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Copyright of Estudios Económicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Investigación Económica is the property of Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Facultad de Economia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reviews the way in which Mexico and the European Union (EU) established a strategic partnership. In a globalized world and following the Washington Consensus both signed, in March 2000, a Free Trade Agreement (TLCUEM) which entered into force in October 2000. The good results of the bilateral exchanges plus important events in the world encouraged them, in 2016, to renovate the legal framework of the original Agreement. At the end of 2017, the negotiators finished the revised chapters of political dialogue and cooperation and on April 2018 they reached an agreement in principle on a modernized trade pillar of the EU-Mexico Global Agreement (GA). By 2020, negotiations were over. It is expected that after the trade pillar's legal scrutiny and translation, it will become part of the three-pronged GA that will also contain revamped political dialogue and cooperation pillars. After 20 years of its subscription, results are promising. Representing 26% of world GDP, the EU is a key partner for Mexico, and Mexico, with 12 free trade agreements signed with 46 countries, for the EU. The cooperation has encouraged exchanges in subjects of common interest, such as the fight against pandemic and gender equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies how import liberalization affects formal employment across gender. The theory offers a mechanism to explain how male and female formal employment shares can respond differently to trade liberalization through labor reallocation across tradable and nontradable sectors. Using Mexican data over the period 1993–2001, we find that Mexican tariff cuts increase the probability of working formally for both men and women within four-digit manufacturing industries. The formalization of jobs within tradable sectors is driven by large firms. Constructing a regional tariff measure, we find that regional exposure to import liberalization increases the probability of working formally in the manufacturing sector for both men and women, and especially for men. However in the service sectors, the probability of working formally decreases for low-skilled women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigación Económica is the property of Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Facultad de Economia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper studies the possible role of US trade liberalization in explaining Puerto Rico's deindustrialization. In order to address this issue, time series techniques were used. The results of the Granger Causality Test suggest that the imports made by the US from Mexico, Canada, Ireland, and Costa Rica do not explain Puerto Rico's deindustrialization. Therefore, no causal relationship was found between the imports made by the US from its NAFTA partners and the countries where the corporations that benefited from Section 936 relocated with the deindustrialization of Puerto Rico. Besides, the impulse response exercise suggests that in the first period, deindustrialization explains its variability by 100%, and in the final period, it explains 95.47%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the way in which Mexico and the European Union (EU) established a strategic partnership. In a globalized world and following the Washington Consensus both signed, in March 2000, a Free Trade Agreement (TLCUEM) which entered into force in October 2000. The good results of the bilateral exchanges plus important events in the world encouraged them, in 2016, to renovate the legal framework of the original Agreement. At the end of 2017, the negotiators finished the revised chapters of political dialogue and cooperation and on April 2018 they reached an agreement in principle on a modernized trade pillar of the EU-Mexico Global Agreement (GA). By 2020, negotiations were over. It is expected that after the trade pillars legal scrutiny and translation, it will become part of the three-pronged GA that will also contain revamped political dialogue and cooperation pillars. After 20 years of its subscription, results are promising. Representing 26% of world GDP, the EU is a key partner for Mexico, and Mexico, with 12 free trade agreements signed with 46 countries, for the EU. The cooperation has encouraged exchanges in subjects of common interest, such as the fight against pandemic and gender equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Económicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction and Aims: The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) included novel rules for wine and spirits requiring parties to allow wine and spirits importers to display information required by the importing country on a supplementary label rather than on the standard label. Since the TPP negotiations concluded, alcohol-specific supplementary labelling rules have begun to appear in other trade agreements. The aim of this paper was to map the new instruments containing these rules and examine developments in the rules with implications for health information on alcohol containers.Design and Methods: Trade agreements signed after the TPP negotiations concluded were retrieved and searched for alcohol-specific labelling provisions. A legal analysis of these provisions and related exceptions was undertaken.Results: Supplementary labelling rules similar or identical to those in the TPP have been included in five subsequent trade agreements. The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement also includes several additional provisions about alcohol labelling. Exceptions in the agreements provide some space for governments to defend labelling measure that might otherwise breach the rules, in the event of a dispute.Discussion and Conclusions: By securing these rules, the alcohol industry is better positioned to claim the space on the standard label as industry 'real estate' and to oppose mandatory health information incorporated into the standard labelling. These risks can be mitigated by stemming the adoption of supplementary labelling rules in further trade agreements; clarifying the text of agreements and ensuring that regulators