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In this paper, in a sample of Central and Eastern European countries (Albania, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Macedonia, Moldova, Romania, Russian Federation, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, and Ukraine) we investigate the effects of: 1) democracy (measured by democracy indices); 2) government related variables and 3) other selected macroeconomic variables, on labor market outcomes. As labor market outcomes we use the following variables: unemployment rate, long-term unemployment rate, employment to population ratio, and average annual hours worked. As independent government related variables we use the following ones: government consumption (lagged), tax revenues as percentage of GDP (lagged), Herfindahl index of government (lagged). For the level of democracy we use following indices: Freedom house political rights and Civil liberties index (lagged), worker rights by CIRI human rights data project and Physical integrity rights index (lagged). Finally (regarding the independent macroeconomic variables), we estimate the effects of economic growth, inflation, and gross capital formation, on labor market outcomes. The empirical findings are based on two econometric techniques: The Seemingly Unrelated Regressions (SUR), and the General Method of Moments (GMM). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This conceptual paper discusses key instruments for territorial cohesion in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) from a comparative historical analytical perspective amidst the neoliberalisation of EU Regional Policy, which has implications for the production and reinforcement of spatial inequalities in regional development. The neoliberalisation processes unfolding in the diff erent political-institutional contexts of CEE have implications for the movement, transformation and eff ectiveness of policies such as Regional Policy, complicating the holistic understanding of policy eff ects. Increasingly neoliberal regional policies across Europe, and in the diff erent path dependent political-institutional contexts of CEE in particular, raise questions about the eff ectiveness of Regional Policy to achieve territorial cohesion. Comparative historical analysis provides a method of inquiry into path dependent processes shaping institutions and aff ecting policy outcomes, and is therefore a useful approach for conceptualising regional political-institutional contexts and their implications for Regional Policy. Operational Programmes encompassed in national strategic documents from the Czech Republic, Estonia and Hungary over three programming periods are examined as the key instruments for the implementation of Regional Policy, the comparison of which reveals a diff erence in perspectives towards the common EU goals of competitiveness and growth as a means of achieving territorial cohesion. The research thus points to the need for deeper comparative understanding of the political-institutional contexts in the three countries in order to identify factors of eff ective policies and to tailor eff ective policy solutions to specific regional contexts, a task to be advanced in future studies of Regional Policy and political-institutional contexts of CEE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the policy implemented by the city of Milan to deal with the migrants crossing the city en route to central Europe from 2013, mainly from Syria and the Horn of Africa. To understand the city's response to this wave of migration, a qualitative case study was conducted that included interviews with volunteers, public employees, legal advisers and refugees. Milan's initiative is discussed in the context of the expansion of sanctuary city policies in Europe during the period of the "migration crisis". In particular, we will see that the sistema profughi was from 2013 to 2017 an alternative to national and international policies on transit migration in terms of law, narrative and implementation, in supporting the right to the transit and challenging European and Italian policies on the matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the location decision for foreign direct investments (FDI) in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries based on the attractiveness of policies most influenced by public officials. Our assessment of the FDI inflows in a country is based on four pillars: infrastructure, quality of institutions, labor market and taxes. The attraction degree of the CEE countries in 2007 and 2010 is calculated using the Technique for Order Preference by Similarity to Ideal Solution (TOPSIS) method, a tool usually used for decision-making issues. The empirical result indicates that Estonia is the most attractive country for investments (as regards the public policy approach). Globally, the paper establishes the state's role in attracting FDI and identifies whether there is room for further improvement on the public policy side. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the geopolitical analysis of the possible implementation of strategic project on navigable canal Danube-Morava-Vardar- Thessalonica. Presented historical intentions to build such a canal would represent over structure of the existing river system navigable Rhine-Main-Danube. The highlight geopolitical, and geoeonomic and geostrategic implications and suggests potential geopolitical and geostrategic redefining the region of Southeastern and Central Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relying on social choice theory, this paper argues that uncertainty regarding future public policies is likely to be related to party institutionalization and legislative organization. The argument is evaluated using survey data from businesses in eight EU member states in East Central Europe. It finds that firms report lower concern over policy uncertainty in systems with higher party institutionalization. There is also some evidence, although less robust, that restrictive parliamentary agenda control leads to lower perceptions of policy uncertainty and this effect mediates the influence of party institutionalization. These results tend to hold if one controls for the effect of other national and firm-level factors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper undertakes a critical assessment of the influence of the EU Cohesion policy on regionalisation and the role of regional institutions in Central and Eastern Europe. It addresses questions that are central to ongoing theoretical debates about the role of the region in the new member states. Have the powers and resources of the regions been strengthened by their involvement in EU support programmes? Are regions increasingly involved in integrated 'bottom-up' responses to regional development challenges? The paper offers a fresh perspective on these issues, with a cross-national analysis of practical experience in the postenlargement period and a detailed assessment of the technical, variable, and complex reality of working with EU Structural Funds. A distinctive approach of the analysis is to disaggregate the stages of Structural Funds programme management and delivery, thereby highlighting the varied nature of regional involvement in Structural Funds. Ultimately, the paper questions the notion that Structural Funds build regional structures and competence, and lead to 'stronger regions'. Instead, it is argued that there is no guarantee that the Structural Funds will necessarily promote regionalisation in Central and Eastern Europe, at least in the short to medium terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author presents an analysis of Central European economies, nationalistic protectionism, cartelization, the role of big business in fascism and industrial development. Inflation is noted to have helped the business prospects of small business. Wholesale and retail price indexes from Austria between 1914 and 1938 are presented. Distribution cost patterns and the efficiency of production are closely tied to American economic conditions. Regimentation, restrictions and licencing in business is discussed with respect to its implications on business and the prospects of fascism.

