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The Movimento Negro Contemporâneo (MNC) [Contemporary Black Movement] engaged in different kinds of political action in the struggle for the valorization of culture, aesthetics and the work of black women and black men. In the following years after the installation of the businesscivil- military dictatorship in 1964, this movement apparently sought to form a network of anti-racist strategies, in an attempt to criticize the ideology of racial democracy. In this context, the Movimento Negro Unificado (MNU) [Unified Black Movement] was created, an important organization of the MNC, also responsible for articulating the struggles against racial inequality and against the ideology of racial democracy in several regions of Brazil, as it articulated the debate on gender, race and class. Besides that, in the period from 1980 to 2000, in the state of Alagoas, the Comissão Pastoral da Terra de Alagoas (CPT / AL) [Pastoral Land Commission of Alagoas State], the Associação Cultural Zumbi (ACZ) [Zumbi Cultural Association], the Agentes de Pastoral Negros (APNs) [Black Pastoral Agents], the Programa de Ações Afirmativas da Universidade Federal de Alagoas (PAAE/ UFAL) [Affirmative Action Program of the Federal University of Alagoas], the Núcleo de Identidade Étnico-Racial [Ethnic-Racial Identity Center], the Fundação Municipal de Ação Cultural de Maceió [Maceió City Cultural Action Foundation], among other organizations, which articulated the discussion on the racial issue in some social movements and black organizations in that state. This paper, therefore, aims to discuss on the basis of bibliographic research, how the racial issue and the issue of fighting the ideology of racial democracy were present in the MNC and MNU, as well as in some social movements and black organizations in the state of Alagoas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several research works have analyzed certain aspects about exercise of power on the Brazilian military regime with special reference to repression and violence by repression forces against political groups opposing the regime. After many years of research, new light is being shed on the military dictatorship in Brazil. Since there was a rather wide idea on the tensions and antagonisms in the country with regard to the social segments that could cause them, current paper investigates state violence against the population. In fact the popular classes were considered the bearers of a dispersing and dangerous potential, or rather, they were thought to be unprepared to live within a modern, industrialized and urban society [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has four sessions. First, we discuss some uses of terms that come from the semantic field of madness, when the subject of 1964's dictatorship is at issue. This related to the paranoid aspect of dictatorial power and to the emotional effects felt by its victims. In the second part, we study how the generalized suspicion works. Third, we design an image for the repressive apparatus, referred to the question of paranoia. Finally, we discuss how Renato Pompeu wrote a crucial novel, in which the dictatorship is watch by someone who is inside a madhouse. The objective of this study is to enrich the field of the studies about political languages, specifically on the case of dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper broaches the cinema censorship in Brazil along the civil-military dictatorship (1964-1965) by means of the study of an official document found in the proceedings of the film Toda nudez será castigada (Brazil, 1973), by the director Arnaldo Jabor. The Ordinance 3/3, of June 20, 1973, attributed to itself the reexamination and decision over this film and other eight ones - Sopro no coração (France, 1971), A classe operária vai ao paraíso (Italy, 1971), Mimi, o metalúrgico (Italy,1972), Sacco e Vanzetti (Italy, 1971), A aventura é uma aventura (France, 1972), Cama com música (Denmark, 1972), Queimada (England, 1969) e Os garotos virgens de Ipanema (Brazil, 1973). These proceedings are analyzed along with other ones that compound the archive of the Censorship and Public Amusement Division (DCDP), which contains over thirty thousand proceedings, besides administrative documents. The aim is to understand the reading keys used by censors and the negotiations for prohibition and liberation performed by DCDP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last military dictatorship (1976-1983) executed a systematic plan for the disappearring of people, one of its primary objects being stop the development of various political projects that were being held by various lef-tist groups in the ‘60’s . One of the military regime’s major results was to seal all political and social debates that had spawned in the previous years. In this regard, their success was such that even today the processes of shaping collective memory of Argentina recent history still entail contradictions. The underlying difficulties are related to the possibility of elaborating social representations able to recover these complex past experiences, and therefore, useful to understand the features and goals of the repressive operations that aimed at eliminating them. This paper analyzes the processes of shaping collective memory through a case study: productions created by relatives and friends of victims of the military rule in Bahía Blanca (1995-2000). By means of resources, techniques and spaces drawn from visual and performing arts, they have elaborated and spread out certain views regarding the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on relations between historians and their own time. The text analyses these relationships as subject (some historians studying their own time) and as indirect allusions (some historians studying different periods and use contemporary the technical and theoretical means). The paper also discusses how important of the education for these studies. The experience of the dictatorship (1964/1984) and the democratic efforts of the country (1985 to present day) in Brazil are the main historical processes evoked in the discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]