understand that the rules do not prevent the use of 'best-practice' warning labels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexico, like other countries, invested in measures to attract foreign direct investment to their territories. Therefore, the North America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was signed in 1994 and NAFTA gave the status to Mexico as the largest direct exporter of the United States, a country that threatened to leave the treaty by renegotiating USMC. This research is carried out to determine the advantages and disadvantages of renegotiation based on Sinaloa's agricultural exports, with the question of whether it would negatively impact the USMC renegotiation of Sinaloa's agricultural exports, with the hypothesis that renegotiation of USMC has a negative effect on Sinaloa agricultural exports. This paper demonstrates that the results confirm the hypothesis employed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a model of used vehicle trade between the United States and Mexico, countries with different environmental regulations regarding vehicle emissions. We demonstrate that the United States, with its strict environmental regulations, has a motive to export used vehicles to Mexico, which impacts air pollution emissions from vehicle driving in Mexico. Using unique data on the import and registration of vehicles in Mexico after NAFTA, we find that Mexico's used vehicle imports reduce pollution emissions generated from vehicle driving mainly because of the technique effect, that is, model–age‐comparable vehicles imported from the United States emit less than those originally operated in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the empirical research around the "wage-led" or "profit-led" demand regimes. It first reviews how Kalecki, and then Steindl, approached the relationship between economic growth and income distribution. Then, empirical analysis carried out under the probabilistic approach to econometric modeling shows statistical evidence, estimated through cointegration analysis, that in the long run, in three very open economies—Mexico, France, and Korea—the wage share is positively associated with demand and output. It finally discusses the macroeconomic dilemma that almost all countries have to face, i.e., a positive effect of a high-wage policy on demand and employment may diverge from a negative effect on output compatible with external equilibrium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper estimates a structural model of the balance of payments, with disaggregated exports (manufactures and other) and imports (final and intermediate), and a reduced-form model of the trade balance for the Mexican economy. The analysis identifies structural changes in the composition of Mexico's trade and the parameters that affect it across five subperiods marked by statistical breakpoints. The results indicate that a tightening of the balance-of-payments constraint may account for the post-liberalisation slowdown in Mexico's growth only during certain subperiods and that the impact of real exchange rate changes on the trade balance has diminished, most likely as a result of the increasing integration of export industries into global supply chains. The results also suggest an asymmetry, whereby a country cannot sustain growth above the rate consistent with balance-of-payments equilibrium, as expected, but it can grow persistently below that rate when other constraints are more binding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper conducts a comprehensive long-run analysis of the global spatial concentration and locational dynamics of manufacturing agglomerations in Mexico. While prior research on Mexico has examined the impact of trade liberalisation on processes of regional convergence or divergence, effects on the scale, location and dynamics of agglomerations and local specialisation remain underexplored. To address this gap in the literature, we use a newly-collated municipality-level dataset containing more granular data distinct from more frequently used state-level data. Our analysis spans the period 1950–2019, capturing the full extent of the growing importance of the manufacturing sector and providing a nuanced perspective on the evolution of agglomerations and local specialisation patterns. We investigate shifts in agglomeration during import substitution and following the introduction of trade liberalisation, examining whether new agglomerations emerged or existing ones attracted further economic activity and how these changes impacted local specialisation. In extension, we also examine recent trends, assessing the persistence or alteration of agglomeration dominance in the north of the country. In doing so, our analysis provides valuable insights into the intricate dynamics of agglomerations and local specialisation and their significance in shaping regional disparities. • Analysis of municipality manufacturing agglomerations in Mexico 1950-2019. • Import substitution is characterised by decreasing levels of global agglomeration and specialisation. • Recent decades are characterised by substantial increases of global agglomeration and specialisation. • Manufacturing has become increasingly concentrated in several core agglomerations. • Changing levels of agglomeration and local specialisation have clear implications for regional disparities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contaduría y Administración is the property of Facultad de Contaduria y Administracion-Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Several nations, including Mexico, are encountering problems with accomplishing the targets of sustainable development goals (SDGs). This study addresses how to develop SDG agenda for Mexico, which may also be applied to other emerging markets with comparable profiles. Therefore, this study utilizes a newly developed load capacity factor (LCF, a detailed environmental evaluation tool) that combines biocapacity (supply side) and ecological foot (demand side) to examine the effect of renewable energy consumption and trade openness on LCF while controlling for nonrenewable energy consumption and economic growth in the case of Mexico during 1970–2017. Using the dual adjustment approach, we find evidence of long-run cointegration nexus among the series. In addition, trade openness affects LCF positively, whereas