bowel at the routine mid-gestation anomaly scan. Amniocentesis excluded infections and numeric or structural chromosomal abnormalities while whole exome sequencing (WES) of the fetal genetic material identified the specific mutation. Targeted testing in parents was negative, suggesting the "de novo" mutation in the fetus. We could not identify other specific case reports in the literature on the prenatal diagnosis of MIRAGE syndrome. In cases reported in the literature where the diagnosis of MIRAGE syndrome was achieved postnatally, there are mentions related to the marked FGR on prenatal ultrasound. Severe early-onset FGR with no other apparent cause seems to be a central prenatal feature in these babies, and WES should be offered, especially if there are other structural abnormalities. Prenatal diagnosis of MIRAGE syndrome is possible, allowing for reproductive choices, improved counseling of parents, and better preparation of neonatal care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reconsiders Tommie Shelby's (2016) analysis of procreation in poor black communities. I identify three conceptual frames within which Shelby situates his analysis—feminization, choice-as-control, and moralization. I argue that these frames should be rejected on conceptual, empirical, and moral grounds. As I show, this framing engenders a flawed understanding of poor black women's procreative lives. I propose an alternative framework for reconceiving the relationship between poverty and procreative justice, one oriented around reproductive flourishing instead of reproductive responsibility. More generally, the paper develops a methodological challenge for nonideal moral and political philosophy, especially concerning the obligations of the oppressed. Specifically, I argue that in the absence of descriptive and conceptual accountability, the moral gaze of the philosopher risks preserving, rather than destabilizing, oppressive ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a recent paper, Chunghyoung Lee argues that, because zygotes are developmentally plastic, they cannot be numerically identical to the singletons into which they develop, thereby undermining conceptionism. In this short paper, I respond to Lee. I argue, first, that, on the most popular theories of personal identity, zygotic plasticity does not undermine conceptionism, and, second, that, even overlooking this first issue, Lee's plasticity argument is problematic. My goal in all of this is not to take a stand in the abortion debate, which I remain silent on here, but, rather, to push for the conclusion that transitivity fails when we are talking about numerical identity of non-abstract objects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Losing a baby during pregnancy can be a devastating experience for expectant parents. Many report dedicated, compassionate healthcare provision as a facilitator of positive mental health outcomes, however, healthcare services have been severely impacted during the COVID-19 pandemic. Aim: To explore women's experiences of healthcare service provision for miscarriage and termination of pregnancy for medical reasons (TFMR) on the island of Ireland during the COVID-19 pandemic. Methods: Findings combine data from elements of two separate studies. Study 1 used a mixed methods approach with women who experienced miscarriage and attended a hospital in Northern Ireland. Study 2 was qualitative and examined experiences of TFMR in Northern Ireland and Ireland. Data analysed for this paper includes open-ended responses from 145 women to one survey question from Study 1, and semi-structured interview data with 12 women from Study 2. Data were analysed separately using Thematic Analysis and combined for presentation in this paper. Results: Combined analysis of results indicated three themes, (1) Lonely and anxiety-provoking experiences; (2) Waiting for inadequate healthcare; and (3) The comfort of compassionate healthcare professionals. Conclusions: Women's experiences of healthcare provision were negatively impacted by COVID-19, with the exclusion of their partner in hospital, and delayed services highlighted as particularly distressing. Limited in-person interactions with health professionals appeared to compound difficulties. The lived experience of service users will be helpful in developing policies, guidelines, and training that balance both the need to minimise the risk of infection spread, with the emotional, psychological, and physical needs and wishes of parents. Further research is needed to explore the long-term impact of pregnancy loss during a pandemic on both parents and health professionals delivering care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny (0035-9629) is the property of Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Several recent papers have suggested that the pro-life view entails a radical, implausible thesis: that miscarriage is the biggest public health crisis in the history of our species and requires radical diversion of funds to combat. In this paper, I clarify the extent of the problem, showing that the number of miscarriages about which we can do anything morally significant is plausibly much lower than previously thought, then describing some of the work already being done on this topic. I then briefly survey a range of reasons why abortion might be thought more serious and more worthy of prevention than miscarriage. Finally, I lay out my central argument: that reflection on the wrongness of killing reveals that the norms for ending life and failing to save life are different, in such a way that could justify the prioritization of anti-abortion advocacy over anti-miscarriage efforts. Such an account can also respond to similar problems posed to the pro-lifer, such as the question of whom to save in a "burning lab" type scenario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can discussion with members of the public show philosophers where they have gone wrong? Leslie Cannold argues that it can in her 1995 paper 'Women, Ectogenesis and Ethical Theory', which investigates the ways in which women reason about abortion and ectogenesis (the gestation of foetuses in artificial wombs). In her study, Cannold interviewed female non-philosophers. She divided her participants into separate 'pro-life' and 'pro-choice' groups and asked them to consider whether the availability of ectogenesis