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This article analyzes the Argentinan parliamentary opposition in legal reform debates between 2009 and 2010, that searched to extend rights concerning to communicative and sexual citizenship in that country. From analysis of interventions in the Congress' voting sessions, the paper proposes two categories to describe strategies of displacement of the parliamentary opposition: displacements by procedures flaws and displacements by political feuds. Both categories group discursive operations that question the democratic institutions based on external factors, displace the object of legislative debate and seek the annulment of parliamentary debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends to contribute to the critique of Neoliberal Ideology, assuming that a new political situation claims to attend the ideological aspect in which Neoliberalism never stopped producing effects. The paper interrogates that level in which subjectivities are affected by Neoliberalism as Ideology, by identifying four central ideological cores: Justification of inequality, Meritocracy, Technocratism and Ideology of Life’s Flexibility. Through the analysis of the results of a survey and certain public discourses we propose to observe the extension and articulation of these cores. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the concerns which have led to the new wave of studies on populism in Argentina, focusing more on the debate surrounding the establishment of a new institutional framework typical of the 1980s than on the proliferation of 21st-century popular governments in South America. The typical characteristics and problems encountered in these studies are explained, and the defining features of the populist experience in 20th-century Argentina are analyzed by drawing comparisons with other populist processes in the region. Finally, the paper analyzes how certain features persist in the new political order, while others have gone through complete transformations since it was established in 1983. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Kirchnerism as a populist political process. Using specific literature, it is possible to reconstruct the change in the political and social alliances of the government, marked by the conflict with the agricultural fraction of the bloc in power in 2008. This conflict caused a change in the emphasis on the political strategy of the government, which modified its discourse and alliances. On this basis, the article proposes a periodization of the process in two stages, changing from the populist rupture to a particularistic affirmation of the Kirchnerist identity. The article shows in detail the new features of the political order after 2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes two contributions to the classical thesis in American Political Science on the existence of "two presidents", as applied to the Argentine case. Analyzing rollcall votes for the recent period, we confirm the validity of the thesis in a markedly presidential and multiparty system. Furthermore, comparing international and domestic legislative topics, we analyze which factors affect the legislative support received by the president. Using robust regressions, we find that popular approval is positively associated with the level of support that the president received for domestic but not international initiatives. The use of Necessity and Urgency Decrees, the economy's performance, the ideological polarization between the parties in Congress, and the chamber in which the initiative is submitted are all variables that affect legislative support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research will analyze the last two political- electoral reforms carried out and/or under discussion in Argentina: the first, promoted by the Kirchnerist government, sanctioned in 2009, and the second, promoted by the Macrist government, debated throughout 2016 and still under legislative treatment. In this paper, we propose a critical reading of both Political Reform projects, first setting forth the assessment that preceded each one, then reviewing the arguments that have supported each proposal. Subsequently, we will analyze in detail the content of both reforms, pointing out the concrete effects of the clauses (real in the first case and possible in the second), theoretically outlined or incorporated with each one. Thus, through the evaluation of the three elections celebrated since the enactment of the first law, we will consider that the objectives set forth with its enactment were not achieved. But, at the same time, there is no evidence -based on recent international experience- that the proposals included in the new project will lead to this purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on different urban and architectural projects, as viewed by the local press during Lencinas' administrations, a member of the Radical political party in the Mendoza province who was active from 1918 to 1930. Among the corpus of projects, we focus specifically on public spaces and housing for the low-income population, which became a significant point of attention in the first decade of the 20th century. The political change brought about by the arrival to power of nontraditional, underrepresented groups had an impact on different cultural fields in Mendoza. Lencina's arrival to power fostered social transformations that benefited the low-income social strata that had been neglected by previous governing elites. Among other changes, the new leaders implemented laws that favored the working class, such as retirement for public employees, and the 8-hour work day. These shifts in the political sphere had an impact on the architectural and spatial spheres. In this paper we systematically trace articles published in the contemporary local press in order to establish relationships between some of these projects and the populist political ideology of these governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an alternative causal mechanism to explain why parties monitor voters. The ability to monitor voters, defined as a clientelistic party's capacity to convince voters