renewable energy consumption, economic growth, and nonrenewable energy consumption impact LCF negatively. Furthermore, results of the frequency domain causality show that all the variables can predict LCF in the long-term. Based on these results, Mexico should focus on promoting public understanding of green energy and environmental preservation measures and participate in the production of nonenergy-consuming and ecologically friendly products while compelling polluting enterprises to migrate to countries with less stringent environmental restrictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, many states have undertaken to green their free trade agreements (FTA). As the pace of this evolution towards greener trade relations continues to accelerate, it has also been met with resistance. The inclusion of environmental commitments in FTAs has sometimes been dismissed as an attempt by high-income countries to level the playing field for their market actors by raising environmental standards abroad. Against this background, this article aims to investigate what underlying motive(s) (high-income) states pursue when they negotiate environmental provisions. Using the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) as a case study, it is argued that it is possible to rely on the legalization of these commitments to unravel treaty parties’ motives for negotiating such rules in the first place. In the case of the USMCA, it is found that the agreement’s environmental commitments could be interpreted as mirroring concern either for the environment or for unfair foreign competition. A closer look at the negotiation process leading to the adoption of the agreement suggests that it was mainly – although certainly not exclusively – out of environmental concerns that stringent environmental commitments were included in the USMCA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Ciencia y Tecnología Agropecuaria is the property of Agrosavia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dry bean is the leading source of plant-based proteins in Mexico, yet the country's self-sufficiency shows an eroding tendency after the enforcement of NAFTA. During this period, the United States became Mexico's principal supplier of dry beans. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the price transmission for black and pinto dry beans in Mexico in the period between 2012 and 2019. The research results however reveal only a very limited relationship between the analysed prices in the two countries. It is established that price dynamics are predominantly governed by domestic market interactions rather than those transmitted across the border, hence the erosion of Mexico's self-sufficiency in dry bean cannot be entirely attributed to the trade liberalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights • Sigma convergence in Europe is studied from a new perspective, multi-sectoral and multi-regional of income generation. • There is a clear breakpoint in the process of European convergence, around 2008, corresponding to the international crisis. • Increase in the role of trade in explaining the domestic and total evolution of income in Europe. • Differential contribution of sectors according to their technological nature. • Need to include the productive structure and structural change in the analysis of global processes such as convergence. Abstract The promotion of economic, social, and territorial cohesion has been one of the main pillars of the construction of the European Union. This general principle has been manifest in the objectives of achieving a higher level of economic convergence, territorial competitiveness, and fostering employment creation in EU countries. The recent economic crisis has implied profound changes, not only in the path of growth but also in the structural and technological characteristics of EU countries, with these elements highly conditioning their inter-dependencies, economic outcomes, and convergence. This paper analyzes the role that the evolution of economic structures has played in the evolution of recent convergence in Europe expanding the traditional measures of economic convergence extended to a multi-regional input-output framework. Our study shows a trend towards convergence among EU countries and a significant breakpoint with the arrival of the economic crisis in 2008. Moreover, we observe a continuous change in the role of different components, raising the participation of trade (intra and extra European trade) in income for most of the countries and sectors analyzed. In addition, the different behavior of services, in particular, knowledge intensive services in the EU countries notably condition income generation in countries. Nevertheless, our results show that despite services economy explains significantly income growth in Europe over the period 2000–2014, income growth in Eastern Europe countries has notably relied on the positive reliance of manufacturing sectors (particularly medium and low technology sectors), and the expansion of conventional services, with a lower representativeness of the knowledge intensive sectors. Domestic and intra-EU markets are dominant, although also with an increasing share of extra-EU exports. The opposite can be said for central EU economies, which a smoother evolution over the period but a clear dominance of the knowledge intensive services and, in some cases, the high and medium-high technology industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights • We examine why Mexico's success as an exporter of manufactures has failed to translate into overall growth. • Our explanation hinges on the negative demand externalities of input outsourcing. • Outsourcing reduced demand for key manufacturing industries during 1980–1995 and 1995–2011. • The demand stimulus of industrial exports was lower in Mexico than in high-performing countries. • We use a model to examine the macroeconomic links between outsourcing and growth. Abstract In recent decades the Mexican economy has seen a dramatic expansion of exports of manufactured goods and imports of manufactured inputs. Mexico's integration with global production chains, however, has failed to produce sustained output and productivity growth. In this paper we propose an explanation for slow growth that hinges on the negative demand externalities of input outsourcing. We make two