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This paper looks at the effect of the perception of police repression on the diffusion of five direct action tactics from the anti-globalization movement into New York and Toronto activist milieus. The paper considers the spread of black bloc, puppetry, affinity-group/spokescouncil decisionmaking models, blockades, street parties and jail solidarity. The paper focuses on the impact of police repression at five protest events as it examines the ways that activists explain the relationship between their experiences of repression and their tactical decision-making. It argues that the severity, focus and predictability of repression influence the process of deliberation which indirectly impacts the diffusion process. By influencing deliberation, police repression impacted the diffusion of the "Seattle tactics". ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A case study of recent challenges to welfare-work programs in New York City reveals the complex dynamics of social movements with institutional politics, and reveals continuities and discontinuities between the two. Drawing on Gramscian state theory, political process theory, and recent relational extensions of political process theory, the paper shows the ways in which five mechanisms-path-dependency, institutional spillover, certification/decertification, scale-shift, and time-shift-combine within and across instititutional settings to enable or stymie workfare workers' and their allies' efforts to gain rights under a workfare program that denied them clear rights-bearing status. In showing the operation of these mechanisms-which lie between structure and strategy-in worksite-based organizing, courts, legislatures, and in mass-mediated moral protest, the paper shows the ways in which challengers to workfare were at a structural disadvantage. It argues further that revealing structural disadvantage is the main justification for the study of social movements as distinct from (though embedded in) institutional politics, and is preferable to an analytic strategy that begins with pluralism, and treats movements and interest groups as the same type of entity. Finally, assessments of social movement outcomes should focus on the reconfiguration of policy options and the coalitions that underlie them. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing literature on the contemporary American labor movement generally portrays the (neoliberal) state and community in diametrically opposed terms, with the state seen as monolithically negative while community figures as unambiguously positive. Drawing upon ethnographic and interview data from three labor struggles in New York's retail sector, this paper challenges this view, arguing that labor's relationship to both the (neoliberal) state and community is contradictory. This paper thus offers a challenge to scholars of "social-movement unionism" regarding the need to pay more attention to the positive and negative features of labor's relationship to 1) the neoliberal, or post-PATCO state, with the NLRB seen as hostile, while the New York State Attorney General serves as a positive resource for labor; and 2) community-based worker centers, which though they may serve, through labor-community alliances, as crucial allies for labor, also involve tensions with labor unions.Through the use of dynamic, process-centered analysis, this paper also entails a methodological challenge to the predominance of more "static" forms of analysis within most sociological literature, including that focused on labor and other social movements. By examing the interactions between the campaigns I analyze, instead of merely focusing on what distinguishes the campaigns, I argue for the need to see labor not (only) as an inert collection of discrete variables but (also) as a set of dynamic, interconnected social processes, in short, as a movement. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Central Park East Secondary School (CPESS), a New York City public alternative high school, and its positioning as an innovative educational institution at the forefront of a national social movement for educational reform. For many supporters, CPESS represented an example of successful education for low income and racialized students. However, despite wide acclaim in the ten years after its founding, the school began to decline in 1995. Although CPESS was unable to sustain itself, the school became the inspiration for dozens of schools and created a framework for alternative public educational institutions across the country. The CPESS legacy and the schools it inspired outlived and continue to survive the original institution. This paper will apply social movement and organizational frameworks to analyze the development, decline and continuing legacy of CPESS, and its implications for public education and for racialized students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyze the social structure of the Underground Railroad (UGRR) Network of New York State. Viewing entrepreneurialism as a "calling" (Weber 1922) and as "an attempt to envision a future and then to realize it" (Chell 2000), we present theoretical argument that views the UGRR as a social movement, and insurgency as a socially-constructed entrepreneurial effort. Specifically, we argue that enslaved African Americans relied on embedded network contacts and bridged structural holes to identify, recognize, and formulate a series of entrepreneurial social movement organizations (ESMO's) that would aid in their management of the UGRR. We suggest that the insurgent efforts of enslaved African Americans were partly successful by transferring network contacts between UGRR conductors. We conclude our essay with a discussion of the broader implications of our research for future work in entrepreneurship, social capital, and the role of insurgency for changing the human condition in similar circumstances. