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Based on in-depth qualitative research, this paper compares and contrasts two different policy approaches to Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) within the European context. On the one hand, the Dutch case relies on a holistic and integrated approach in which a national framework underlies a targeted multi-stakeholder approach to preventing and countering manifestations of violent extremism. On the other hand, while lacking an overarching national policy framework, the Italian case study presents a range of mechanisms and projects aimed at combating violent extremism at the local level. The paper traces the different histories of terrorism and radicalization in the two countries to assess the emergence of these divergent approaches. Subsequently, regional case studies of the Delft and Milan areas are explored in-depth to illustrate how the respective policies are put into action, and to highlight the strengths and weaknesses of each approach. The research is based on expert interviews and institutional research involving municipalities, education, social work, and civil society actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before the COVID crisis, the Netherlands and the UK were embarking on national energy transitions away from fossil fuel systems. However, the arrival of the pandemic unequivocally altered the trajectory of energy transitions on a global scale. Every country in the world is now grappling with the twin challenges of the COVID crisis and the climate crisis, and there is a grave risk that the short-term demands of the former could eclipse the vital long-term actions needed to address the latter. While there is optimism that green economic recoveries will propel energy transitions through investments, there is an urgent need to assess and address any new policy barriers which COVID poses to achieving them. To do so, in the summer of 2020, researchers conducted pairs of interviews with 30 experts within the social and energy sectors, involving government, industry and third sector stakeholders. Key research questions sought to identify the policy barriers acting – inadvertently or otherwise – to disrupt that balance between tackling COVID and the energy transition, and the mechanisms available to restore the necessary equilibrium. Through a structured analysis of policy barriers to the energy transition post-COVID, we assess its delivery in both countries. We derive a new taxonomy and definition of policy barriers. We also generate a suite of 10 policy recommendations, which were placed in priority order by the interviewees themselves. The paper concludes with observations on those recommendations, the differences noted between the two countries, and the validity of using policy barriers for policy analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The private rental sector (PRS) is making a surprising comeback. A central argument in our paper is that we see the rise of PRS and the associated stagnation of homeownership as springing from the contradictions inherent to financialized homeowner societies. Rather than a feature of either mature or late homeowner societies, contradictions of the promotion of homeownership through the expansion of mortgage markets paved the way for a revival of the PRS. Our case is the Netherlands, but our argument has a wider remit. We sketch the dominant trends in Dutch housing policy and present an overview of the rise of PRS and Buy-To-Let in Dutch cities. We identify how housing policies and realities have driven a shift from a debt-driven to a wealth-driven model of financialization, in which the demand for PRS as an investment class and as a place to live has become central. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how grassroots innovations are being framed in the news media in Denmark, the Netherlands and Sweden. By using framing analysis of newspaper items in the three countries, based on 30 cases, we identify that compared to literature on framing of renewable energy, the results show a prevalence of frames labeled as "social" as well as positive framing in the media when reporting about grassroots innovations. There are differences between the countries, as social frames are significantly more common in the Netherlands while innovation stands out in Denmark. We argue that this reflects the energy landscapes in the countries, as grades of centralization and to which extent the country has transformed the energy system impact on how the grassroots innovations are being reported. Aspects of energy democratization is reflected in the reporting's as emphasis is often on local connection and benefits for communities and individuals. We finally argue that there is need for more studies on framing on grassroots innovations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though the European project has often been claimed to be a secular one, studies point out that the European Parliament is an arena in which a more Christian-inspired version of Europe is sometimes advocated. The question we therefore address in this contribution is what role does religion play in the parliamentary work of Dutch and Belgian MEPs? Within the larger RelEP2 project, this contribution specifically focuses on MEPs from Belgium and the Netherlands, countries in which religion has historically been one of the most prominent political cleavages. Based on surveys and an analysis of MEPs parliamentary questions, we find that the old religious conflict between Christian and secular groups is no longer dominant in Belgium and the Netherlands, although Dutch MEPs from ChristenUnie and Staatkundig Gereformeerde Partij do still frequently rely on