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Drawing on a mixed-methods cross-cultural study undertaken in five locations in Argentina, Denmark, Hong Kong, England and the United States in 2018, this paper explores how children (aged five and seven) conceive of playfulness. Following a card-sorting task, 387 children selected familiar activities that they felt were most representative of play and not-play and explained their reasons. The children's justifications were fully transcribed, and five corpora were created (one per site). Lexicometry was applied, generating sets of the characteristic responses per age in each site. In-depth qualitative interpretation of these modal responses revealed nine dimensions across play and not-play: pleasure, social context, materials, movement, agency, risk, goal, time and focus. Commonalities revealed that children's ideas around play are not aligned with specific activities but with the sense of agency in a secure physical and social context when carrying out an activity experienced as an end in itself. Implications for playful pedagogies highlight the need to open up play with opportunities for children's choice and initiative, confident exploration and immersion in the activities in which they participate. [Spanish translation by Mercè Rius.]

Copyright of Álabe is the property of Alabe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a "nuanced hegemony", in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as "differentiated hegemony". The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista de Derecho de la Seguridad Social, Laborum is the property of Ediciones Laborum S.L. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tonos Digital: Revista de Estudios Filológicos is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this paper is to trace U.S. imaginaries, representations, and uses made during the cycle of Latin America's centennial celebrations by a number of men of culture, diplomacy, and regional politics who played prominent roles in discussions about how the countries in the subcontinent should position themselves and act toward one another and toward the United States. By analyzing the multiple references and uses of symbols, signs, and other attributes of the Northern nation that circulated between 1910 and 1926 in a series of speeches, conferences, essays, articles, and books -largely unnoticed by the historiography on the subject-, it will be possible to observe how different images of such country were constructed and disseminated in order to promote and legitimize certain political-ideological searches and bets. Contrary to readings that have reduced the Latin American map at the time to the tension between Pan-Americanism and anti-imperialism, this article ultimately aims to make this image more complex by repositioning other uses and meanings around the United States at a particular moment of the continent's history, in which its imperialist expansion encountered a systematic search by Latin American countries to reassert their interests, positions, and national identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma: Serie V, Historia Contemporánea is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Investigación Económica is the property of Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Facultad de Economia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, we explore the relations of the Bolivian National Revolution (1952-1964) with the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc (including Cuba) seeking to understand the implications for the structuring of discourses and hegemonic and counter-hegemonic power blocs in the political struggle, and, thus, for the developmentalist approach to planning. Our aim is to shed light on little-studied aspects of the Bolivian National Revolution. Research included revising primary sources (archives of the Bolivian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bolivian and Unites Stats (us) newspapers, technical and scientific documentation from Bolivian, us, and ussr institutions) as well as secondary sources (Bolivian historiography and opinion essays). On this basis, we discuss how, in the process of developing relations with both hegemonic blocs, the US and the ussr, Bolivia ended up complying with the former at the expenses of the latter. We argue that the reasons for this option are not only political but also economic, particularly, the actual content of the ussr development offers. Our analysis reveals that the relations with the ussr bloc played a key role in the self-determination of historically subaltern actors, and subsequent processes / forms of development planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper frames the history of the Second Empire in Mexico within the international context, studying the influence of the situation and the European conflicts of the time, the diplomacy developed by Maximilian and the role of the United States before the French Intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista de Historia (07169108) is the property of Universidad de Concepcion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ostensibly, Joe Biden's victory over Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential elections should have placed United States international policy back on a familiar path. However, despite the prevalence of a highly traditional vision of US foreign policy, the Biden administration has maintained significant continuities with the previous administration, as reflected in the policy towards China and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. In part, this is due to the constraints produced by the deep divisions that exist at domestic level. This paper aims to unravel the fundamental elements of Biden's foreign policy, focusing on possible ideological and doctrinal elements, strategic priorities, and any continuities and changes relative to his predecessor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Memoria y Civilizacion is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Sociales is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Papel Político is the property of Pontificia Universidad Javeriana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Psicología (1669-2438) is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines secondary sanctions as part of the triangular relations between the United States, the European Union and Cuba. The analysis - built on Dittmer's (1981) strategic triangle theory and Womack's (2016) studies of asymmetric relationships - questions the evaluation of sanctions carried out by the US Departments of State, Commerce and the Treasury, noting that, by prioritising the impact on the target's economy, the evaluation ignores other fundamental effects of the sanctions in terms of triangular relations with allies and alternative powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper delves into an analysis of illegality in migration, from a migrant perspective. To do this, established and assimilated historical practices in selected groups of Mexican migrants were analyzed according to immigration status and settlement area. The argument presented here is that illegality has a functional character for the reproduction of the migrant trajectory. This is demonstrated using a comparative analysis of the way migrants' decisions allow them to integrate their trajectories into two contexts which show unequal development. Such integration determines its functionality independently of the existence of restrictive migration policies in nation-state contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista del Centro de Investigación. Universidad La Salle is the property of Universidad La Salle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper provides a vision of economic cycle chief features, and the characteristics of current pattern of accumulation in the USA, established at the beginning of last century 90's, as of the analysis of the financial and economic crisis by the end of 2007. It assumes its most recent antecedents in economic relations and capitalist economy policies prevailing tendencies since the end of the 1970's, 1980's, and 1990's, which created the distinctive political, regulatory and institutional conditions of current North American imperialist economy, chiefly based on external financing through deregulated global capital markets. The paper also presents the chief functioning mechanisms of USA economy within this scope, as well as it goes briefly over the possibilities of its reconfiguration and establishment of a new international economic order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Official Development Assistance (ODA) received a new boost at the start of the 21st century, but this did not translate into a meaningful decrease in poverty and inequality on the periphery. In Latin America, under the leadership of governments called progressive or post-neoliberal, significant advances were observed to this effect, with the Movement for Socialism (MAS) in Bolivia paradigmatic in terms of socioeconomic development and the political and cultural inclusion achieved. Beginning with a critique of US ODA to Latin America, and considering the case of Bolivia, this paper seeks to open up potential ways of underpinning a theoretical line in the political praxis of development that maintains a positive sense of this notion, and which is at the same time able to break with the neoliberal perspective and dispute the scepticism of post-structuralist radicalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Jurídica de la Universidad Autonóma de Madrid is the property of Dykinson SL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes two questions: where does United States public administration is going and which would be the best way to build its path toward the future. The author begins discussing through a historical point of view, where it is clear that there are important intellectual confusions. These are not only due to the relatively short existence of the discipline in United States, but also in deeper cultural traditions of such country. Next, the author tries to draw the conceptual boundaries of the discipline and discusses which are its special fields, scientific techniques, methodology, and emergent categories. Last but not least, the paper proposes a particular perspective regarding the direction that the United States administrative science might take given the lack of a concept of the State (beginning with its constitutional design) which might be taken as a fact for this country, continuing to affecting the United States perspective on public administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the contradiction at the heart of Italian and Spanish immigration policies between the calls for integration on the one hand, and the marginalization associated with temporary and contingent immigration status on the other. I argue that this tension is structural and reflects an underlying contradiction in the political economy of these post-Fordist societies. In the second half of this paper, I examine this same tension in U.S. immigration policy, and explore the ways the current proposals for reform would bring U.S. immigration policy closer to that of Spain and Italy. I note that while the tension between immigrant marginalization and integration has always characterized U.S. policy, the contradiction has intensified as immigrants are an increasingly visible component of the U.S. workforce, complicating attempts at meaningful reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents some statistical data on the Hispanic population in the United States and its growth, caused by a sustained immigrant influx. The paper develops the following points: 1) the importance and relevance of the Hispanic population in the United States; 2) the role of Mexican and Central American migration as the main sources of manual labor for the American economy; 3) the importance of migrants in the regional and national development in the countries of origin; 4) the situation and perspectives of the second generation; 5) the long-term integration of the Latin American immigrant population in the United States. The supporting arguments of recent essays criticizing the presence of the Hispanic population in the United States are examined as being a threat to English dominance and a factor for cultural disintegration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a cultural institution, the press plays a