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In the past decades, neoliberalism has permeated (foreign) language education, as has been discussed by critical research in the fields of: curriculum theory, applied linguistics, discourse analysis, language policy, language assessment, to name a few. Despite the fact that research on foreign language education and neoliberalism is certainly growing, less attention has been paid to actual "ways out" or alternatives to neoliberal foreign language education. This introductory paper delineates the domain and scope of the present Special Issue entitled "Alternatives to Neoliberal Foreign Language Education." The paper critically discusses three discourses/processes that are key to understanding the effects of neoliberalism in language education worldwide: "language as skill," "standardization and profit," and "devaluing education." Then, it moves to briefly introduce each of the four remaining papers, which critically discuss alternatives to neoliberal foreign language education in different countries. The full issue hopes to contribute to critical research in the field of foreign language education and neoliberalism but, more importantly, to the search for feasible alternatives that help us move from "negative critique" of the current situation of foreign language education to actual "praxis" with a view to transforming it.

In this study, the variables having impact on the student motivation have been analyzed based on the articles, conference papers, master's theses and doctoral dissertations published in the years 2000-2017. A total of 165 research papers were selected for the research material and the data were collected through qualitative research techniques through document review and content analysis. According to the research results, the most important factors affecting student motivation are the fields of teacher, teachers' classroom management skills and their teaching methods. In this research, factors having less influence on the student motivation are parental communication, student characteristics and study fields. In addition, relational search type was used more than others, mostly students were selected as the study group and most researches were conducted in USA and Turkey.

Though vocabulary learning strategies (VLS) have drawn continuous attention in SLA research in the past three decades, there remain many unanswered questions, many unknown caveats and many unexplored regions. Quite a few historical reviews of vocabulary learning strategies have been undertaken by researchers over the past years, tracing its growth over the years. However, no research until now has captured the VLS profile of learners from diverse ESL/EFL backgrounds and presented an analysis from a geographical point of view. This study aims to capture the VLS profile of the diverse learners and takes up the task of the geographical review of vocabulary learning strategies landscaping the VLS research over many countries. For this purpose, the researcher has chosen specifically the research happening in the backdrop of ESL/EFL contexts. Fourteen papers have been selected for review belonging to Philippine, Turkey, Algeria, Iran, Malaysia, Congo, China, India, Sudan, Libya and The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. A detailed analysis reveals not only the juggling between the experiential and traditional modes of vocabulary learning but also the reasons behind the insufficient vocabulary size of the learners in myriad contexts.

The simplicity and minimal cost of mobile phones make them more suitable for use among students and educators across the world. The integration of mobile technology in a university context has been found to provide a superior learning environment compared to the traditional classroom lecture. Yet, there are several challenges that may delay the adoption of m-learning and postpone the revolution it promised. Arab Gulf Countries (AGC), like other developing countries, are encountering challenges linked to the acceptance and adoption of m-learning. Therefore, it is vital to examine the factors driving the adoption of m-learning among instructors and students in these countries. This paper identified the influential factors affecting m-learning adoption among students in Arab Gulf universities. The challenges of adopting m-learning were also identified. A systematic literature review was conducted to explore the current evidence on the use of m-learning in AGC. The results showed different factors (mostly cultural and social) that contribute to m-learning acceptance/adoption in Arab Gulf universities. Findings from this study can aid educational policy makers with planning and implementing effective m-learning programs.

