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The main aim of this paper is to shed light on the link between 'onward migration' and 'onward precarity' as an experience of continuous precariousness by paying attention to crisis/post-crisis contexts and how these contexts have led to precarity becoming structurally embedded in migrant labour markets in Europe. Onward migration studies have centrally focused on crisis contexts, but very little attention has been paid to post-crisis contexts. Thus, this article contributes to complementing the previous research on onward migration and onward precarity. The paper follows a qualitative and multi-sited approach based on in-depth interviews and discussion groups with Latin American migrants living in Madrid, Lisbon, and London. Our empirical analysis elucidates that labour mobility and onward migration are embedded in intersectional dynamics of exclusion which entail a continuous experience of multifaceted precarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accompanied by public demands to reduce migration by creating perspectives 'at home', employability projects have become an important component of migration and development policies. While research has revealed the sedentarism underlying these policies and questioned the effectiveness thereof, more recent work has found that stakeholders are, in fact, aware of the potential increase of migration. However, contrary to analyses that hold that such interventions are carried out because they meet the different interests of both migration and development actors, this paper argues that migration and development interventions are mutually implicated. Examining European employability projects in Tunisia and drawing on interviews with representatives of donors and implementing organisations as well as policy documents, this paper argues that employability activities operate through twofold depoliticised logics. Whereas the focus on employability enables isolating migration from politicised debates across Europe, these interventions promote depoliticised logics of neoliberal selectivity. In centring skills in these interventions, some subjects are rendered employable for the Tunisian and, potentially, European labour market. Others, in turn, are excluded from the participation in migration and development due to a lack of sought-after skills. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Right-wing populism has been on the rise in Europe for the past two decades. The success of populist strategies has generated a broader discursive shift in news coverage about immigration as simplifying and polarizing strategies have been incorporated into mainstream media. This paper discusses how Ilja Leonard Pfeijffer offers resistance to the discursive structures of right-wing populist discourse in his 2018 novel Grand Hotel Europa. More specifically, it analyses the novel's late postmodernist politics of literature, which emerges from its reflection on the future of Europe. This reflection, which revolves around two forms of hospitality dominating Europe's border politics, i.e., immigration and tourism, addresses and subverts the main topoi and tenets of right-wing discourses. In doing so, the novel spurs its readers to engage in critical thinking, reject simplistic solutions to layered problems and foster debates on Europe's identity and future in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper follows the perspective of recent political communication studies approaching the online public sphere as a new platform for the political expression of citizens. Based on an explorative, in-depth analysis of user-generated content related to mainstream media coverage of the immigration crisis, with a specific focus on representations of the role of the EU in the crisis, it aims to discover how recent political trends in Europe are reflected in the online political expression of Eurosceptic citizens of a post-socialist Central European country, the Czech Republic. Relating the analysed data to current knowledge of the links between populism, illiberalism and Euroscepticism, and reflecting the post-socialist specifics of this relationship, it suggests that ressentiment may explain the representation of the EU as a traitor to the Europeans in the civic online discourse in times of crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Largely due to immigration, European societies have grown increasingly diverse. The current study seeks to determine how citizens characterize their experiences with this diversity and whether various types of intergroup exposure can influence immigration attitudes. This analysis takes a unique approach by comparing positive, negative, and neutral intergroup exposure characterizations, along with those reporting no exposure at all. Using internationally representative data from the 2014 European Social Survey, this paper demonstrates how these different characterizations predict citizens' immigration attitudes. Results indicate that positive and negative experiences have opposing effects that are roughly symmetrical in magnitude and both are more intense when experienced in high frequency. Neutral exposure is actually much more common than negative experiences and represents a net benefit compared to those with no exposure at all. The results present important implications for future research and highlight several encouraging patterns for diversity across Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because internal and international migration are typically conceptualized and measured separately, empirical evidence on the links between these two forms of population movement remains partial. This paper takes a step towards integration by establishing how internal and international migration precede one another in various sequenced relationships from birth to age 50 in 20 European countries. We apply sequence and cluster analysis to full retrospective migration histories collected as part of the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe in 2008–09 and 2017, for individuals born between 1950 and 1965. The results show that nearly all international migrants