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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Kanada-Studien is the property of Gesellschaft fuer Kanada Studien e.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Higher-income neighbourhoods in Canada’s eight largest cities flourished economically during the past quarter-century, while lower-income communities stagnated. This paper identifies some of the underlying processes that led to this outcome. Increasing family income inequality drove much of the rise in neighbourhood inequality. Increased spatial economic segregation, the increasing tendency of ‘like to live nearby like’, also played a role. It is shown that these changes originated in the labour market. Changes in investment, pension income and government transfers played a very minor role. Yet it was not unemployment that differentiated the richer from poorer neighbourhoods. Rather, it was the type of job found, particularly the annual earnings generated. The end result has been little improvement in economic resources in poor neighbourhoods during a period of substantial economic growth, and a rise in neighbourhood income inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of International Migration & Integration is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper addresses one particular feature of Canada's accommodation of diversity -- the existence of French-language communities outside of Quebec and New Brunswick -- to show how there continues to be conceptual difficulties in reconciling Canada's many diversities. More specifically, we are concerned with conceptual ambiguities associated with the place of these minority communities in Canada's constitutive political sociology, and difficulties in promoting a coherent set of policies for their flourishing. Moreover, this paper will not simply rehash arguments about their forma and conceptual status. We are interested in illuminating a recent initiative that seeks to direct immigrants to these communities in the hope of maintaining their overall percentage of the Canadian population. This is a development that has received little attention to date from the perspective of the scholarship of multiculturalism and minority rights, and political theory more generally. We argue that the strategy to target Francophone minority communities as 'sites' of integration represents a false promise for both these communities and immigrants. This article will show that the federal framework of 'multiculturalism within a bilingual framework' obscures the realities confronting Francophone minority communities and thus their capacity to integrate newcomers, on both empirical and normative grounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Bulletin of Medical History is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Review of Sociology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Social Research is the property of Association for Canadian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since 1945 the idea of some form of permanent UN peacekeeping force has been considered. There have been many suggestions as to how such a force could improve training, reaction time to crises, coordination efficiency and financial stability. The periods 1944-50 and 1990 to the present have been particularly active but the idea was also discussed during the four decades in-between. This article analyses international support for the idea in the mid-1960s by examining the plans, proceedings and results of a conference of 23 countries in 1964, organized by Canada. It shows that during 1950-90 small and middle powers (particularly Canada) were, like the superpowers, reluctant to sacrifice national sovereignty to the international organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between the Protestant churches and Japanese Canadians during and following the Second World War in their forced resettlement to central Canadian urban centers like Toronto and Hamilton, Ontario. While recent studies have focused on the forced movement of Japanese Canadian eastward to the rural areas of Manitoba and Ontario, this paper goes one step further, examining what was for many the last stage of relocation: urban settlement. More importantly, this paper provides a reinterpretation of the relationship between Japanese Canadians and Canadian society during the Second World War. Protestant churches such as the United and Anglican Churches of Canada followed the federal government's intention to have Japanese Canadians live geographically separated from one another in cities like Toronto and Hamilton, but a close look at church attendance and the social function of churches will show how Japanese Canadians were able to use the churches to their own ends in maintaining and strengthening their community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Self-reported life satisfaction is increasingly measured in government and private surveys around the world. In Canada, life satisfaction questions have not been asked in a consistent manner over time, but the accumulated set of data since 1985, along with recent surveys with repeated structure, now facilitates an analysis of regional changes. Those two and a half decades reveal a significant increase in life satisfaction in the province of Quebec as compared with the rest of Canada. The scale of this increase in well-being is comparable to the imputed effect of more than a trebling of mean household income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship examining public pronouncements on “mass culture” in Canada during the post-World War Two period has focused overwhelmingly on the pessimistic voices of the cultural critics who feared mass culture's deleterious effects upon national identity, democracy, and intellectual freedom. A more accurate understanding of the extent to which mass culture was contested terrain in post-war Canada requires an analysis of the optimistic pronouncements offered by business leaders and government officials. This article examines the rhetoric of Canada's leading post-war tourism promoter, Leo Dolan, and highlights the extent to which he viewed mass culture as a positive force that could achieve many of the same ends that the cultural critics endorsed. While cultural critics saw mass culture as a barrier to progress, Leo Dolan and other tourism promoters in North America championed tourism as an element of mass culture that would facilitate international understanding, strengthen national unity, and contribute to Western civilization. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Canadian Review of Sociology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Native Studies is the property of Brandon University, CJNS, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Social Research is the property of Association for Canadian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the proliferation of beauty contests sponsored by the union movement after World War II, as a means of exploring the contradictions of the Fordist accord for women workers, and also feminist scholarship on beauty and the body. Beauty contests were articulations of labor pride and identity; they reflected the popular culture of the post-war period, labor's search for respectability, and labor's attempts to entice women into the movement by appealing to women's culture. A few contests even offered more subversive meanings of beauty by celebrating the 'queen of the picket line.' However, most labor beauty contests promoted competitive individualism, consumption, and images of passive femininity that kept women marginalized on the sidelines of the labor movements. Le Bal des Midinettes, sponsored by the ILGWU, was an excellent example of these contradictions, espousing both faith in the Cinderella myth and a sense of French Canadian working-class pride. While theories stressing identity, agency, and subjectivity offer some insights into beauty contests, feminist-materialist analyses of commodification, exploitation, and ideology remain essential to our understanding of their meaning for, and impact on women workers in this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Kanada-Studien is the property of Gesellschaft fuer Kanada Studien e.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Public Administration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Historical Review is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The author argues that the continuous connection between Zimbabwean Diasporic Canadians (ZDC) and their homeland Zimbabwe is facilitated by the ZDC’s ongoing relationship and involvement with Zimbabwean African Indigenous Religion (AIR) and Zimbabwean African Initiated Churches (AICs). The two spiritual institutions are used as vehicles to alleviate cultural and racial discrimination as well as the socioeconomic challenges faced by the ZDC. The methodologies of interviews and participant observation were used. Research indicates that ZDC maintain their ties with Zimbabwe through continued engagement with AIR and AIC, who establish and assert themselves as vehicles of interaction and interdependence between Zimbabwe and the ZDC. In addition to their religious preoccupation, these institutions also play an important economic and social role in the lives of the ZDC. The conclusion is that ZDC did not make a complete break with their homeland. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Material Culture Review is the property of Cape Breton University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Review of Sociology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The conventional wisdom has been that the Canadian Citizenship Act and the British Nationality and Australian Citizenship Act demonstrated the growth of a local nationalism after the Second World War. In reality, the situation was more complicated. Both English-speaking Canada and Australia still regarded themselves as British nations. The passage of the Canadian Act was an illustration of the bicultural nature of that country, which developments during the war had brought to the fore. The Australian Act was simply a reaction to the Canadian Act, as the latter had undermined the common code of British subject status across the Commonwealth. Meanwhile, the British Nationality Act was primarily an attempt to preserve the common status of British subjects throughout the Commonwealth and maintain the integrity of this organisation during a period when it was being rapidly transformed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Canadian Historical Review is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Yukon Alpine Centennial Expedition was a mass outdoor adventure to celebrate Canada's Centennial in 1967. Organized by the Alpine Club of Canada, it mobilized unifying narratives of federal nationhood through athletic exploits and sporting bodies. Funded by federal, provincial, and territorial governments, three prongs of this major expedition involved more than three hundred mountaineers and resulted in thirty-three climbs in the St Elias Range, including twenty-seven first ascents. The expedition named many geographic features and left imprints on the cultural landscape. Although the expedition officially commemorated nationhood, climbers nonetheless challenged common assumptions through their ways of knowing mountain landscapes. Looking back to the 1925 first ascent of Mt Logan and forward to the declaration of Kluane National Park in 1972, YACE represented Canadian federalist nationalism in northern mountain landscapes, situated amid the Southern Tutchone homelands. Imagining peaks in the St Elias Range as the domain of Canada's national alpine club contributed to imagining Canada's northern national parks established in the 1970s. This study considers how encounters and stories associated with the expedition might be read to place the study of commemoration and mountaineering history within discussions of local knowledge, cultural landscapes, and environmental philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1950 Vancouver convention