that it can identify the candidate(s) for whom they voted, remains a core assumption in the literature. The underlying logic of the argument is that if clientelistic parties cannot monitor voters, they run the risk of voters taking the goods with one hand and voting with the other. Instead of focusing on commitment, I argue that monitoring makes clientelism work by forcing voters to publicly signal their electoral support before getting to the voting booth. Using empirical evidence from Argentina, this article shows how parties mobilize and monitor voters before elections to avoid the costs of verifying their electoral choices on an individual basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to explore Great Buenos Aires's politics analyzing midterm elections (2009) from my ethnography in a shantytown of La Matanza under a process of urbanization. I will try to show some outlooks which are usually darkened by electoral analyses. While these researches usually focus on campaign strategies and political networks in order to explain (or predict) electoral results, the main contribution of this paper is to show how elections are generally imposed and locally appropriated from a local perspective oriented towards the urbanization of the shantytown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to integrate mobility as across component of the management of specific public actions. The case of study concerns the public health services in Argentina, and mother's mobility conditions in the suburban of the Buenos Aires Metropolitan Area. In terms of methodology, the paper working on the concept of access trying to identify, measure and evaluate the relationship between mobility conditions and maternal health care. Access is weighted according to the realization of health services, and not according to the arrival at the places where they are offers. The result is innovative empirical evidence, useful as an indicator to make more relevant the role of mobility within the public agenda of transport and others specific sectors, asa basic social right behind the access that requires coordinated actions and cross-sectoral approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is part of a more comprehensive study in which I focus on teaching practice conflicts in Cordoba during the 90's, in the context of state reforms. Within this framework, on one hand I am interested in showing the real nature of official and pedagogic discourse around the educative reform; on the other hand, to discusse and leave open the possibility of thinking that there was a displacement of logical organization of the business sector to the educative area and also that the use of philosophical assumptions of onhism were being applied to other work areas. This factor had also a great influence on educative sphere as a part of global transformation and in consequence, it influenced national and provincial government discourse around that reform. Finally, this paper aims to suggest deeper analysis to follow on how those discourses were received among teachers, and the individual or collective resistance that they might have generated. This article points to answer three questions: Did the national and provincial government discourse about this educative reform point to change the organization of the teaching job and the teacher's profile? In what sense did they do that? And how did the teachers receive those government interpellations? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the forms of political action of subaltern people in a particular space of peripheral Argentina: Neuquenian municipalities of the first half of the 20th Century. Even when national territories were excluded from the federal political system, the recreation in these spaces of some of the so called creole politics provides an opportunity to explore the complexity of political clientelism in those decades of Argentinian history. Furthermore, this paper pays attention to interactions between local elites and the inferior members of the clientships, observing the ways in which the latter were represented, thus shaping the relationships that both sectors kept between them. Albeit subaltern sectors of territorial Neuquen did not consolidate themselves as an autonomous political actor, it is interesting to call attention over the negotiations they were capable to maintain with local political elites. It is suggested in this paper that clientelistic practices, as the explanations constructed on them did so, contributed to shape some of the features of the Argentinian political culture of that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the outputs of a research in which stratification, social classes and social mobility are approached from a perspective that incorporates the perceptions of the subjects regarding to the forms of construction of a symbolic normality about this issues during contemporary Argentina. In the last decade Argentina characterized itself by a model of state intervention that is consolidated in 2007, and establishes a new link between labor and social policies. This new relationship comes into tension with the neoliberal ideology of individualization, typical of the neoliberal decade, the nineties. To do so, it involves two theoretical perspectives, and a strategy that combines quantitative and qualitative techniques. The quantitative approach allowed us to describe trends that characterize social mobility and social stratification processes, which contextualize this article. The qualitative approach allowed us to analyze perceptions of one's position in the social structure (Echeverria Zabalza, 1999). The biographical method was used. Life stories addressed through thematic analysis (and not the story of life as a unit in itself) from a comparative perspective (Bertaux, 1994; 2005). In this line, we reconstructed the perceptions that the subjects that make up different paths class enunciate and construct discursively, as far as mechanisms of state intervention concerned, and particularly the way in which these utterances are related to perceptions about one's place in the social structure and the potential of that space, differentially with others. Our conclusions