would change their views about the morality of dealing with an unwanted pregnancy. The women in Cannold's study gave responses that did not map onto the dominant tropes in the philosophical literature. Yet Cannold did not attempt to reason with her participants, and her engagement with the philosophical literature is oddly limited, focussing only on the pro-choice perspective. In this paper, I explore the question of whether Cannold is correct that philosophers' reasoning about abortion is lacking in some way. I suggest that there are alternative conclusions to be drawn from the data she gathered and that a critical approach is necessary when attempting to undertake philosophy informed by empirical data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conscientious objection to provide abortion has been enshrined in laws and policies globally. Insufficient attention has been paid to the direct and indirect ways in which conscientious objection compromises women's access to a lawful abortion. Using a systematic search strategy, this narrative literature review synthesises the literature exploring conscientious objection's impact on women's access to abortion in a range of countries. This narrative literature review builds on an extensive literature review published by Chavkin et al. (2013. Conscientious objection and refusal to provide reproductive healthcare: A white paper examining prevalence, health consequences, and policy responses. International Journal of Gynecology & Obstetrics, 123, S41–S56. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0020-7292(13)60002-8). Searches were undertaken on the Medline (Ovid), Global Health, CINAHL, Scopus and Science Direct databases. Thirty six papers were included for thematic analysis. Conscientious objection to abortion was found to impact women's access to abortion at three main levels: the practitioner level, the healthcare system level and the sociocultural environment level. Conscientious objection was found to impact access directly through attempts by health professionals to restrict access, and indirectly by exacerbating pre-existing barriers to access. Further research is required to better quantify the extent to which this impacts women and whether interventions are effective in reducing the barriers that conscientious objection creates and exacerbates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a 'micro' and 'macro' level analysis, this study focuses on elements of questioning and question design in the Senate Judiciary hearing conducted for Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh. Specifically, two lines of questioning are analyzed: that of Kamala Harris, D. California, and that of Ted Cruz, R. Texas. Through an analysis that builds heavily on prior research that uses Conversation Analysis (CA) to understand the news interview, this study attempts to expand such research to institutional talk done by politicians in Congress. The analysis portion of the paper investigates, on a 'micro' level, the linguistic elements at play in each line of questioning. In the discussion section, a 'macro' level analysis situates the findings of this paper within the broader US political climate among the public and in terms of the growing conservatism of the Supreme Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Medication abortion with pills (mifepristone and misoprostol) challenges the spatiality of abortion provision because it creates the possibility for safe, self‐managed abortion outside of clinical infrastructure. This possibility has been contested by pro‐ and anti‐abortion actors for as long as medication abortion has been in existence. In this paper, I offer a legal geography account of medication abortion technology that examines how medication abortion has been regulated in the United States. Conceptually, the paper uses a legal geography methodology to probe the social spatialities that abortion laws construct. Empirically, the paper analyses trends in legislation to restrict medication abortion and two significant court challenges where abortion providers brought suit against medication abortion restrictions. Drawing on legislation and litigation over mifepristone, I demonstrate that restrictions on it function by anchoring mifepristone inside the clinical spaces and regulatory frameworks established for surgical abortion. In this way, mifepristone regulations circumscribe its availability in order to prevent the creation of alternative models for abortion provision that could re‐arrange its geography and expand abortion access. Medication abortion pills challenge the spatiality of abortion provision because they create the possibility for safe, self‐managed abortion outside of clinical infrastructures. This paper offers a legal geography account of medication abortion technology that examines how medication abortion has been regulated in the United States. The paper analyses trends in legislation to restrict medication abortion and two significant court challenges where abortion providers brought suit against medication abortion restrictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of African Journal of Reproductive Health is the property of Women's Health & Action Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: This study characterized the extent to which (1) financial barriers and (2) abortion care-seeking within a person's country of residence were associated with delays in abortion access among those travelling to England and the Netherlands for abortion care from European countries where abortion is legal on broad grounds in the first trimester but where access past the first trimester is limited to specific circumstances. Methodology: We drew on cross-sectional survey data collected at five abortion clinics in England and the Netherlands from 2017 to 2019 (n = 164). We assessed the relationship between difficulty paying for the abortion/travel, acute financial insecurity, and in-country care seeking on delays to abortion using multivariable discrete-time hazards models. Results: Participants who reported facing both difficulty paying for the abortion procedure and/or travel and difficulty covering basic living costs in the last month reported longer delays in accessing care than those who had no financial difficulty (adjusted hazard odds ratio: 0.39 95% CI 0.21–0.74). This group delayed paying other expenses (39%) or sold