This paper questions the apparent hostility between Iran and Saudi Arabia and highlights its discursive construction. It explores the centrality of 'Muslimness' in both countries' discourses and how it both shapes and is shaped by their opposition. At the same time, it seeks to uncover how these discourses construct a specific regional and 'Muslim' dynamic. To do so, the paper draws on theories from both security and nationalism studies. The application of the theoretical framework was carried out over the 2010-2020 period through a discourse analysis of both primary and secondary sources. It is highlighted that Saudi Arabia resorts to a sectarian perspective, merging the 'Muslim' category with a 'Sunni' one, while Iran eludes the sectarian dimension and centers on the struggle against oppression and 'arrogant powers.' The paper concludes that, in the struggle over the definition of 'Muslimness,' both parties invest this label with different, but not opposing, attributes. While Saudi speeches express a closed and exclusive 'identity' defined by their understanding of religion and in direct opposition to Shias, Iranian speeches express an inclusive 'identity' based on 'Muslimness,' which is largely defined by the struggle against oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an innovative approach to visual analysis in the Middle East. It addresses a fundamental problem in the fields of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Securitization Theory (ST): they largely ignore the visual. This project develops a methodology for visual analysis. Its utility is demonstrated through an examination of a Saudi propaganda video, entitled "Saudi Strike Force Video." When observing the Saudi‐Iranian rivalry on social media, there is a prevalence of visceral visual propaganda. Thus, the need for the construction of a systematic model for its analysis is important in addressing this conceptual gap. CDA and ST are aligned on an essential belief that discourse is a power‐laden process, and that to affect change, scholars must attempt to understand its production, articulation, and impact. Yet, both of these approaches tend to focus on the written and spoken word, negating the importance of the visual. This paper contends that the visual is equally power‐laden, having a profound effect as a tool of propaganda [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how Maldives' close ties with Saudi Arabia have affected its relations with other countries from Middle East Asia. Following the footsteps of Saudi Arabia, Maldives severed its diplomatic relations with Iran in 2016 and with Qatar in 2017. The paper discusses the economic investments Riyadh has made to develop civic infrastructure in the island nation. However, more than diplomatic ties and economic investments, close relations between Malé and Riyadh have affected the Island state's society. There is a spread of religious obstructionism in Maldivian society, for which several outside scholars and Maldivians blame Saudi Arabia. Finally, the paper briefly discusses Maldives' ties with Middle East countries other than Saudi Arabia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the twenty-first century, the centers of power have become more widespread, resulting in increased interdependence and shared interests across national borders. This has led to significant political and security challenges, which have altered the nature of threats and required continuous responses from leaders in the political, economic, and military arenas. There is a growing agreement that the dominant strategic paradigm is moving away from the Western model of dominance and influence toward a more diverse era of "multipolarity." The Middle East lies at the crossroads of many of these changes, while global superpowers jockey for political influence across the region. The relationship between two of the Middle East's leading powers, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran, reveals a complex interplay of small states, regional powers, great powers, rival sectarian organizations, and proxy groups. This paper will investigate how Saudi Arabia and Iran are adjusting their foreign policy and alliances in response to the changing global power dynamics and what those adjustments could mean for the future of the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Andalus journal for Humanities & Social Sciences is the property of Alandalus University for Science & Technology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Problem Definition: What are the reasons for Saudi Arabia's conservative foreign policy shift to an aggressive approach after the Arab spring in Yemen? Purpose: Investigating and analyzing the causes of the Saudi military invasion of Yemen from two geopolitical and ideological aspects and its impact on Saudi Arabia's balancing policy with Iran. Methodology: The study was conducted using the descriptive-analytic method. Data collection method was library one using scientific and research papers and online sites. The theoretical framework of this paper was derived from the theory of balance of power, which emphasizes the (relative) equality of power between the two rival blocs, providing a useful theoretical framework for examining the shift in the conservative approach of Saudi foreign policy to the aggressive approach following the Arab spring developments in Yemen. Result: The findings of this article suggest that Ansarullah's full control over Yemen could change the balance of power for Iran's benefit by endangering Saudi security (provoking Shiites in the south and east as well as threatening oil transit through the strategic Bab al- Mandab Strait) and expand its sphere of influence in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia has changed its conservative foreign