A status-quo analysis of the way the question of the multifunctionality of agriculture and of rural space is dealt with in policy evaluation is given. Focus is on conceptual frameworks, tools and methods. The paper builds on a review of policy evaluation practice and experiences in six different EU member states and of a summative review for Central and Eastern European countries (CEE). It is argued that European level evaluation procedures and guidelines that fully correspond with the concept of a multifunctional agriculture and rural space yet have to be developed. In terms of future research it is concluded that more holistic concepts need to be adopted, focussed on the potential of agriculture to fulfil new societal goals, to contribute to rural employment, to improve the viability of rural areas, particularly in less favoured areas. Quantitative tools must be linked in more effective ways with qualitative, discursive and consultative approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introduction of a new model of territorial development based on a bottom-up approach appears to be an entirely new process in the formerly communist countries of Central Europe. However, the ongoing process of Europeanisation in these countries is acting as a catalyst for the transmission of this model of endogenous development, a model whose principles are to highlight the specific advantages of each territory and to foster the initiatives taken by decentralised actors. 'Territorial governance' is a notion that sums up these new patterns of public policies that are in keeping with a multi-level environment. At the crossroads of European and national policies with bottom-up initiatives, taken by local stakeholders (local representatives, project managers, etc.), new patterns in territorial resetting are also appearing as part of the change in territorial governance. How does such a transfer of model take place and what effects does it imply? This paper is aimed at analysing the reception of this European model of local development by local actors and their ability for social learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large inland floods represent a serious threat to the Central European territory. It is therefore necessary to develop efficient flood‐risk management based on shared responsibility, stressing the importance of the self‐engagement of local actors (such as municipalities, household, etc.). Central government flood expenditures are an influential factor that shapes their motivation and expectations. In this context, the article investigates the relevance of the concept of crowding out. In particular, it search for the reflection of the concept in the flood governance literature. A thorough review of Web of Science sources in the past 20 years has been undertaken in this matter. Furthermore, the intention is to discuss the problem of data availability (especially regarding flood expenditures of central governments) for assessing the crowding‐out effect on a macroeconomic basis. The Czech central government's activity after the disastrous floods of 1997 and 2002 is used as a case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Levels of both religiosity and of religious influence on public policy vary enormously across the countries of post-communist East Central Europe. This variation poses a challenge to existing explanations, which have focused on religious competition and alliances with political parties to explain religious participation and policy influence, respectively. The legacy of religious nationalism instead helps to explain both the vibrancy of religious participation and the influence of churches on democratic public policy. This variation also calls for greater scrutiny of “historical legacies”: while some patterns are durable and reach back centuries, others are recent innovations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the reform of intelligence governance in two sub-regional groupings of former communist states: East Central Europe and the Balkans. These two sub-regions are delineated according to the pace and nature of transformations that they have undergone since the collapse of communist rule and their relations with respect to the European Union, the key political and economic organization in Europe. A number of lessons are drawn from comparing experiences in the two sub-regions relating to democratic reform of the security apparatus, and in particular the intelligence sector. Significant factors in the consolidation of democratic governance of intelligence include the nature of precursor communist-era regimes and the legacies they created, whether armed conflict has occurred during the transition, the extent and character of external (especially EU) assistance, and the strength of media and civil society. These factors appear to have influenced how transitional regimes have sought to introduce institutional reforms to constrain the powers of those services and their susceptibility to arbitrary use. They also have influenced measures taken to redress abuses by intelligence services under the preceding communist regime and the legitimation of the post-authoritarian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I am going to speak about federative projects and plans, political initiatives and memoranda, reactions they caused in the Romanian intellectual and political environment, the way they were (or rather were not) included in the historical discourse, and will not tackle the “Central European set of mind” which is so difficult to identify. It has to be mentioned that, for the Romanian culture, the acquisition of the Central European conscience, the conscience of the middle and its potential conceptualization are doomed to annihilation by the obsessive claim of “insularity”. The imperial legacy is only mentioned in negative contexts, various political and cultural personalities are incriminated for their cosmopolitanism, and for the “pro-Hapsburg”, “pro-German” activity which is equal to being “antinational”. Central Europe becomes a spectre, a bogey man shown every now and then to Romanians in order to reinforce the feeling of being “under siege”, the fear that the country could be dismembered by the “enemies from abroad and enemies