Christian values in their parliamentary work. Instead, religion has taken up a more prominent role among radical right MEPs from Belgium and the Netherlands, who primarily advocate an anti-Islam stance. Taken together, these findings suggest that there are few remnants of the old religious consociation, but rather we are seeing a politicisation of Islam is a driver of Dutch and Belgian MEPs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous literature has discussed the different views, the diverse goals and scope of ethics education, and the need for a more homogenous curriculum in medical ethics. Since ethics is about values, and values are partly influenced by culture, we question to what extent teachers' perceptions concerning learning goals of medical ethics curricula are similar or different in two different countries, and if differences in learning goals are acceptable or problematic. We conducted in-depth interviews with 36 medical ethics teachers, 20 from Indonesia and 16 from the Netherlands, and explored what they think are the important learning goals. We found three similar goals, with slightly different perceptions, between the two groups: (1) being professional, (2) dealing with ethical problems, and (3) being part of society. We also found four other goals that differed between the two countries: (4) understanding one-self and (5) learning from others from the Netherlands; (6) being faithful/pious and (7) obeying rules/standards from Indonesia. We suggest that despite similar goals shared globally, there might be differences in how teachers in different cultural contexts perceive the goals with their local values and translate them into the curricula. Differences in learning goals are common and natural, often reflected by historical and sociocultural contexts, and should not become a barrier for teachers in different regions to collaborate. Understanding these differences may be an important goal for teachers themselves to broaden their knowledge and perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study reports the findings from a Dutch study, exploring care workers' knowledge and perceptions of the online lives of adolescents with mild or borderline intellectual disabilities. Using an inductive research design 33 semi-structured interviews were conducted with care workers. Three themes were derived from the data: (1) The clients' online world is largely unknown to care workers. (2) The online world is a gateway to an inclusive and connected life. (3) The online world is a dangerous and challenging place. Care workers have limited knowledge of clients' online lives. Care workers show ambivalence about the good and bad of the Internet for their clients. They acknowledge the possibilities of the Internet but mostly perceive it as a place of risk and challenge. Paradoxically, care workers report little experiences of incidents of online risks. Perceptional processes might help explain why this paradox exists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Dutch general election of March 2021 can be referred to as the 'Corona' election, as the world-wide pandemic influenced all aspects of this election. The government made special provisions to make participation safer for voters. Restrictions on crowd size and social distancing restricted the possibilities for traditional means of election campaigning. Thus the campaign was carried out primarily in the mass and social media. The Corona virus and health care were prominent issues during the campaign. However, Corona had little influence on turnout as the percentage was only slightly lower than for the previous election. Corona seems to have produced 'rally around the leader' or 'don't change horses' effects among Dutch voters. The Liberal Party (VVD) gained one seat, D66 five, and the CU held onto its seats. Although the CDA lost four seats, this was the first election since 1981 that a coalition had not lost seats at a subsequent election. The total number of parties represented rose to a record 17 (for 150 seats in the Second Chamber or Dutch lower house). Corona also impacted the coalition formation process when an infected 'explorer' was photographed with notes from the negotiations when she hurriedly left the building. The ensuing debate created distrust among potential partners that took several months to resolve. In the end, after the longest formation process in Dutch history, the coalition consisted of the same parties as in the previous Cabinet and was led by the same Prime Minister, Mark Rutte. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Dutch approach to calibrating freedom of religion or belief and gender equality is characterized by its outspokenness as far as external affairs are concerned and, historically, the absence of a similar degree of fortitude when it comes to its internal affairs. Recently, the two perspectives—internal affairs and external relations—have become more or less aligned. This process was significantly steered by judicial interventions and interventions by human rights monitoring bodies, which judicial recourse was mobilized in turn by civil society. The non-proactive attitude on the part of the state must be understood—yet not necessarily justified—on account of its unique political constellation in which pillars, polders and principles are driving, if conflicting, forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research reveals perspectives on and experiences of human flourishing amongst devout Muslim women with an immigrant background in the Netherlands. The aim is to assess what this tells us about worthwhile development generally in a multi-cultural Western country, while drawing comparisons with previous research in India. Following