Search

The paper suggests that European political identity, as a fragile project, is always in need of external significant 'others' in order to buttress a sense of common fate within the sui generis political entity of the European Economic Community/European Union (EU). Adopting a historical and diachronic perspective, the paper argues that for decades the threat of Eastern European communism represented one such external other as a gathering element for Western Europe, but that with the end of the Cold War this 'other' was gradually replaced by the threat of Islam and Islamism (and by extension Turkey's possible entry into the EU). Europe's threat was first the communist sickle; it is now Islam's crescent. Such a portrayal is obviously problematic because of its populist and simplistic appeal that has served political purposes. This needs to be questioned. The return of religion through what is currently described as desecularisation is a rather recent issue for Europe and the question of multireligious Europe ought to be taken seriously. The paper argues, in the line of Delanty, that one should adopt a civilisational approach to Europe, thus giving real space to differences within Europe, and reflect on certain biases of secularity and laicite towards the dominant religion in various countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between Turkey and the EU entered a new phrase on October 3, 2005 with the opening of Turkey’s accession negotiations. This paper proposes that the specific juncture that European integration finds itself in and the perceptions of Turkey’s fit into Europe are the main variables around which member states’ preferences and the European public’s position on the Turkish accession are shaped. This is different from arguing that Turkey’s adoption of the EU acquis would determine its accession. Turkey’s adoption of the EU acquis/criteria is necessary but not sufficient on its own, as other factors will shape Turkey’s accession. These factors are the convergence of member states’ interests, the public approval and the EU’s internal dynamics. This paper concludes by arguing that the interplay of the utilitarian concerns, the ideational factors and the EU’s internal dynamics is the key to understand the conditions under which Turkey’s accession talks will proceed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is threefold: First, to note an unspoken, but obvious fact. The European Union is a living organism that functions with relative success at several levels: legal, economic and monetary in particular. Second, the threat to the EU is from its very success, a desire to overreach natural and functional boundaries by including nation-states with profoundly different structures and goals. Third, this paper seeks to awaken the policy making bodies in North America to the emergence of regional force in most of Europe that is by varying degrees complementary to US interests and at the same time competitive to the present notion of hegemony. The EU along with the US illustrates the power of bipolarity in the West. The issue of Turkish entrance indicates the limitations of such a condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the influence of Turkey's European Union (EU) candidature on its civil-military relations. It argues that EU conditionality and adaptation pressure for the convergence and alignment of Turkey's authoritarian political regime to the EU acquis communautaire have resulted in the democratization of civil-military relations and the empowerment of government in the Turkish political system. The findings indicate that harmonization reforms have deinstitutionalized and illegalized the coercive influence of the military in the Turkish political system and empowered the government in political decision-making by: (a) changing the functions, duties and composition of the National Security Council (NSC), (b) increasing the parliamentary control over, and transparency in, defense and military expenditure, and the civil judiciary control over the military, and (c) increasing the public support and trust to the civil institutions. It utilizes Europeanization, and the rational choice and historical versions of the new institutionalist theory as its theoretical framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between Turkey (and its predecessor, the Ottoman Empire) and Europe has been long, often tense or openly hostile, and is in some senses fundamental to the identities and development of each; this relationship also adds a considerable burden of suspicion to Turkey's current aim of joining the European Union (EU). This essay examines these propositions by providing an account of the history of the relationship and of Europe's recent, conditional approach to Turkish accession to the EU. While accepting that much remains to be done at the institutional level to bring Turkey into alignment with EU norms, this paper argues that Turkish accession is a historic opportunity for Europe that it should not squander. Despite mixed signals, further development of Turkey's democracy along the path to Europe is the most likely course. The story is not "never-ending", but the end will not come quickly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the identity of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) - the conservative-democratic party in power in Turkey since November 2002 - and assesses its role in the EU's decision to open accession negotiations with Turkey. It argues that the AKP leadership has successfully employed an identity-based strategy highlighting the possibility of being Muslim and sharing European norms and values at the same time and the importance of Turkey's EU membership to refute 'the clash of civilizations' thesis to get Turkey closer to the EU in the post-September 11 global political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of the mass media on individuals' political behavior has received a lot of scholarly attention. However, there has been little research done to determine whether and to what degree the media affects citizens' knowledge about the EU. This paper examines whether Turkish citizens' level of knowledge about the EU varies with exposure to television, radio and newspapers using empirical evidence from the 2006 Eurobarometer survey data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Influenced by international donors and policy institutions, civic activism in Turkey has increasingly become synonymous with carrying out projects. Project culture is reshaping what civil society is, and what civic activism means. By showing how civil society is changing due to the integration of Turkey with the outside world, particularly with the EU, this article aims to move beyond the prevalent approaches to the study of Turkey-EU relations, which emphasize macro-policy issues and most often discuss pros and cons regarding Turkish EU-membership or evaluate how far Turkey is from fulfilling various criteria. Instead, this paper argues for an increased focus on how Turkey-EU relations reshape Turkish political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this paper is to assess the impact of the European Convention on Human Rights on Turkey's bid for membership with the European Union. The main hypothesis of the present study considers the objectives of the EU and examines whether its policy regarding the issue of human rights in Turkey is, indeed, based upon the efficacy of the liberal assumption that there is a genuine link between democracy, respect for human rights and international stability. In any other case, the issue of human rights might have been manipulated as a precondition that instead of determining Turkey's status, merely delays the processing of her application while keeping her at a close distance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]