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This paper addresses the need for a new analytical framework to reach a thorough understanding of the outcomes of unequal trade integration, in North America and beyond. To achieve this goal, it was divided in four main sections: the deconstruction of the orthodox argument of free trade areas; the assessment of the contrasting outcomes of NAFTA; an overview of relevant literature; and the delineation of an interdisciplinary agenda. The hypothesis is that the lack of theoretical certainty is due, in parts, to the causal opening of the object of study and to the scarce interaction of specialties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the present day globalization context there are three Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) in which the labor issues forma part of the Labor Cooperation Agreement (LCA), accompanied by a text that contains "labor principles" : the FTA of North America with its ACLAN, the Canada-Chile FTA with its ACLCC, and the FTA of Canada and Costa Rica with its ACLCCR. There are also two FTAs in which no labor agreement is incorporated: the United States and Chile (FTAEUCHI), and the USA, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Dominican Republic (FTAEUACARD). In this paper the purposes, principles and labor agreements in these FTA and LCA were analyzed, interrelating them with the principles and norms of the ITO and the labor principles adopted by the UN and the OAS. In the conclusions certain considerations related to the impact of these contents in labor relations were formulated. The paper does not refer to globalization as such, or to the non-labor contents of the FTAs. It likewise did not examine constitutional contents, or solutions to controversies, nor the application of sanctions [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labour market and social policies both affect and are affected by the process of trade liberalization and globalization. This two-way interaction and the feedback effects are the focus of this paper. The analysis is mainly conceptual—but examples are illustrated throughout, based mainly in the context of labour markets in North America, Latin America and the Caribbean basin. Attention is paid to outlining the mechanisms whereby globalization and trade liberalization affect labour market and social policy initiatives, and the extent to which these pressures will lead to a harmonization of legislative and policy initiatives, and if that harmonization will necessarily be downward to the lowest common denominator. The paper concludes that: (1) the pressures will lead towards policy harmonization; (2) the harmonization generally will be downwards; (3) such harmonization is not always negative as generally perceived; (4) efficient regulatory and social policy initiatives will survive and indeed expand, with the ‘rent-protecting’ ones under most pressure to dissipate; and (5) pure distributional or equity-oriented initiatives that have no positive feedback effect on efficiency, unfortunately, will also be under jeopardy to dissipate, and this is a serious policy concern. Alternatives for addressing this concern are discussed, as are their associated problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that conflicting assessments of the impacts of free trade in North America are incomplete because they do not analyse these effects in light of the key long term U.S. goal: the reconstruction of U.S. hegemony that was under siege by Japan and Europe. The declining competitiveness of U.S. raw materials supply systems badly damaged U.S. hegemony during the 1970s and 1980s. The original U S. strategy was to create a continental energy market to reduce overseas oil imports, guarantee access to oil and natural gas from Canada and Mexico, and reduce price instability. The evolution into broader agreements reflected the interests of other U.S. industries and the efforts of Canadian and Mexican states and firms to capture benefits from restructuring. This paper analyses the role continental integration of raw materials industries played in strategic efforts to reconstruct U S. hegemony and the consequences of these efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper, using a dynamic, multi-sector and multi-country Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) model, analyses the combined economic impact of China''s accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the removal of tariff and non-tariff barriers on textiles and apparel by the industrialized countries in China and North America and other major economies. The combined impacts of these two policy initiatives are studied in detail on trade flows, real output, employment and investment both at the aggregate and industry levels in China, the U.S., Canada and other countries/regions. The simulation results suggest that China''s real gross domestic product (GDP) would increase by over 2 percent, mainly due to a large increase in the output of textiles and apparel industries. India too would gain considerably in these two industries from the removal of the trade barriers. Textiles and apparel industries will face considerable adjustment challenges in North America particularly in the U.S. and Canada, implying output and employment losses ranging between 20 and 30 percent. However, the output and employment gains in other North American industries will be more than offset the losses in textiles and apparel industries. Bilateral trade between China and North American economies would increase between 15 and 20 percent, but over all economic gain would be modest. Asian economies will also experience significant increase in trade with China and the output impacts are positive but modest. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Examines several articles in `The New York Times' newspaper from January 1 through November 18, 1993 that concern the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Description of the campaign to legitimize NAFTA; Discussion on the paper's treatment of the opposition; Implications of the NAFTA discourse for journalism and democracy.