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the evolution of syringe access policies in New York State. It draws on recent theoretical work on the role of political organizations in the policy process to illustrate the complex and interactive role of political organizations, political opportunities and public opinion. Noting that there was a process of policy learning in the evolution of the policy, it points out that under conditions where public opinion is negative or polarized but a policy is deemed to be necessary, political leaders may engage in creating a stealth policy which obviates the need to build widespread public support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current theories of social movement culture tend to leave models of cognition implicit. Most common are individualist models that situate cognitive processes within individual minds. This paper develops an alternative research program on the basic cognitive problems in social movement organizing that leaves room for the study of history, alliance formation and the concrete settings within which the dynamics of protest unfold (the strengths of social movement studies up to now). Through a critical reading of current scholarship on contention and culture, informed by cognitive psychological theories of social cognition, I develop the implications of the repertoire metaphor for culturally shaped action in social movements. I extend the line of inquiry outward to neo-Gramscian state theory, which both highlights the constitutive importance of political economy to coalition-formation, and provides links to studies of culture and cognition in social movements by highlighting institutional and coalitional aspects of organizing and ideology. In doing so, I hope to show the ways in which cognitive processes are determined historically, while avoiding a socially reductionist reading of cultural dynamics. I illustrate this analytic framework by applying it to the challenges faced by organizers of opposition to workfare in New York City between 1995 and 2000. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Burned Over District of New York State, named for its association with the most intensive revival movement in the early 19th century, has been an area of particular interest for scholars studying religious and political movements. Scholars have noted the connection between revivals and antislavery movements (Hammond, 1974) and antislavery and temperance societies (Matthews, 1967) and have argued that the moral conditioning of the revivals laid the foundation for later moralist movements. This study considers the importance of the Burned Over District for the occurrence of all three moralist movements that spread across the state of New York in the 1820s and 30s. Two techniques are employed in the analysis of the Burned Over District. First, regression analysis is employed to determine whether the locations of revivals and antislavery societies can be used to predict the occurance of temperance societies. Second, this paper uses GIS techniques to map both the regression equation?s prediction of temperance societies and the actual occurance of temperance socities. The use of regression analysis suggests that these movements all experienced the most intensity in the Burned Over District of New York State. However, the spatial comparison of the prediction equation and the real occurance of temperance societies indicates that these variables help explain temperance activities in western New York but do no account for the organization of temperance societies in north eastern New York. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reveals and investigates varying expectations that protestors have of who is primarily affected by their protest activity. Several hypotheses based on seminal social movement research are tested using original survey data collected at the massive demonstration held in New York City on the eve of the 2004 Republican National Convention. Previous studies have shown the important effect of social ties for social movement success, particularly for recruitment and movement longevity, but have not directly compared participants themselves and their expectations at such a large inclusive event. The study finds that while most protestors (labeled Externalists) believed that their activity could lead to immediate political change on outside reference groups, a surprising amount (Solidarians) believed instead that only protestors themselves would be primarily affected by their activity. Protestors recruited or accompanied by family members or friends were more likely to be Externalists while members of multiple organizations and social movement organizations in particular were more likely to be Solidarians, along with protestors from neighborhoods that were unsupportive of the protest. Surprisingly, first-time protestors did not have significantly different expectations than veteran protestors. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes counts of New York State temperance societies during the early stages of the U.S. temperance movement. Using several waves of historical New York State data, we measure associations between county characteristics and counts of New York State temperance societies between 1828 and 1834. In general, we examine the early growth of New York State temperance societies as a function of counties' ecological characteristics. In particular, we test the hypothesis that counties that had the highest levels of religious activities were the most likely to have had high numbers of temperance societies. Findings show that religious forces were indeed influencing the growth of the early New York State temperance movement. This evidence is consistent with the life politics perspective of social movements and with the argument that temperance was a confessional movement with cultural aims. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the connection between the tactic repertoire of an environmental group and the type of organizations with which it associates. From a survey of environmental groups in the downstate New York area, the research determines (1) the propensity for environmental groups to associate with other organizations that advocate the use of similar tactics, (2) the frequency of contact between environmental groups and organizations that employ tactics from the same repertoire, and (3) the level of resources granted by organizations to environmental groups that share a like minded view towards particular tactics. Findings demonstrate the significance of movement cultures, arenas where interacting organizations communicate normative information regarding the tactics appropriate for environmental groups to select. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I investigate the interorganizational network of organizations engaged in protest activities over a 35 year period in New York State. This exploratory article represents one section of a larger analysis. Here I use social network analytics to describe, in detail, what the network looks like overall, and to examine how the network changes over time during a critical time in the history of social movement activity in the U.S. I focus on changes in whole-network measures such as density and shifts in clustering. I suggest that macro-structural network processes may impact other aspects of social movement activity. A major contribution of this work is that, while numerous studies have investigated one or several network processes within a relatively small subset of SMOs, the vastness of the dataset I use will allow me to observe multiple network processes across many movement areas, organizational types, and years. Considering the rarity of research on social network effects over time, this focus is a significant contribution of the proposed investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Efforts to establish social service facilities to empower immigrants often encounter fierce local resistance. Community-based research informed by social movement theory can assist advocates in developing strategies that effectively prevent and respond to opposition. In partnership with the New York Asian Women's Center and the Workplace Project, we examined two cases—one involving the successful establishment of a shelter mainly serving Asian women and the other involving unsuccessful efforts to establish a official hiring site mostly serving Mexican and Central American men. Along with a review of the literature, our analysis of data from archival searches, focus groups, and surveys suggests five lessons for increasing the chances for success: (1) inclusive and ongoing strategic planning processes that draw upon past experiences and local knowledge; (2) identifying policy discourses that assist in cultivating support among targets, the media, and bystanders; (3) creating task-forces or advisory boards rather than hearings or community forums as the primary vehicles for addressing resident concerns; (4) blurring identity boundaries in public relations work while at the same time reinforcing these boundaries in mobilizing allies and members; and (5) acquiring direct ownership of the proposed facilities by the service provider. The study illustrates the benefits of community-based research both as a tool for encouraging strategic thinking, planning, and practice among community organizers and as a method that yields important insights for social movement theory (in this case that the dynamics of contention shape campaign outcomes and that discursive opportunities can be used to create political opportunities). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the increase in large contentious demonstrations in the last decade has come a variety of new efforts to explain the interactions of police and protestors. The "blue" approach claims that understanding the views and internal procedures of the police must be given primacy. The police have a high degree of bureaucratic autonomy in advanced democracies and make their own determinations about the nature of the threat posed by protest events. The "black" approach argues that the role of the state in repressing political threats is central to understanding these confrontations. Even in democratic settings, political leaders can exert considerable pressure on police in high stakes situations and in fact often have a shared outlook on political protest activity. Based on an analysis of how the New York Police Department (NYPD) handled six demonstrations at the 2004 Republican National Convention (RNC). I argue that while each protest was dealt with in a unique way, a general pattern emerged in which the police used either the "soft hat" command and control model or the "hard hat" Miami model. The choice of which approach to use was based on three primary factors: 1) the posture that demonstrators took towards the police, 2) the internal organizational styles of policing used by the NYPD, and 3) the political environment in which the protest occurred. Building on Bourdieu's concepts of "field" and "habitus" I argue that this three part framework shows that both internal dynamics within police departments as well as external political factors need to be considered. As a result, complaints by social movements and civil libertarians about repressive policing must target both the police and political officials. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]