engage in internal mobility at some point in their lives. However, individual migration trajectories are delineated by the order of internal and international moves, the duration and timing of stays abroad, and the extent to which individuals engage in return international migration. Institutional and economic conditions shape the diversity of migration experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recognition rates measure how far states afford rights to refugees. Recent developments of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) have supplemented this measure with factors such as population and wealth. Concurrently, laws have developed nationally and Europe-wide regulating 'complementary protection' for those not qualifying as 'refugees' under the 1951 Convention. These two parallel developments in migration governmentality, I argue, are part of a process that increasingly complicates the field of knowledge around refugeehood, raising the level of expertise needed to access protection. This article focuses on the use of complementary protection in Europe since 1999 to explore (i) the legal process of proliferation of protection categories and (ii) the political process of calculating rates. The paper employs a methodological mix of ethnographic observation and critical readings of law and statistics to map various ways of counting recognition rates. This highlights the importance of statistics in feeding a narrative of liberal, Western, European society that protects refugees. Yet it is evident that both protection and its denial are constitutive of a CEAS governmentality that is best described as 'ordered fragmentation'. One of its basic assumptions is the denial of refugee agency, rendering states the subjects of the protection regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidence-based policies to monitor and manage migration flows require accurate data. Data collection on international migration flow statistics is based on a range of data sources and measures. Discrepancies in reported migration flow data are apparent when comparing flow statistics from receiving countries on the number of arriving migrants by their country of origin with statistics from sending countries on the number of departing migrants by their country of destination. In recent decades the relative incompleteness and non-comparability in reported migration statistics have motivated a number of initiatives to improve data in European countries. In this paper we illustrate graphically the discrepancies between sending and receiving migration flow statistics provided to Eurostat by European countries. We find a reduction of the discrepancies between receiving and sending migration flow data after the implementation of regulations to improve the availability and comparability of migration data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The waves of migration that hit Europe during 2015 are often labelled as the 'refugee crisis', however the term 'crisis' is doubly understood as that of refugees and that of European politics. Taking the latter view, the present article claims that if one wants to understand the differences between national responses, the concept of social memory is an analytically useful one. We take the case of the Hungarian response to the crisis and explain how the concept of the migrant has been a floating signifier in Hungarian discourse. This is not due to lack of actual migratory movements but because of mnemonic processes typical of Eastern Europe. In the second part of the paper we explain how the floating signifier of the migrant has been manipulated by the Hungarian government and especially Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. We argue that this was made possible by three features: the autocratic transformation of the structure of the public sphere; Orbán's ability to switch history on/off as he pleases; and four deeply rooted historical repertoires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study looks at how ordinary Kurdish refugees and asylum seekers set up self-governing formations to organise their life in border cities on the periphery of European societies. The Kurdish immigrants organise themselves into social communities that serve as autonomous social spaces in which they form and exercise self-governance, navigate through bureaucratic and structural obstacles, and regulate their cultural and social affairs. In this paper, I argue that contextual Kurdish identities and the immigrants' capacity to respond are the fundamental components of four different models of immigrant self-governing establishments. Ideological agendas, kinship relationships, and shared spatial origins are significant contextual elements of collective identities that they use to construct three models of self-governance, whereas their responses to common concerns drive them to form a fate-based model of self-governance. Based on ethnographic field research and 76 in-depth interviews with Kurdish refugees and asylum seekers in bordering cities in Northern, Southern, and Western Europe, the article illuminates four self-governing models of ordinary Kurdish immigrants, their various patterns and identities, as well as internal dynamics. It sheds light on how these self-governing models of the marginalised Kurdish immigrants arise from below to produce and regulate social life without interference from state authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the emergence of a 'migration industry' as a result of European border externalisation and security outsourcing practices to curb migration flows from Libya. It argues that the management of migration has been partly delegated to a network of interlinked private and public actors which constitute a complex migration governance structure that ultimately gives rise to issues of transparency and accountability. Informed by theoretical approaches drawn from both Security and Migration Studies, the article offers an empirical analysis of the organisation and logics of the migration industry in a specific context, mapping and analysing the setup of actors, structures and processes that contribute