fundamental role in documenting and forging the public image of migrants. This paper analyzes two thematic axes in the post 9/11 narrative of the New York Times on migration. The image that was created during the year following the terrorist attacks presents on the one hand the Mexican migrant as a potential terrorist and on the other hand migration as a global problem. It is fundamental to problematize the rhetoric about contemporary migration by inserting it in the ideological roots that defined that moment and in the historical framework of the Mexico-United States relationship. The media rhetoric post 9/11 contributed to the emergence of a new international agenda by globalizing this representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the migration processes and labor incorporation of two professional groups of Mexicans in the United States: engineers and nurses. Certification standards, the ability of migrants to act as agents, and the involvement of various actors in the migratory process are analyzed in order to understand how differentiated labor paths are built within and between each occupational group in the US labor market Other structural factors that helped to understand the processes studied were the motivations to migrate, family and professions networks, and gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The threat of transnational organized crime is a major concern in the international arena. This article, based on qualitative interviews with 133 migrant smugglers operating in the border between Mexico and the United States, aims to examine if migrant smuggling networks operating in Mexico carry terrorist to the United States. This paper concludes that although half of the respondents thought that the terrorists could reach the United States using migrant smuggling networks, none had direct knowledge about the passage of terrorists through the border between Mexico and the United States. Moreover, the data collected indicate that it is unlikely that Mexican migrant smugglers could stablish alliances with terrorist groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to determine the effect of labor income prior to migration on the income obtained by migrants in the destination economy, in the case of temporary Mexican migrants in the United States. The data used comes from the Emif Norte survey conducted between 1999 and 2009. High relative and absolute mobility is observed. Hourly income is multiplied by a factor of four in the destination economy, while the effect of a 10 % increase in labor income in Mexico results in less than a 1 % increase in labor income in the United States. The results show that labor income in Mexico has little predictive power for the job performance of Mexican migrants in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ensayos de Economia is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Científica General José María Córdova is the property of Escuela Militar de Cadetes General Jose Maria Cordova and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper debates the traditional notions of political transnationalism used in the United States by showing the formation and the activist process followed by the #YoSoy132 movement in New York City. The conclusion drawn is that immigrants organizations in the US have diversified their acting repertories, political perspective and their demands. Therefore, it is necessary to broaden the concept of political transnationalism to a social-political perspective. The latter will allow having a wider theoretical notion to analyze a larger number of immigrants organizations in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vigilantism appeared in the last decades of the nineteenth century in some Western territories of the United States in process of colonization. These movements were consequence of the way such territories were organized, as well as of the absence and/or ineffectiveness of a formal legislation or authorities enforcing the law. Thus, the purpose of vigilantism was to protect the life and property of the settlers, who actually took the law in their own hands with some degree of violence. This paper examines the characteristics of the vigilante movements in order to trace their impact in the process of territorial organization undergone by Western areas of the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anáhuac Journal is the property of Universidad Anahuac del Sur S.C. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Migración y Desarrollo is the property of Red Internacional de Migracion y Desarrollo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From the 1990’s the United States adopted a border enforcement strategy to discourage illegal immigrants from attempting to enter the country. However, tougher enforcement did not prevent migrant crossings. This paper, based on a qualitative methodology that includes in depth interviews with eighty migrant smugglers, examines the causes of corruption of U.S. immigration officials and concludes that corruption is a key element in migrant smuggling because it makes it easier to get the migrants across the borders. The complicity of border and immigration officials with smugglers and employers explains why today’s probability of apprehension is lower than half a century ago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the time of the 10th anniversary of the opening of the detention centre in Guantanamo Bay, many are wondering about the reasons of its very existence in a country that purports to be the defender of the rule of law and human rights. To answer this question, this paper reviews the development of the regulations (both US and international humanitarian law) that are applied to the detainees. It also examines the violations of basic principles of law that have occurred and continue to occur, such as denial of access to ordinary courts and the right to a trial in case of detention, as well as breaches of the protections and guarantees provided by international humanitarian law. Finally, the author analyses the reasons that have allowed the centre to remain in operation despite President Obama's pledge to close it, which he made early on in his term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]