policy approach to an aggressive foreign policy towards Yemen after changes in Islamic awakening for expanding its influence and maximizing its security on the one hand and to curb the expansion of Iranian influence in the region with the aim of weakening the axis of resistance and balancing strategy on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study aims to analyze the impact of Saudi-Israel relations on the Middle East. The study also focused on the reaction of Arab countries to their bilateral ties and incidents that have arisen in the Middle East as a direct result of tensions between Saudi Arabia and Israel. The deteriorating condition of relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia wreaked havoc throughout the region. The United States plays a pivotal role in the politics of the Middle East; therefore, a nation that is willing to operate as the United States' right hand was sorely needed in the region. Israel, a country that is not recognized on a global scale, has set up shop in that vacated seat. Together, they aid proxy wars between Saudi Arabia and Iran, which contributes to instability in the region. The only thing that could diminish the damage would be a concerted effort by Muslim states against Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The multiple hard power engagements of the aspiring Middle East powers (the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Iran) in Yemen are self-evident. However, the disposition of foreign interference in Yemen is multifaced. Current research papers have primarily focused on using hard power military or economic tools, but soft power tools were left behind. Therefore, this article explores soft power’s nature influencing the countries above assert towards the Yemeni population. It focused on three ostensibly distinct areas of soft power – education, religion, and media – within each particular analysis since those three areas are key elements of the Saudi and Iranian soft-power toolkit. Multiple religious, educational, and media tools towards Yemen were detected in each case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia has been unfolding over a long period, influencing the politics and conflicts in the Middle East. The dynamics, content, and form of the rivalry have changed dramatically following the Iranian Revolution in 1979. Sectarianism is frequently seen as the constitutive element of the conflict between the two countries. This paper brings a new light into the literature on the nature of the evolving Saudi–Iran rivalry. Specifically, it explains Saudi Arabia's ideational balancing and threat perception against Iran by highlighting the ontological security narratives under which the Saudi–Iran rivalry evolves. In doing so, it draws on the fatwas (i.e., religious opinions), issued by Saudi scholars, as an empirical object of investigation, and explores how they constitute and reconstitute Saudi Arabia's ontological security narratives. In this way, this work critically explains the ontological security regime in Saudi Arabia and the nature of the political struggle and antagonism between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes a critical look at the news reports of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia on Mina stampede. Previous studies have indicated that media discourse contributes to public opinion and ideology. Little, however, has been mentioned on how variation in media discourse affects the process. This study analyzed 24 news reports from the two countries from 24 to 31 September 2015 using the components of Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). The results indicate differences in the reports from the two countries in using variation patterns which in turn have the potential of changing and monitoring readers' ideologies through influencing their opinions on the nature of power relations and interactional structures. The paper tries to contribute to the area of research on media discourse and ideology construction by arguing that discourse variation has not been sufficiently theorized. An attempt will also be made to offer a tentative theorization of such variation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The strategic competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia is not circumscribed to ideological divergences rather imbibed in multiple factors, steming from economic, political and social paradoxes. Middle East is witnessing a new Cold War which involves transnational nexus, proxy wars and non-state actors striving to weaken state authority. The insecurity dilemma to keep domestic regimes intact instigates the states to proliferate their ideologies and expand their allies within the region so that a balance of power could be achieved. The struggle between Iran and Saudi Arabia has become worse since the wave of Arab Spring had shattered the Middle Eastern region. The ideological synchronized countries are dissected into two blocs, one led by Iran which is Shia dominated state and the other have patronage of Sunni dominated Saudi Arabia. The long term power struggle between Iran and Saudi Arabia to balance out the influence of their respective ideologies makes them involve in proxies wars which are counterproductive and devastating for the regional stability. The peace in the Middle Eastern region would prevail by taking the security dynamics earnestly by all the actors despite having ideological divergences and strategic competition. After all, the regions are connected and security has spillover effects. This paper underscores the strategic competition between the two traditional ideologically confronted states and underline the question of likely implications for Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Security Strategies Journal / Güvenlik