Search

The dynamic secularisation of Polish young people and the fact that many of them are opt­ing out of religious classes prompts a critical analysis of the current model of Religious Education and the development of proposals that respond to contemporary socio-cultural challenges. In others words this article will seek to outline potential directions for modifying the current Religious Education model intended for secondary school students in Poland. This paper attempts to provide a synthetic answer to the following questions: Why is Religious Education in secondary schools today not leading to the expected results? What elements of it are inadequate for contemporary conditions? What should the model of Religious Education for young people look like in the context of a decline in religiousness? Where and how should catechesis be provided? This paper contributes to the discussion on the shape of Religious Education for young people in a changing society.

This paper presents sociocultural profiles of the Ostroh Bible (1581) and the King James Version of the Bible (1611) in terms of their agency, authoritative status and regulative functions. Despite scholarly and popular attention given to both texts, no attempts have been made so far to compare them. This paper intends to break the mold and focuses on the causes and results of the collective agency of the two versions at the textual, paratextual and extratextual levels as well as on the gatekeeping role of these translations and the ways they affected the development of their respective cultures. It is also demonstrated that the OB and the KJV performed the function of “the second originals.” Also subject to analysis are the prefaces to the two editions, which disclose information about important translation figures and deal with issues of universal and sacred history.

This paper considers three recent studies on the negative theology of the Neoplatonists and Dionysius the Areopagite. The first is that of Lloyd Gerson, who argues that the One in Plotinus does not lack transcend existence but only definite existence; the second is the contrary thesis of Eric D. Perl that not only the One of Plotinus but the God of Dionysius transcend all being in such a way that they cannot be credited with existence. After some criticism of both the paper turns to the argument of Timothy D. Knepper that even the ineffability of the divine cannot be stated on our present plane of knowledge; it concludes with some reflections on the appeal to present or future experience as alternatives to epistemology as this is commonly understood in the analytical tradition of philosophy.

Apophatic theology is an approach in theology that emphasizes the limitation of human language and concepts in describing the nature of the Divine. Rooted in ancient religious traditions, apophatic theology has gained attention in contemporary discourse for its potential convergence with the scientific method. This paper expands on a novel application of this approach in which the formal methods of science such as logic and mathematics are engaged to inquire into how God thinks and to what degree the modes of human reasoning can be projected on the nature of the Divine mind. This application has been proposed by Michał Heller and is referred to as the logical apophatism. In the course of the analysis carried out in this paper more in-depth understanding of the logical apophatism has been obtained by contrasting it with classical approaches to negative theology such as the Triplex Via and supplementing with recent advances within the cognitive sciences. It is concluded that Heller’s use of the apophatic approach is manifestly non-standard and its novelty consists in the shift of emphasis from the negative character of the language of theology to the logic of the Divine mind and the logic that underpins the workings of the Universe.

The aim of this paper is to propose a reinterpretation of the meaning of the lost colossus of Constantine the Great from the Forum of his name in Constantinople, in the light of the iconography of the emperor on the cameo from the cathedral in the Pomeranian town of Cammin. Although the gem was lost during the last war, it is known to us thanks to archival photographs and the plaster cast housed at Göttingen University. On this basis, Gerda Bruns associated the jewel with the statue of Constantine on the porphyry column in the New Rome, and her identification has since been widely accepted by the scholarly milieu. In recent years one has been able to observe growing popularity of this interpretation among researchers, who however refrain in their studies from pointing to the consequences of such a reconstruction of the statue’s form. The author of this paper points out that Constantine purposefully chose the iconographical type of Alexander-ktistes as a model for his own representation in order to allude to his great predecessor and the founder of a number of cities which bore his name. The iconography of the statue became then a part of the programme of the celebrations arranged on the occasion of the dedication of Constantinople, in which numerous references to Alexander played the key role. This new understanding of the colossus, placing its significance within the frames of political propaganda, better matches the actual historical circumstances and the ruler’s attitude towards Christendom than traditional interpretations which recognised the statue as Helios or Apollo, and thus introduced an incoherence — difficult to explain — in Constantine’s attitude towards the new religion. This cumbersome question, which baffled the inquisitive minds already in the Constantinople of the Byzantine era, will be considered unsubstantial if we correctly interpret the monument on the Forum solely in the political and propagandistic context.