of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) opened against the backdrop of the Korean War and tense Cold War debates within Canada's social democratic party. Providing a window into this moment of ideological tension, the gathering demonstrates how leftists sought to forge domestic and foreign policies amenable to the narrow public opinion of the McCarthy era. The convention also illuminates the complex character of British Columbia's postwar left and the broader intellectual and political milieu of the early Cold War years in Canada – debates over the prohibition of atomic weapons and the relationship between markets and the state that would culminate in the CCF's Winnipeg Declaration of Principles later in the 1950s. Finally, the Vancouver convention highlights the role of Trotskyists within the CCF, a strategy of ‘entryism’ that has been explored only peripherally in the historiography of social democracy in Canada. The ideological confrontation at Vancouver left the CCF squarely in the hands of ‘moderates,’ shaping CCF strategy and policy for its final decade of political activity, while muting the Canadian left's independent voice in domestic and international affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of RACAR: Canadian Art Review / Revue d'art Canadienne is the property of Universities Art Association of Canada / Association d'Art des Universites du Canada and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents a research note on the subject of the 45th anniversary of the founding of the journal "Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie." The author presents an empirical analysis of articles that were published in the journal and also compares articles published in the "Canadian Review of Sociology" with those that were published in the "Canadian Journal of Sociology/Cahiers canadiens de sociologie." Finally, the author presents the role of the journal in the transfer of knowledge to the public and political actors responsible for public policy planning.

Copyright of Canadian Historical Review is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In much of the world, and particularly in Europe, there is a widespread perception that multiculturalism has failed, and Canada has not been immune to these rising global anxieties. A number of commentators have argued that smug complacency is blinding Canadians to growing evidence of stresses and failures in ethnic relations in their country. In this article, we explore this evolving debate. We briefly review the global backlash against multiculturalism, and why some commentators see warning signs in Canada as well. We then look at the evidence about how the multiculturalism policy in Canada operates, and about trends in immigrant integration and ethnic relations. We show that there are indeed stresses and strains within Canadian multiculturalism, with real issues that require serious attention. But we misdiagnose the problems, and their remedies, if we read the Canadian experience through the lens of the European debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Review of Sociology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Historical Review is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents an historical overview of sociological studies of the corporate elite of Canada for the post-World War II period. It considers theories from books such as the 1965 "The Vertical Mosaic" by John Porter, the 1975 "The Canadian Corporate Elite" by Wallace Clement, and the 1981 "Canadian Capitalism" by Jorge Niosi. Topics explored include social relationships, capitalization, capitalists, intellectuals, and social classes. The impact of political neoliberalism and economic reform after 1979 on corporate structures is considered.

The purpose of this study was to assess the effectiveness of Sport Canada's Sport Funding and Accountability Framework (SFAF) from 1995-2004 within the context of four differently funded NSOs. The perceptions of 16 stakeholders (management staff, President, Sport Program Officer, athlete reps) were attained using semi-structured open-ended interviews. Accountability, accountability relationships, and the effectiveness of the SFAF relative to NSO development were the areas of focus. Written documentation verified information expressed by interviewees. Differences in internal accountability processes and the quality of the accountability relationships shared with Sport Canada existed within NSOs relative to its funding category. The SFAF was deemed an effective tool, but negative implications such as competition between NSOs and a tendency towards accountancy were noted. Recommendations for NSOs and Sport Canada regarding accountability in Canadian sport were developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A chapter from the book "A New Sociology of Work?" is presented. It discusses developments concerning female employees in the Canadian health care system, including women who perform tasks such as cooking, cleaning, and laundering. It discusses the impact of for-profit strategies in the health care industry upon women employed in such tasks and a shifting definition from health care workers to ancillary service workers. It also discusses the shifting understanding of private and public spheres in relation to households, social political issues such as abortion and birth control, and women in nursing in Canada.

Studies the changing geography of the Canadian North following World War II, focusing on the forgotten colonizers, Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire (IODE). Offering of an interpretation of the colonization of the North; Information on the IODE; Challenges offered by feminist approaches to geography on the study of colonialism; Introduction of the IODE.

This Anecdotes department article describes an early analysis-of-variance program for the statistical design known as a Latin square. This program for statistical calculations was developed in 1956 on one of the first computers in Canada, an NCR 102D. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]