Stratejileri Dergisi is the property of Strategic Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sleep health inequalities represent an increasing public health concern. Among multiple determinants affecting sleep health, there is people's socioeconomic status (SES), and no systematic review on the relationship between SES and sleep health has been previously conducted in Iran and Saudi Arabia. Following the Prisma protocol, ten articles were selected. Findings revealed that the combined number of participants was N = 37,455 participants, including 73.23% of children and adolescents (n = 27,670) and 26.77% of adults (n = 10,026). The smallest sample was N = 715 and the larger was N = 13,486. In all these studies, sleep variables were assessed using self-reported questionnaires. The studies conducted in Iran assessed the risk of obstructive sleep apnea (OSA), while those in Saudi Arabia were interested in sleep duration, nap time, bedtime, rise time and insomnia. The studies performed on adult populations in Iran and Saudi Arabia concluded that there is no significant association between SES determinants and sleep components in adult populations. One study in Iran found a significant association between parent's low SES and children and adolescent insomnia; and one study in Saudi Arabia found a significant association between the father's education and the longer sleep duration of their children. More longitudinal studies are necessary to establish a causal relationship between public health policies and sleep health inequalities. An extension of the investigation to more sleep disturbances is required to cover the entirety of sleep health inequalities in Iran and Saudi Arabia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Deng Xiaoping's opening-up policy and drive for economic modernisation and reform in the late 1970s, and especially since China's foreign energy requirements skyrocketed in 1993, Beijing's interests in the Persian Gulf have grown immensely. A staple of its regional policy has been an insistence on cultivating relations with all states, something that has necessitated a careful balancing act between regional rivals, especially Saudi Arabia and Iran. This article examines China's strategy to balance relations with these two states, especially during periods of tension, such as following the 2019 drone attacks on Saudi oil facilities, something that Riyadh accused Iran of masterminding. Following an examination of this strategy, the article explores Saudi attempts to coax Beijing away from Tehran and Saudi perceptions of Sino-Iranian relations through the lens of the 2021 25-year agreement between China and Iran, questioning whether Sino-Iranian relations are a bone of contention in Sino-Saudi relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2011, Saudi foreign policy has shifted from its traditional position of self‐restraint and reliance on soft power to an assertive and adventurous one that prioritizes expanding security alliances and use of force. Particularly, after the advent of King Salman to power, the Kingdom experienced various turning points in its foreign policymaking such as its pursuit of increased military engagement in the post‐Arab Spring countries, its normalization of relations with Israel and adopting a new armament program. This unusual shift in the Saudi foreign policymaking inevitably raises the question: "What led Riyadh to adopt policies that completely broke away from its traditional position?." A closer look at the recent developments unfolding in the region since the Arab uprisings reveals that the Saudi foreign policy decisions are primarily guided by its perceived threat from Iran. Against this backdrop, this article first investigates why Saudi Arabia views Iran as the biggest threat to its survival. Second, it analyzes the new Saudi foreign policy orientation and its implications in light of balance of threat theory. Finally, the article looks into how the change in the US administration and the end of unconditional US support to Saudi Arabia influenced the Kingdom's discourse and tone vis a vis Iran. The article mainly proposes that Saudi Arabia's increasing threat perception from Iran sheds light on the Kingdom's reasoning and motivation behind its more proactive and assertive policies while the Kingdom's discourse and policymaking is heavily restricted by the ambivalence in the US posture in the Middle East and particularly its stance toward Riyadh's policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Middle East is experiencing a new era involving a cold war between the theocratic Shi'i state of Iran and its rival Saudi Arabia, a theocratic Sunni state, both considering themselves the leader of the Muslim world. These countries have been rivals for decades, and the consequences of this rivalry have been shaping the Middle East since 2011. This research intends to review the main issues over the last four decades involved in the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia. By examining the main issues involved in this rivalry, the research attempts to discover whether the animosity between Tehran and Riyadh following the Arab Spring is based on both sides' effort to strengthen their proxies by using the Arab Spring's flames. The research suggests a new conceptualization of how religion - Sunna and Shi'a - represents the historical clash on the question of who should have, must have, and who has the historical right to lead the Islamic world. This clash originated mainly from one focal base, Islam, yet it represents a separation between 'theo' - the Islamic religion, and 'civilio' - ethnic rivalry, or Arab vs. Persian culture. The objective of the study is to offer a practical solution to enable the two rivals to coexist for the region's greater good, even if they cannot