to the security of the Euro-Libyan border. By doing so, it offers important insights into contemporary migration governance in the European context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European radical right has influenced the mainstream political agenda on extra-European migration with its election-winning 'fortress Europe' narratives. In parallel, it has shaped political alliances within a 'borderless Europe', with a view to representing a Europe of people opposed to a Europe of elites. The mass media have circulated this European right-wing radicalism, and academic research has been carried out concerning the motives behind this media representation. Nevertheless, this research has rarely taken into consideration whether the media associate the radical right with a key scale of the European construction: cross-border regions. The current article explores this potential phenomenon by analysing how the press in Luxembourg portray the French radical right, as Luxembourg and France share a cross-border region characterised by strong economic interdependencies. The results show that the media can be keen on representing the political destiny of the radical right in the neighbouring state in regional borderlands. However, the portrayed dynamics are not necessarily linked to cross-border regional integration itself. Commercial – and above all political – motives linked to other European scales can lead to the absence of the 'cross-border regional Europe' in the media agenda when the foreign, yet nearby, radical right is portrayed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to the special issue The Cold War of Labor Migrants: Opportunities, struggles and adaptations across the Iron Curtain and beyond seeks to bring forward the conversation between the history of the Cold War and migration studies. It is the result of a workshop convened by the Working Group 'Labor Migration History', of the European Labor History Network. It maps out the academic debate on international labor migration and it critically engages with its western-centric approach. It introduces the seven contributions which, from different geographic and thematic perspectives, reassess the importance of non-Western experiences in shaping the entanglement between international labor migration and the Cold War. Two lines of inquiry feature prominently in this special issue. The first is a reassessment of the relevance of the regulation of international migration as a political terrain on which the Cold War divide was both constructed and deconstructed by different institutional actors, which, at various levels, were empowered by the existence of Cold War rivalry. The second, is the agency of migrants and aims to explore the fluidity, opportunism and creativity in the ways that migrants themselves experienced state control because of the particular Cold War socio-economic and political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism has experienced a resurgence across Europe since 1980, and one common explanation for this resurgence is that the backlash to European integration aids radical right parties, which prioritise cultural protectionism in the form of anti-immigration and anti-ethnic minority appeals. In contrast, this article argues that, through the policy-making avenues available to certain parties, but not others, European integration encourages a different form of nationalism in highly regionalised countries: ethnoregionalism, which seeks either greater autonomy or independence for a sub-national unit. By examining how nationalist parties combine both cultural protectionism and ethnoregionalism, and the relative saliency that they attach to each, this article provides a novel way to disentangle the EU's different potential effects on nationalism. Through a quantitative analysis of party manifestos across 33 European countries for 1980–2019, this article finds that European integration has a significantly stronger effect on the saliency of ethnoregionalism than cultural protectionism. Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at: [DOI]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas the extant literature has found similarities in attitudes toward immigration to Europe, there is less attention on European East–West attitudinal differences on immigration. We account for attitude variations brought about by the 2015 Europe's refugee crisis in two geopolitical regions of the continent, namely the EU East and the EU west. We found that, the 2015 refugee crisis sparked different attitudinal reaction between these regions related to immigration, with trust in domestic and EU institutions predicting much of attitudes toward migration. We tested our hypotheses with data from the 7th and 8th rounds of the European Social Survey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 2015 sudden rise in migration movements in Europe, approximately 2.4 million refugees arrived in Europe and 1.2 million asylum applications were received in the European Union countries. We were interested in finding out whether these rapid changes and the polarised attitudes represented in the media affected young people's attitudes towards people with different cultural backgrounds. This study, therefore, examined young people's global understanding in four European countries: Czechia, Finland, Germany and the Netherlands. The aim was to identify the level of world-mindedness of young people and compare the results with an earlier study (conducted in 2010) with the same research design. The research was targeted at a group of upper-secondary students in these countries. In total, 962 students participated in the study in 2017. Although the context in the observed countries varied, the findings revealed a stable state, or rather a slightly positive change of world-mindedness, to 2010 in all the countries. The results stress the need to remain sensitive to students' opinions and attitudes towards other people and cultures in geography lessons in general and especially when teaching and learning about current societal issues, inequality, exclusion and solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]