Nussbaum's capabilities approach, I asked 39 women: what are the basic requirements for a life worthy of dignity? Freedom and respect stood out on their lists of essential requirements. I explore the meaning and content of freedom and respect as conveyed by the women. The kind of freedom they intend is foremost freedom of religion, which is at once broader and narrower than religious freedom as constitutionally enshrined. Broader, because it is an all-encompassing freedom to live by a system of meaning. Narrower, because it refers to a relational, "rooted" freedom. Yet even where religious freedom is institutionally guaranteed, everyday encounters between citizens can crucially impact on the experience of dignity. Therefore, the second essential element is respect. The kind of respect necessary for a life worthy of dignity is not a superficial toleration but "deep respect." Finally, I explore the possible difficulties in a liberal society for securing "deep respect". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Medieval historical sources suggest that cetacean exploitation was, for large parts of Europe, restricted to the social elite. This appears to have also been the case for the Netherlands and Flanders. It remains unclear, however, how frequently active hunting was undertaken, and which species were targeted. Zooarchaeological cetacean remains are often recovered from Medieval (AD 400-1600) sites in the Netherlands and Flanders, however the majority of these specimens have not been identified to the species level, leaving a substantial gap in our knowledge of past cetacean exploitation. By applying ZooMS, as well as morphological and osteometric analyses, these zooarchaeological specimens were identified to the species level. This analysis revealed that the North Atlantic right whale (Eubalaena glacialis), sperm whale (Physeter macrocephalus), and grey whale (Eschrichtius robustus) were frequently exploited. Active whaling appears to have been undertaken as well, especially in Flanders and in Frisia (the northern part of the Netherlands). Zooarchaeological cetacean remains appear to be present with relative frequency at high-status sites such as castles, as well as ecclesiastical sites, confirming the historical evidence that the social elite indeed did have a taste for cetacean meat. However, cetacean products were also available outside of elite and ecclesiastical contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition of the baby boomer bulge into old age and their increasing longevity will lift the numbers of elderly in residential aged care. Population ageing and associated fiscal pressures have motivated governments to shift responsibility for the financing of aged care to the individual. We consider policies that include owner-occupiers' housing wealth and imputed rental incomes in means tests that determine co-contribution charges for residential aged care. Differences in how housing wealth is included in the residential aged care resource tests of three OECD countries – Australia, England and the Netherlands – are documented. We find some neglected equity implications as tenants in all three countries typically pay higher co-payments for their residential aged care than homeowners with similar wealth holdings. These outcomes are a consequence of the concessional treatment of owners' housing equity stakes, and of wider significance given the growing importance of asset-based welfare strategies. England has relatively progressive asset and income tests that offer more limited concessions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of alba amicorum is still a relatively obscure yet growing pursuit in the Anglophone world. By browsing through these autograph albums, it is possible to unlock the names of Scots so long sunk into oblivion or simply reveal additional details and facets to the personality of those whose names have come down the centuries. Additionally, vriendenboeken weave networks of relations between Scots and Europeans expanding our understanding of these mobile and endeavouring individuals. These volumes are important as they help the historian get a clearer picture and add to the better knowledge of the peregrinatio scotica in particular vis-à-vis the Netherlands. The genre of alba amicorum fully deserves a greater consideration from the Scottish, and indeed British, historian. They offer a rounder picture of the contributors' identities and give a voice to Scottish women which is independent from that of their husbands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The religiosity of people migrating into secular European countries has posed many questions for policymakers and scholars alike, particularly where it concerns Islam. Rather than opposing migrants' religious identities with secular values, this article examines shifts and tensions between the 'multiple secularities' of Muslim women and integration policy alike, through an ethnography of wellbeing. Set in the Netherlands, it demonstrates that Muslim women of Pakistani background embrace a secularity characterised by respect and religious liberty but that despite a 'modernisation' of values, their religion remains the source of their secularity. Dutch integration policy, however, has shifted from a secularity accommodating religious diversity to one characterised by individual liberty (placed in opposition to religion), and, increasingly, towards the progress of a culturally homogeneous nation. By thus failing to recognise religious sources and alternative social dimensions of human wellbeing, Dutch policy risks undermining secular values generally and alienating Dutch Muslims specifically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]