This short paper tackles the much-discussed crux interpretum of 1 Cor 15:29. Biblical scholars have tended to analyse word for word the expression οἱ βαπτιζόμενοι ὑπὲρ τῶν νεκρῶν and present various hypotheses, with the idea favored by the scholarly majority being that of vicarious baptism for the dead. I propose a new reading of 1 Cor 15:29 in its literary and rhetorical context of 1 Cor 15:12–34. Here, what those who believe in Christ do (v. 29), what the apostles do (v. 30), and what Paul does (vv. 31–32), are put together as good practices which become incomprehensible if there is no resurrection of the dead. Vicarious baptism cannot be considered a good practice because it is at odds with Paul’s concept of baptism, and because it was later even considered heretical and aberrant. In this context, the paper proposes to read ὑπέρ with a sense of finality, i.e. “for/in view of,” and to see in ὑπὲρ τῶν νεκρῶν a brachylogy (as Paul employs elsewhere in his letters) for “for/in view of the resurrection of the dead.” Therefore in 1 Cor 15:29 Paul presents the positive example of the people who undergo baptism as a public manifestation of faith, in the hope of taking part in the final resurrection together with all the dead, especially with those who are “in Christ.” To the new reading corresponds this new translation: “Otherwise, what will they do those who have themselves baptised for/in view of (the resurrection of) the dead? If the dead are not raised at all, why then do they have themselves baptized for/in view of (the resurrection of) them?”

Separation, loss, confinement, and change have been imposed on entire populations during the Covid-19 pandemic in the form of lockdowns aimed at limiting the spread of the virus. They are also central to Evagrian asceticism, where they establish the conditions for the change at which the monastic life aims, namely to begin to reverse the effects of the fall by restoring the soul to health. This paper examines how they do so in order to gain an understanding of their ascetic function. Following the Introduction, it outlines Evagrius’ anthropology in order to lay the groundwork for its main theme, the healing of pathos through the practical life. Separation, loss, and confinement are each considered in turn by referencing Evagrius’ descriptions of their ascetic function and his own experience of them. Next, the change at which they aim is described, again drawing upon a range of Evagrian material. The final section of the paper considers how Evagrius can speak to the experience of lockdown by endowing separation, loss, confinement with meaning and purpose in relation to spiritual awakening and growth, highlighting our freedom to choose our attitude to them, and acting as both our guide and our companion.

The disturbing power of the passions or affections, collectively known as πάθος, was the subject of a remarkable debate in Graeco-Roman philosophical schools, as well as in Philo of Alexandria and soon among various early Christian authors. This paper contributes to the recent approach to this subject but also explores new contexts. It examines cosmological (myth), anthropological (the mind – emotions relation) and theological (salvation) ways of addressing that problematic supremacy of emotions. Although it summarises earlier philosophical views, it focuses on Christian documents from the second century and their witness to that ancient debate. By comparison with the diversity of Christian views on the passions, the paper highlights the diverse ‘therapies’ proposed by Christian authors. In conclusion, it points out common motifs among Christian responses to the passions, as well as the differences in their remedies.

The Enarrationes in Psalmos are an important source for understanding the Augustinian theology of desire, linking it to his systematic theology and his pastoral practice. In this paper I illustrate by overviewing the expositions on Psalms 11 (12), 12 (13), 23 (24), and 26 (27). These Psalms teach us to love, trust, and seek God only, a failure to do which marks the Donatist schism. Augustine mingles ideas from pagan philosophy’s quest for eudaimonia or beata vita—the good, happy, and blessed life—with biblical ideas. We want a stable happiness, and we must pursue wisdom; we can find stability in the rock that is Christ, to follow whom is to pursue wisdom rightly. Our desires must be converted to God, the only complete and perfect good and the source of eternal happiness, whom we must single-mindedly pursue with prayer and faith. While we must desire the eschaton and look to no earthly satisfaction, earthly goods may be received as gifts from God. One thing we can learn from studying the Enarrationes is how closely connected are the ideas of right love, the right church, and the right end; all three go together in Augustine’s theology.

This paper aims to show how, in certain Nubian paintings depicting apostolic colleges, the evangelists John and Matthew can be identified by the attributes they hold, namely books. Theoretically, a book is an attribute that can define many figures involved in writing or preaching, such as saints (especially bishops in Nubian paintings), apostles, evangelists and Christ. However, in these particular paintings I am describing, only two of the apostles are holding books and these are the evangelists John and Matthew. The other apostles hold rotuli, while Peter is singled out through the key. My argument is based not only on the attributes, but also on an analysis of other elements such as the position of the apostles in the whole college, their physiognomic types, and finally the surviving inscriptions. However, we should remember that not all Nubian paintings are preserved intact. In many cases, large fragments of figures, including their faces, are missing. Therefore, several elements must be taken into consideration during the interpretation of the content of the paintings. The research I have carried out can be helpful in identifying the individual figures that make up the apostolic college. It also shows how Nubian iconographers consciously used the language of symbols by differentiating between the earthly and heavenly hierarchies.