fully resolve their rivalry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ULUM Journal of Religious Inquiries is the property of ULUM Journal of Religious Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates whether the United States had prior knowledge of the 1973 oil crisis instituted by Arab countries in 1973. It argues, using predominantly primary source documents, that as early as 1971, Washington understood the Arab nations were willing to use oil as an economic weapon. Furthermore, government officials had drafted contingency plans to ameliorate the enormous deleterious economic impact. Unfortunately, the gridlocked Congress and the erosion of executive power associated with the unfolding of the Watergate scandal thwarted any possibility of the Nixon Administration's economic response to these developments being implemented. This article contributes new primary source research and contextualizes the crisis within the framework of a gridlocked Congress to add to the existing debate concerning America's preparations for and failure to respond to the 1973 oil crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Academic Inquiries / Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi is the property of Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background The outcome of breast cancer treatment largely depends on the timing of detection. The health promotion interventions have an immense contribution to early detection and improved survival. Therefore, this review aimed to provide evidence on the efficacy of the health promotion interventions to increase the uptake of breast cancer screening and to develop effective interventions targeting women. Methods Online databases (PubMed/MEDLINE/PubMed Central, Ovid/MEDILINE, EMBASE, Web of Science and Google Scholar) were searched for studies published between January 2005 and January 2017. A quality coding system was assessed using Cochrane checklists for randomized controlled trial (RCT) and Downs and Black checklists for non-RCT. The score was rated for the included articles by each researcher independently and the average score is given accordingly. This study was registered in PROSPERO as [PROSPERO 2017: CRD42017060488]. Results The review dovetailed 22 studies. Thirteen studies (59.10%) were conducted in the Unite States, 4 in Iran (18.18%), 2 in India (9.09%) and 1 each in Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Israel. The interventions were classified as 'individual-based', 'community-based', 'group-based teachings and training' and 'behavioral model based'. The majority of the studies showed favorable outcomes after health promotion interventions, including improvements in women's view of breast screening, breast self-examination and knowledge of breast screening. Conclusion The review confirmed that most of the health promotion interventions targeting women boosted the breast screening in one or another way. However, the limited quality of the included studies showed that further research is needed to improve the trials in the next future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Arab Spring initiated a new era in the history of the Middle East and significantly shifted regional dynamics. It profoundly marked the history of the region and affected relations between Middle Eastern countries. Qatar--Saudi Arabia relations have likewise been profoundly impacted by it. This study focuses on how the Arab Spring affected relations between Qatar and Saudi Arabia, and on how the regional power struggle and rivalry between Riyadh and Doha were exacerbated during that period when disagreements and clashes escalated and deepened between both countries. It also emphasizes the causes of tensions that emerged during the period of the Arab Spring between both states. Using classical realism as a theoretical framework in approaching the issues at hand, the study begins by outlining the historical background to Qatar--Saudi Arabia relations. It then describes the policies of Qatar and Saudi Arabia towards the Arab Spring and explores the problem areas in their bilateral relations. Finally, the sanctions imposed against Qatar are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Iranian Revolution in 1979 was one of the world's Revolutions that not only changed Iran's domestic affairs from a monarchy to Islamic Republic, but also reshaped the landscape and geopolitics of the Middle Eastern Region. To date, Iran, surrounded by Arab countries, has attracted discussions among scholars and the interests of great powers. The question is why Iran is important and how the 1979 Iranian Revolution shaped the landscape and geopolitics of the Middle East? The purpose of this study is to understand the relationship between Iran - Saudi Arabia, Sunni-Shi'ite ideologies and how it shaped the Middle Eastern geopolitics. This study uses qualitative approach method based on interviews, fieldwork in Iran, literature methods and document analysis. The findings show that the Post-Revolutionary (1979-2017) leadership of the Republic of Iran continued to contribute to the tension between Sunni-Shi'ites in the Middle Eastern region and was a factor in the upheaval among Arab nations. Saudi - Iran relations after the 1979 Iranian Revolution partially resulted in the instability of the Middle Eastern region. As though it has established the 'Pro-Saudi Arabia' and 'Pro-Iran', 'Cold War' blocks in the Middle Eastern Region, arms race and military strength competition between Saudi and Iran and maintained the Sunni-Shi'ite conflict in the Middle Eastern Region. The study also found that although the Revolution succeeded in liberating the Iranians from the grip of the Pahlavi Dynasty, it resulted in a tense relationship between Saudi and Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]