claim that the break of the neoliberal consensus regarding forms of state intervention was not necessarily hand to hand by a one of values and principles on which the society organized the common Life, and built explanations and justifications about social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I propose to address the treatment of international migration by the State. In order to do so, I analyze public policies which do not focus on the subject but which impact strongly on the foreign population. Thus, I seek to shed light on logics which may obviate and/or contradict the ones established in migration laws. Such logics become evident when research is conducted from the social and symbolic margins of the State, working with a broad conceptualization of public policies. I exemplify the contributions made by this perspective with the analysis of four policies implemented by the Government of the City of Buenos Aires, Argentina, between 2004 and 2014 in the Parque Indoamericano Villa Soldati, area with one of the highest percentages of migrant population residing in this city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For over a decade, social and political scientists stress the centrality of citizen security policies within the political dynamics of the province of Buenos Aires. In general, the literature emphasizes that the Buenos Aires police is an organization with a high capacity to become autonomous and carry out security policies according to their interests, often illegal and repressive. However, recent research has emphasized the dependence of the police operation of political and social terms. In this context, the aim of the paper is to analyze which actors have the ability to influence the formulation of security policies and how. The central hypothesis of this work consider that governors are the actors with capacities and interests to pursue a policy of security of left or right according to their plan of campaign, which responds to other factors which are not the alleged police interests: mainly the ideology of the national executive and the location of the median voter. The corroboration of this hypothesis instructs on the strategic game behind securities policies and the relative autonomy of the police and the penal system in Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crisis in mass media and the emergence of internet based media have generated mutations in political discourses. In this paper we will focus on the study of one aspect of the digitalization of politics: media interaction. We use tools of socio-semiotics, the mediatization of politics theory and theories of new media. The corpus consists of accounts in Facebook of the candidates for president in the election of 2011 in Argentina. Our hypothesis is that digital politics discursivities involve operations of apropiation of television discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I will discuss —from an approach that recovers the sociology of the body and emotions— the first actions in the field of social policy in Argentina in the early nineteenth century, conducted by the Charitable Society of the Capital. From a qualitative analysis of secondary data, I will discuss the impact that government intervention possesses in terms of certain assumptions related to how the beneficiaries of social policies should behave. It is concluded that governmental interventions together with the regime of capitalist accumulation presuppose a set of emotions and sensitivities related to living in an abject deprivation condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a constructivist approach, in this paper we analize the emergence of sport as a tool for social and educative inclusion in a social policy program related to education in Buenos Aires Province, Argentina, between 2004 and 2011. From the analysis of different sources of information, public presentations and interviews to main public officials of the program Patios Abiertos en las Escuelas, we inquire into the basis that the different actors report and enable the incorporation of sport to achieve the inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the political reform process implemented in1912 in Argentina in order to discuss some general understandings in national historiography about the scope of the reform. The analysis focuses on the province of Corrientes, the only one in which the Radicalism failed o reach power throughout the period. This paper seeks to assess the limits of reformism, strategies and mechanisms implemented by the Conservatism to stay in power despite the national political situation that presented it adverse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this research paper is to compare sociodemographic variables, 'cognitive mobilization', sense of -internal and external- 'political efficacy', 'political trust', voting behavior and voting intentions among 16 and 17-year old students of a private and state school in the city of Córdoba between their first and second ballot experience (primary and legislative elections). 'Political ideology' and attitude towards the so-called Youth Vote Act are analyzed through two case studies. The results of the research mark the beginnings of the youth suffrage studies in the city of Córdoba, thus establishing a sense of political efficacy and civic duty and programmatic political knowledge of the secondary students. At the same time, it shows that both groups have similar dynamics, such as the case of the relatives with the greatest impact on the choice of candidates and the level of 'political sophistication' and cognitive mobilization of conservatives and leftists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The opposition between the categories of shantytown and neighborhood has been crucial in the disciplinary analyses of popular habitat in Argentina. The urbanization of a shantytown in Great Buenos Aires enables us to refresh this discussion, setting the categories into motion. The ethnographic analysis of the category of neighborhood in the urbanization of Villa Torres (La Matanza) will help to explore how this shantytown is constructed as “emblem" for public policies, receiving