contributions. First, using input–output data we show that outsourcing has lowered domestic demand for the manufacturing sector, especially for capital-intensive basic industries. Second, we develop a model of outsourcing and capital accumulation and show that lower costs of outsourcing can hurt accumulation if, for the aggregate manufacturing sector, the negative effect of domestic demand shortfalls on profitability exceeds the offsetting effects of lower input costs and of export expansion. Our findings complement the broader literature on the apparent paradox of Mexico's success as an exporter of manufactures amid sluggish growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is increasing evidence which suggests that trade liberalization is one of the fundamental determinants to public health in newly industrializing nations. Using primary source interview material from indigenous people of southern Oaxaca, along with a review of the literature and quantitative data, this article contends that the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with its impacts on domestic farming practises and food sovereignty has negatively impacted the health of southern Mexicans. The objective of this research project is to provide a description of the negative impacts that NAFTA has had on southern Mexico. With NAFTA 2.0 negotiations underway, this paper advocates that the voices of indigenous people should be heard at the negotiating table. Their insight on how the trade deal has impacted southern localities is of critical importance moving forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) is renegotiating its trade agreements with Latin American States. The core objective of this process is to modernize the Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapters of these agreements. As such, this article critically examines the prospects of the modernized TSD chapters in the Chile-EU Association Agreement and the EU-Mexico Global Agreement, drawing lessons for the potential amendment of the EU-Andes Agreement. For this purpose, the article addresses the modernization process of the EU-Chile Association Agreement by surveying Chile's negotiating practice in incorporating environment and climate change-related provisions in trade agreements. It compares the evolution of these provisions within the EU's practice and discusses the convergence or divergence of views that have shaped the existing agreement. Additionally, it explores the possible future review process of the TSD chapter in the agreement. Furthermore, the article discusses the ongoing renegotiating process of the Global Agreement between the EU and Mexico. It examines the opportunity to enhance the current environmental protection disciplines in this agreement. Finally, the article evaluates how these experiences can inform a future renegotiation of the EU-Andes Agreement, with a focus on prioritising the Parties' nationally determined contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the trade relationship between Mexico and South Korea through the lens of trade in value-added perspective. Using the global input–output model, we dissect gross exports into their value-added components to analyze the sectors benefiting most from value-added generation in both countries. To do this, we use the multiregional input–output matrices developed by the Asian Development Bank (ADB). The results show a growing bilateral relationship between 2000 and 2021, with South Korea having a stronger position by generating a larger share of value-added linked to the bilateral relationship. Nevertheless, the gap has narrowed over time. Notably, South Korean exports to Mexico have substantially contributed to value-added generation in technology-based manufacturing sectors such as machinery, equipment, electronics, electrical, and optical products. Similarly, Mexico's mining sector increasingly relies on exports to South Korea for value-added generation. The trends observed in this study's findings persist even amidst the reconfiguration of Global Value Chains, indicating that a free trade agreement between Mexico and South Korea has the potential to further enhance value-added generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Mexico's wage share in manufacturing has shown a downward trend. We discuss the main factors that have shaped this evolution during the period of 1994 to 2009 and we analyze this issue on the basis of Kalecki's theory of income distribution, but adapting to an open economy. We show that, changes in the degree of monopoly and in the composition of prime costs have had a great impact on income distribution. Further, trade opening has contributed to magnify the effect on manufacturing wage share of changes in the exchange rate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper formulates a static applied general equilibrium model of a small open economy and then calibrates it to the Mexican input–output matrix for 1987. We use the calibrated model to quantify how much of the dramatic rise in the skill premium over the period 1987–1994, following the liberalization of the trade policy in Mexico, can be accounted for by the change in the extensive margin of trade or trade variety. Our numerical experiments show that the increase in the extensive margin of Mexican manufactured trade with the U.S. can account for up to approximately 12 percent of the actual increase in skill premium in Mexico from 1987 to 1994. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to analyze the changes in the traditional scheme of distribution and supply of foods in Mexico, derived from its adaptation to the open economy model. It emphasizes the demographic concentration in cities, technological advances and the simplification of stages of intermediation. Applies a simple methodology that uses data about the number of users of computer, cell phone, with internet access and that also have electronic means of payment. The results suggest that current food supply networks for cities transit towards other schemes as electronic distribution of food, although with certain limitations, as it is still emerging digital infrastructure and transport companies as well as the low level of consumption. The conclusions indicate that this channel has expectations extensive development, as a result of the concentration of consumers in cities, their easier access to credit and the gradual incorporation of digital platforms in shopping, as it is the case of Amazon, 99minutos.com or Hellofood, as well as traditional format stores type Walmart or Comercial Mexicana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Latin America, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru, have been using Inflation Targeting for at least two decades, and although there were significant improvements in social indicators, macroeconomic results have been mixed. In particular, the real exchange rate has been much more volatile and growth was significantly slower in Brazil and Mexico. In accordance with these facts, we sketch a simple New Consensus open economy model with hysteresis and we show that a policy that targets inflation disregarding the effects on the real exchange rate may have negative long-run effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Efficiency is a crucial determinant of economic development, especially among microenterprises, which tend to be the prevalent economic units. This article estimates the efficiency of both formal and informal microenterprises in Mexico in the context of NAFTA (North American Free Trade). The Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition method is used to explain the factors behind the observed differences. Additionally, a detailed analysis with a decomposition by quantiles is provided. Formal microenterprises are found to be more efficient than their informal counterparts, with a narrow difference in 1994 widening by 2012. At the same time, the efficiency level declined for both groups of microenterprises over time. Two main conclusions are derived. First, microenterprise size distribution and the characteristics of the private sector influence the success of trade liberalization policies. Second, the overall decrease in efficiency, regardless of whether microenterprises are formal or informal, supports recent studies suggesting that economic, institutional and social constraints limit firm performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trayectorias is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Nuevo Leon and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Universitaria is the property of Universidad de Guanajuato/Acta Universitaria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Summary: We analyze the propagation of recessions across countries using a model with multiple qualitative state variables in a vector autoregression (VAR). The VAR may include country‐level variables to determine whether policy also propagates across countries. We consider versions of the model with observed discrete states or unobserved discrete states, where the latter is inferred from fluctuations in economic data. We apply the model to Canada, Mexico, and the United States to test if spillover effects were similar before and after the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). We find that trade liberalization increased business cycle propagation across the three countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic production of basic products has failed to meet the demand of the population. In addition to this, imports of bread wheat and rice have been increasing since the trade liberalization in Mexico. This research analyzes the performance of the support price policy and PROCAMPO through the methodology that consists of the calculation of the food dependence index, where production, population, imports, exports and product yield are considered to quantify it, this with the aim of observing in what magnitude each policy contributes to achieving the objective set by the Federal Government of achieving food self-sufficiency in the country. The analysis period includes 2011-2020 to observe more broadly the behavior of the national production of the selected products (bread wheat and rice), the results obtained in the analysis indicate that the direct payment policy (PROCAMPO) is more effective in increasing the productivity of the Mexican countryside than the support price policy; however, despite the efforts the main objective is still not achieved, there are still major efforts to improve the conditions of the Mexican countryside, because there is no reduction in imports of the products studied, they continue to oscillate in more than 50% of national consumption and have not shown significant reductions that indicate an improvement in the results of the implementation of the program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ciencias Administrativas is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We develop a political economy model to analyse the US–Mexican tomato trade agreement by treating the minimum import price as a negotiated settlement. We incorporate the special characteristics of the US–Mexican tomato dispute, namely trade among large countries, the role of competing fresh and processed tomato lobbies, quota revenues accruing to Mexican producers, bargaining for a minimum import price rather than a tariff, and the role of the Canadian tomato market. We show the importance of the size of the lobby group's supply, the weight elected officials' place on national welfare, and the elasticities of export supply and import demand in determining the optimal price wedge. For the United States, larger fresh tomato or cherry–grape tomato supply intensifies the degree of protection awarded to US growers, while US processors work to mitigate this effect. From Mexico's perspective, larger Mexican fresh or cherry–grape output induces a push towards free trade due to the agreement's depressing effect on Mexican prices, while Mexican processors and quota revenues exacerbate the price wedge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three years ago, very few economists would have imagined that one of the newest and fastest growing research areas in international trade is the use of quantitative trade models to estimate the economic welfare losses from dissolutions of major countries' economic integration agreements (EIAs). In 2016, "Brexit" was passed in a UK referendum. Moreover, in 2019, the existence of the entire North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is at risk if the US withdraws—a threat President Trump has made if the proposed US–Mexico–Canada Agreement is not passed by the US Congress. We use state‐of‐the‐art econometric methodology to estimate the partial (average treatment) effects on international trade flows of the six major types of EIAs. Armed with precise estimates of the average treatment effect for a free trade agreement, we examine the general equilibrium trade and welfare effects of the elimination of NAFTA (and for robustness US withdrawal only). Although all the member countries' standards of living fall, surprisingly the smallest economy, Mexico, is not the biggest loser; Canada is the biggest loser. Canada's welfare (per capita income) loss of 2.11% is nearly two times that of Mexico's loss of 1.15% and is nearly eight times the US' loss of 0.27%. The simulations will illustrate the important influence of trade costs—international and intranational—in contributing to the gains (or losses) from an EIA's formation (or elimination). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article asks whether economic liberalization, under certain institutional conditions, is indirectly related to drug violence. Focusing on Mexico's drug trade, where violence was historically limited by politicoinstitutional arrangements, this study examines how trade liberalization shapes social exclusion in key trafficking regions and, in turn, shapes the industry. It argues that the change in development strategy has increased the flow of workers into the drug trade by reconfiguring the agricultural sector in regions where drugs are produced while failing to absorb surplus labor in manufacturing centers containing key smuggling routes. Through both mechanisms, workers enter an illicit market with new institutional settings that allow for fierce competition and the use of violence. Using panel data on drug violence from 2007 to 2011, the study finds that exposure to trade is associated with violence in both drug-producing and -smuggling regions, but with a more sizable effect in the former. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Latin American Studies is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this study was to identify relationships between spoligotypes of M. bovis from cattle in Mexico and those reported in countries with free trade of cattle with Mexico: Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States of America. Mexican spoligotypes were obtained from isolates collected from cattle in different parts of the country. Spoligotypes from Canada and New Zealand were obtained from different reports in the literature. Those from the United States were obtained from the database of the National Veterinary Services Laboratory in APHIS-USDA. In order to perform the analysis in a single data set, spoligotypes were all converted to binary data and classified according to or . Epidemiologic information included country and species infected. From 3,198 isolates, 174 different spoligotypes were obtained, 95 were orphans. Ninety one percent of the isolates came from the Unites States (n = 1,609) and Mexico (n = 1,323). Spoligotype SB0265 is shared between Canada and the United States in cattle and wildlife. Six spoligotypes, SB0673, SB0121, SB0145, SB0971, SB0140 and SB1165, were frequent in cattle and wildlife in the United States and cattle in Mexico, suggesting wide exchange of strains. Spoligotype SB0669 was found only in Mexico. Spoligotype SB0140 was the most common in Australia and the sixth in the United States and Mexico. In a phylogenetic analysis, spoligotype SB0140 appears as the oldest spoligotype in the data set, suggesting this as the ancestral spoligotype for all spoligotypes in the five countries. Some spoligotypes are shared by animals and humans, corroborating the zoonotic importance of M. bovis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite evidence that the North America Free Trade Association (NAFTA) accord has promoted significant increases in inward foreign direct investment (FDI) flows to Mexico, the impact of these investments has not served to fuel balanced economic growth and development. FDI has been concentrated in Mexican border regions producing significant negative, as well as positive, spillover effects. New policy initiatives are needed by the Mexican government in the areas of environmental, energy, macroeconomic, and investment promotion policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how the European Union (EU) and the United States of America (US) govern labour provisions in Mexico and Morocco. Drawing on the external governance approach and distinguishing between governance through hierarchy and governance through network, it aims to assess the extent to which the EU and US enforce labour provisions by hierarchical means and promote them through horizontal, network-based interaction. In doing so, this study not only sheds light on the de jure component (i.e., modes of labour governance in preferential trade agreements), but also analyses the de facto dimension (i.e., modes of labour governance at the domestic level). The article reveals that the EU and US de jure rely on hierarchical and networked means while de facto they generally emphasize the latter. Hence, contrary to what a power-based hypothesis would suggest, structures of power do not determine EU and US external governance of labour provisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Market diversification is one of the keys to success in the new era of world trade. Highly competitive countries have accomplished positive and sustained growth rates by not depending on a single market for their exports and imports. In Mexico, on the contrary, 80% of exports and 45% of imports concentrate in the United States. The South Korean market represents an opportunity for the Mexican economy, as the relationship between the two countries has strengthened in recent decades. This opportunity would promote greater economic growth for both countries if they reached a Free Trade Agreement, as we show in this work. The aim of this research is to assess the complementarity between these countries and estimate their external long-term equilibrium using the Thirlwall trade restriction model. Results confirm the existence of trade complementarity between the two economies and show that these are able to achieve long-term equilibrium in the external sector. Additionally, the Mexican economy would not face balance of payment constraints for growth when trading with South Korea, as it currently does with the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]