within”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses how far ten Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries have 'caught up' in biotechnology on the basis of information about the policies and funding for biotechnology research and commercialisation from 2002-2005 and on the research and commercialisation performance of these countries. The countries that are covered are Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, the Slovak Republic and Slovenia. The countries are grouped into three clusters, with similar performances in biotechnology as the basis for distinguishing the shared characteristics which could explain performance. Government science and technology policy is found to be a significant factor in explaining biotechnology performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how innovation policies and the respective policy-making systems in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have evolved since 1990 and the role that the European Union (EU) has played in these processes. We aim to show that the EU's impact on innovation policies in CEE has been highly positive in terms of reorienting economic policies generally towards more sustainable growth, and thus, Europeanization has rectified some problems inherited from the 1990s' fast and furious industrial restructuring. Europeanization itself, however, has exacerbated other problems of the 1990s and brought additional specific problems into innovation policy in CEE: firstly, an overemphasis on linear innovation and, secondly, weak administrative environment lacking policy skills for networking and long-term planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Starting from existing accounts on candidate country and member state compliance, the compliance record of the Central and Eastern European countries in the field of state aid policy is puzzling. Despite allegedly low compliance costs in areas of negative integration and despite the European Union's powerful instrument of conditionality, the candidate countries' state aid policies have been in striking contrast to European rules before accession. After accession they quickly brought their policies in line with European requirements. This compliance record is a result of the institutional structure of European state aid control, conceding extraordinary enforcement powers to the Commission, rather than of low compliance costs in this field. By shifting the burden of proof to potential state aid grantors and channelling enterprises' state aid demand, Commission control produces strong incentives to comply with European state aid rules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares childcare provisions in the new member countries of the EU. It takes into account two pillars of childcare policy: publicly provided childcare services and parental leave provisions. In the analysis, the fuzzy set ideal types approach is utilized. In contrast to the studies conducted so far, this article stops treating the region of Cental and Eastern Europe as a monolith and demonstrates the existence of cross-country variation of childcare policies within the region. Furthermore, the difference is systematized by identifying four clusters of childcare policy. These are: explicit familialism, implicit familialism, female mobilizing and comprehensive support types. The countries are clustered as follows: the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Slovenia in the explicit familism policy model; Estonia and Latvia in the female mobilizing type policy; Lithuania and Hungary pursuing the childcare policies typical of the comprehensive support model; and finally the childcare policy in Poland resembles characteristics of the implicit familism model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the relatively high potential contribution of renewable energy sources (RES) to the energy mixes of the countries in Central Europe and the officially stated support for RES deployment, progress towards implementing that commitment has been slow. This article examines the content and coherence of support schemes for the promotion of RES adopted by the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland. We argue that RES support schemes suffer from some weaknesses that are a function of the means by which renewable energy objectives were imported into the region. The preparations for accession to the EU encouraged a process of "policy transfer" of policies negotiated and designed elsewhere. Consequently, policies sometimes suffer from technical deficiencies, lack of political support, implementation and enforcement obstacles. The challenge now is to review the policies adopted during the transition period, rationalise their legal superstructure, and implement them in the context of well-developed strategic objectives with political and stakeholder understanding and support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the potential effects of the European Union (EU) enlargement on environmental governance. Implications of the enlargement for EU environmental governance from a historical-institutionalist perspective; Differences of EU environmental governance regimes; Discussion of environmental problems and policy in Central and Eastern European countries.

The article discusses the Europe Agreements (EAs) with the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs), recognized by the European Union (EU) as a vehicle for accession following their political reorientation by the Copenhagen European Council on June 21 and 22, 1993. The European Community views the EAs as association agreements, providing more of an alternative to accession than a vehicle towards it. The Copenhagen European Council recognized accession as a common goal of the EU as much as for the associated countries.

This article offers an overview of the range of policies introduced by governments in East and Central Europe aimed at the privatization of their economies, and assesses the extent to which such policies have been implemented so far. It then goes on to explore the different interests involved in the political debates and competitions over privatization and offers a conceptual scheme for their further analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]