various resources. In fact, this paper will analyze how the urbanization is legitimized through an image of the neighborhood, of the urbanization and of the people in charge of it as “gente del barrio" [people from the neighborhood] in order to show how local knowledge is implied in this public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to analyze primary education policy during the administration of the self-proclaimed "Liberating Revolution". The few studies that have examined this issue state that the Liberating Revolution government erased the traces that Peronism had left in the education system. Our interest is to review this process. To do this, we analyze the conflicts within the government, the institutional design of education governance and internal organization of schools. We ask whether despite the ideological and political ruptures, it is possible to find elements of continuity with the previous period. Our empirical observation area is the province of Buenos Aires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the articles written by Enrique Pichon-Rivière and Ana Pampliega de Quiroga for the magazine Primera Plana, between 1966 and 1967. We have specially focused on the articles that try to situate the subjective effects of socio-economic and cultural modernization of the moment. In this regard, we have been interested in showing that these writings reflect the tension of a time in which the traditional ways of living and thinking coexisted with discourses and practices that questioned them. Furthermore, and considering the political situation of the moment in which these works were published, we went through some articles on this topic. We notice a stand in favour of the validity of the democratic system. This standpoint confronted with the media campaign led by the magazine itself, which sought to create the necessary consensus for the military coup of June 1966. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of a literature review that considers documents and research work on environmental education (EA) in general, and on EA and legislation in particular, produced at the international, regional and national levels, and guided by the questions: What do works linking EA and education in Argentine legislation contend? In what context, within the EA field, are they inserted? Through the referred reviews we characterize the EA international and Latin American panorama, and analyze the contributions of five articles and a book relevant to our focus on Argentina. Without claiming to have done thorough research, this approach allowed us to perceive the need to deepen the studies that, apart from describing the content of the various laws, analyze its meaning in the historical context in which each regulation was passed, as well as the relationship between forces in the field of environmental education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last years, there has been an appreciation of the role of the state, which coexists with strong awareness of their difficulties and constraints to solve different social problems. To adopt and crystallize reform strategies aimed at improving state capacities, and be optimistic about their results, it is necessary to generate knowledge about the factors that condition them. This paper points out that public policy instruments are a key factor of state capacities. Thus, from a case study in 2010 on water policy in the province of Buenos Aires (Argentina), the work shows how public policy instruments determine the strengthening of state capabilities and presents a series of guidelines at nurturing future state reform strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the health discipline projects promulgated by the provincial government and its relationship with the funerary practices of Mendoza society in the late nineteenth century, and in turn of the transformations that occurred in these practices influence the process of secularization. It will be aproach in a cultural historical perspective and based on epochal sources such as municipal and notarial digests. While it can be inferred that much of the testators were adept at Catholicism can see certain indicators of that process, and also that the regulations were partly fulfilled by the society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends to problematize and put into perspective the use and abuse in the current political language about the idea of "State policy". Some authors have already made significant contributions, but seem insufficient because the notion increasingly used to further confusion. The idea is search the limits of this notion, inquire about the meaning and scope, analyze the possibility of finding specific attributes, whether there are policies in Argentina that could be classified as State policies and what does its existence in a democracy. Consequently, in this first approach, we will work on the everyday uses of the concept of State policy and to speak of these we will refer , primarily, to documentary sources not academic [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the present time, region seems to have been turned into a metaphor, into a comfortable place to the speech. It doesn't exist so far any proposal or antecedent of ‘regionalization' that has transcended, in Argentina, the mere spatial division ex ante, and then to investigate about the diverse pieces obtained's forms and contents. In the doctoral thesis of this paper's author -whose discoveries are here presented-, the traditional regionalization's focuses and proposals fallacies have been denounced, and is thought about a coherent alternative: territory knows a regionalization process that it assumes diverse ways in each historical period, segmenting to the country according to their points and areas modernity's different grade. Omnipresent, such a fragmentation can be studied starting from different local densities, speeds, productivities, fluency and rationality that, structured by the uprightness and horizontalities concepts, and operacionalizated in networks and territorial division of labor, they allow to discover and to invent a new regional map, made up of luminous and opaque areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the activities that took place in the frame of the "Civic Action Plan" of the National Gendarmerie, in particular focusing on the creation and development of the "Gendarmería Infantil". We hold that the plan aimed at integrating and improving the image of the Gendarmerie in the society, and that the experience of the Gendarmería Infantil was an attempt to influence on the socialization of children and youth by a sector of the military regime. The intention of influencing the education of youth and boys can be seen in the establishment of ties between them and security forces socialization values of these forces and participation in ceremonies strongly associated with its principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the discourse conflicts concerning development and the social issue, between the government elites and the power groups during post-Peronist developmentalism era in Argentina. Because of space limitations emphasis will be made on the Onganía's government. Governmentality crisis faced during that period can be explained on the grounds of the difficulty elites in power had to come to an agreement on a hegemonic discourse concerning those issues, as it is argued here. The empirical analysis will show a constant: permanence in time of a liberal narrative against any effort of state regulation and the failed attempt to create an alternative narrative through the development significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The target of this work is surveying the making of a social policy agenda at municipality level. The case taken here is the inclusion of a municipal plan for the strengthening of social problems in a municipality of the province of Buenos Aires. The case offers us the opportunity for investigating on two central problems referred to the agenda of government: the first one, on the conditions under which changes are established in the local agenda by relation to the previous ones. The second question linked to the first one, recounts to the way in which the municipal agents identify social problems and propose strategies of intervention on the same ones. One of the conclusions more importantly of this paper is that the definition of public problems from a local perspective presents a dynamics in which the agents who intervene in the field of the policy and administration in the municipal level raise topics and problems that can be approached across limits and financings that come from the national and / or provincial areas of management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The irruption of social protest in big scale is a characteristic element of the Argentina's society from '90 decade to the present. The roadblock, the practice of the assembly, the emergence of social actors such as the "piqueteros", as well as traditional repertories such as strikes leaded by syndicates place these and other ways of collective action as privileged resources that scholars call "modular repertories", that is, models of actions that are used by the rest of the society despite the fact that they may not share the same goals of those who created them. In this sense, the following paper proposes the discussion on this phenomenon from a conceptual approach around the idea of political culture of protest. This idea is articulated on the tension between politics and culture concepts, the first idea of political culture, and de last contributions that come form theories of collective action applied to the social movements, protest and revolutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends to analyze the relations of power during the 1990's in Argentina, following, in several aspects, Alain Touraine. These will be this our vectors: in the Menemista stage, on the one hand, the State-nation was deconstructed and simultaneously, there occurred a suppression of the Political Subject, engendered in modernity, conceived by Touralne. It will be argued that during the Carlos Menem administration, a collapse of the national referent originated to such an extent that it caused the idea of Subject to become incompatible with the idea of State, bringing about a process of individualization and a concomitant political de-ideologization. All the above shall be dealt with through the analysis of the relations of power, deployed in the two dimensions which, in our understanding, better account for such ties, that is to say, the socio-cultural dimension - where emphasis is laid on the loss of the subject's politicity; and the political dimension - on which the degradation of institutions and the conflicts between government and opposition are referred to. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has the objective of carrying out a critical analysis of the theories that justified the decentralizing process in the Republic of Argentina, trying to determine, from the perspective of their failure, their most fundamental weaknesses. With this objective in mind, I start with a succinct description of the decentralizing process in Argentina and the advantages that, according to its supporters, these actions would bring about. Afterwards, I criticize these concepts, detailing, according to the authors, the reasons why the expected results could not be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the construction of the political agenda in the election campaign for the Government of Buenos Aires City in 2003, interpreting this in terms of hegemonical articulation. First, it tries to describe and compare the different thoughtful candidates strategies which set a particular agenda. As a provisional hypothesis it is affirmed that this discursive strategies are constructed around the image of the corrupt like a negative identification's device, in a struggle which resolution depends on the citizenship's behaviour in the elections. On the other hand, this behaviour is analysed by assuming that it takes its form as an answers to this discursive struggle, within a framework characterized by the fluctuation of the vote, the weakening of the supporters' fidelity and the growth of an independent electorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]