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COVID-19 pandemic has been a real challenge and severe test of International Relations. It has been also a chance to gain or lose points in inter-power rivalry in Africa, which is full of contradictions. On the one hand, rich in human and natural resources, including energy ones. On the other hand, full of poverty, poor infrastructure (including health infrastructure), internal conflicts and political and economic instability what have a bad influence on the world economy and security. China, which nowadays is perceived as one of the most aggressive competitors in Africa, seems to conduct highly consistent policy towards this continent without any break, even in time of COVID-19 pandemic. This paper is an attempt to analyse Chinese activities in Africa at that time in context of global competition in this area and to evaluate how much they can influence China’s position there. Thus, after a brief historical background, it presents the most significant formal events and declarations between both partners, along with Chinese “mask and vaccine diplomacy” towards Africa from early 2020 until the beginning of 2023. The elements like soft power actions were especially under consideration in this analysis as these ones that are the most effective in the contemporary global policy, or at least equally fruitful as hard power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in Africa has attracted interest from both academia and the wider political world. Some postulate that Chinese companies – unlike Western corporations – have greater potential to initiate and carry out the structural transformation of the continent. Some researchers even indicate that thanks to the inflow of Chinese FDI, Africa may become “the next factory of the world”. The aim of this article is to analyse external effects (also called spillover effects) related to Chinese FDI in Africa using the examples of Angola and Zambia. According to the current state of knowledge, spillover effects are the most desirable effects of FDI in the host country, because the related increase in the productivity of local enterprises is key to the occurrence of structural transformation in local economies. The subject of the analysis presented in this article are three aspects (determinants) of spillover effects: (i) the potential of Chinese FDI to generate spillover effects, (ii) the absorptive capacity of local companies and (iii) local institutional settings favouring the occurrence of spillover effects. The findings indicate that due to the existence of weak and few linkages between foreign investors and local firms, spillover effects occur rarely and are relatively small. They are also not sufficient to initiate the transfer of valuable knowledge and technology. The presented research results were based on over 150 in-depth interviews and two rounds of surveys conducted among Chinese investors, Angolan and Zambian companies and representatives of local authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research objective of this article is to highlight the evolution of China’s policy, under Xi Jinping’s rule, towards Africa during the emergence of the new global international order, which divided the world in to the Western and non-Western worlds, as well as to illustrate the dynamics, scale, and scope of this policy. The research hypothesis is that China’s relations with Africa have intensified over the past 25 years. The hypothesis is of both the objective and subjective dimensions. In addition to the economic and political motivations that determined China’s policy towards the African continent in 2000-2016, geostrategic conditions, post-2016, related to the redefinition of the current international order should also be taken into account. Beijing and Xi Jinping perceive Africa, as the pandemic and the war in Ukraine have demonstrated, as an important element in building an international order alternative to that of the West’s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]