something of value (13%) to fund their abortion, resulting in ~ 60% of those with financial difficulty reporting it took them over a week to raise the funds needed for their abortion. Having contacted or visited an abortion provider in the country of residence was associated with delays in presenting abroad for an abortion. Discussion: These findings point to inequities in access to timely abortion care based on socioeconomic status. Legal time limits on abortion may intersect with individuals' interactions with the health care system to delay care. Plain Language Summary: This paper explores delays in accessing abortion care associated with financial and medical system barriers. We focus on residents of countries in Europe where abortion is available on broad grounds in the first trimester seeking abortion care outside of their country of residence. This study demonstrates an association between difficulty covering abortion costs for people facing financial insecurity and in-country care seeking and delays in accessing abortion abroad. Policy barriers, medical system barriers, as well as financial barriers may interact to delay access to care for people in European countries with broad grounds for abortion access in the first trimester but restrictions thereafter, especially for people later in pregnancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reproductive rights have faced uncertainty following a succession of court decisions since 2021, particularly following the decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Woman's Health. This article explores the response from mobile applications dubbed "period trackers" or "menstruapps," which allow individuals to track their menstrual cycles on mobile devices. Following the Dobbs decision and subsequent efforts by states to criminalize abortion, there were many voices concerned about the data these apps collect. This paper analyzes the privacy policies from over 30 apps. Specifically, focusing on how these apps changed their language, or not, during a period when reproductive rights were under increased threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: A community of practice (CoP) is defined as a group of people who share a concern, set of problems, or a passion about a topic, and who deepen their knowledge and expertise by interacting on an ongoing basis. The paper presents a case study on the design, implementation and management of a CoP. The objective is to share experiences, opportunities, challenges and lessons learnt in using digital platforms for clinical mentorships to establish a CoP that promotes enhanced service provision of abortion care. Methods: We employed competence-based training and ongoing virtual mentorship for abortion care, employing the abortion harm reduction model, and using several digital platforms to create and nurture community of practice for abortion care. Using the Capability-Opportunity-Motivation for Behavior (COM-B) model and textual data analysis, we evaluated the performance of the CoP as a tool to support abortion care, using data from in-depth interviews and information shared on the platforms. The data was analyzed by thematic analysis using text data analytical approach. Results: CoPs have much unrealized potential for networking to improve abortion care, as they are more inclusive, interactive and equalizing than typical webinars, yet less expensive and can complement (though not replace) physical mentorships. CoPs' focus on sharing best practices and creating new knowledge to advance professional practice, faces challenges of maintaining regular interaction on an ongoing basis. CoP members need to share a passion for their practice and mutual trust is key to success. Conclusion: Though it faced initial challenges of connectivity, and limited interaction, the CoP approach using digital platforms promoted shared experiences, personal connections, communication, collaboration and application of knowledge for improved abortion care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the current abortion regulation by Law 194/1978 is an inadequate basis for the provision of good quality abortion care and must be reformed. First, the paper explains why Law 194/1978 creates a hyper‐regulatory regime that is inconsistent with the best clinical evidence and practices in the field as well as relevant international human rights law, as outlined in the World Health Organization's (WHO) 2022 Abortion Care Guideline. Second, it highlights gaps between what the law says and what happens in practice, pointing out how the everyday life of Law 194/1978, especially in the practices of gynecologists, is far removed from international standards of quality abortion care and has yet to comply with international human rights law. Third, it sets out some alternative routes to abortion access "outside" Law 194/1978. Finally, it concludes with some suggestions for a change in the practice of gynecology and a call for the reform of Law 194/1978, in favor of a bodily autonomy model of regulation grounded on decriminalization, demedicalization, dehospitalization, and self‐management to ensure compliance with the WHO standards and international human rights law. Synopsis: The paper evaluates the inconsistencies of current abortion regulation and clinical practice in Italy against the 2022 WHO Abortion Care Guideline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The defense argument in favor of abortion sees the fetus as an invader, a trespasser, someone against whom violence is justified, since this very young person (the fetus) has initiated violence against his mother. Hewitt [30] rejects this argument. The present paper maintains the justification of this defense argument. My perspective is based on the private property rights of the mother. She owns her person. It is as if her body is her house, and a trespasser has invaded it. Surely, she has the right to evict such a person. This analogy is relatively easy to see in the case of rape. The unwanted fetus, now occupying a part of her body is in effect a intruder. If she really owns her body, which I contend she certainly does, she has a right to expel this person from her property. I also argue that voluntary sexual intercourse does not constitution an "invitation" for the pre-born baby to occupy her premises for nine months. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]