The paper is an interpretation of Eph 1:15-23 which is a consequence of the shorter version of Eph 1:15 (without the words: τὴν ἀγάπην). It is an attempt to answer the question of who the “saints” are in this verse and the entire pericope, what background (Hellenistic or Judaic) this concept has, and what was the character of the church community in this city in the post-Pauline period. The method used in this paper consists of historical and contextual analysis of lexicographical end ideological material used in the pericope. The first step is a study of the rhetorical structure of Eph as the instrument for interpretation of the role of the pericope in the meaning of the text. The second part of the paper is presented the binary way of exposition: in the language of Judaism and in the Hellenistic terms. From this perspective the category of “saints” is described. From this analysis it is concluded: “saints” are the group belonging to the Judeo-Christian component of the Church, the political substructure of the Church but not in terms of the separation, but of the pluralistic unity.

Gregory Nazianzus and Gregory of Nyssa between them composed three orations on love of the destitute poor: Nazianzen's Oration 14, Peri philoptōchias and Nyssen's On love of the poor 1 and 2 (De beneficentia and In illud: quatenus uni ex his fecistis mihi fecistis). All three situate leprosy as the most extreme, and therefore paradigmatic, form of poverty as a basis for exhorting Christians to the practice of love. Those suffering from leprosy were stigmatised and excluded from society even by Christians, yet the Gregories exhort them to serve Christ by serving them, supporting pastoral entreaty with theological argument. This paper aims to introduce these orations to those unfamiliar with them and contribute new insights to those who already know them. After situating them in their historical context I summarise each then comment on their content, highlighting Nazianzen's reconfiguration of classical motifs in the service of a revisionist social policy and Christian anthropology rooted in the imago Dei and Nyssen's recourse to ascetic theory with marked similarities to that of Egyptian desert asceticism as taught by Evagrius. This paper's discussion of these prophetic orations will contribute to knowledge of them and by extension of the two Gregories.

The current COVID-19 pandemic has seen some turn to the past to see if the historical evidence provides any assistance to forecasting the probable duration and intensity of the disease and the length of time until a vaccine or cure is found. In this paper, on the contrary, the aim is to look to the present situation to help understand the past. The current pandemic, which seems impossible to halt even as vaccines start to roll out, and threatens to destroy the way people interact with one another and provide for their families has undermined confidence in the progress of medical science and the human mastery over the natural world. The fear and helplessness that has come in its wake is much the way people in previous centuries felt in the face of rampant and uncontrollable disease. In this paper several episodes of the first bubonic plague, known as the plague of Justinian, that lasted from the sixth to eighth centuries, as reported by Gregory I, bishop of Rome, and Gregory, bishop of Tours, both active at the end of the sixth century, will be explored. In light of our own experience of vulnerability because of the impotence of modern medicine so far to offer protection, we are better able to appreciate the reaction of people who lived in Lombard Italy and Merovingian France to intractable natural disaster.

In democratic societies, it is taken for granted to withdraw religiosity from public life. In this paper, we point to Talal Asad’s critique of this taken-for-grantedness. Using his genealogical method, he attempts to find the origin of this relegation of religiosity to the private sphere. The concept of secularity, he argues, is primarily an expression of the power of those who insist on enlightened reason. At the same time, secularism becomes, in a sense, a new religion, the only one acceptable in a democratic society. While we point out the causes of the secularization process, we also point out the aspects that are problematic in such a conception of religion. The Church’s response must take into account the process of secularization, but it must not fall into the same logic that led to this process in the first place. We point out the danger that the separation between the sacred and the profane, the physical and the spiritual, is increasing even in the new religious movements. We therefore propose a form of proclamation that involves the whole person and addresses him or her in everyday life.

Gregory’s Homily 12 on the Song of Songs offers one opportunity to trace the legacies of the compelling claim, in Galatians 6:17, that Paul bears “the marks of Christ” on his body. Gregory appeals to this verse to aid his exegesis of Song 5:7 (a violent passage he calls “repellant in its plain sense”) and develop his claims that “the wound”, after all, is “an admirable thing”. My paper probes social and ethical dimensions of this exegetical and cultural conceptual lineage. It surveys wounds and marks in Homily 12; suggests how other works by Gregory support “striking and wounding” as enacting spiritual healing (ἴασιν); considers contexts for violence in the name of guardianship and instruction in late antiquity; and closes by considering violence enacted in the name of Christianization and “civilization” in Canada’s residential schools. This study embeds Gregory’s treatment of Gal 6:17 in a larger attempt to raise critical questions about the persistence of benevolent understandings of trauma and violence across diverse Christian exegetical contexts and the harms such understandings may perpetuate.

This paper contains a critical edition and philological analysis of Isa 44:6–45:25, which were worked out primarily on the basis of the Coptic manuscript sa 52.2 and other available manuscripts of the Sahidic dialect. Particular attention is paid to these verses since they occur only in manuscript sa 52.2 and so far have never been published. The first part presents general information on the fragment of codex sa 52 (M 568) that includes the discussed text. The next part provides a list and brief characteristics of the other manuscripts containing at least some verses of Isa 44:6–45:25. The focal section of the paper is a presentation of the Coptic text (in the Sahidic dialect) and its translation into English. The differences between the Sahidic text and the Greek text of the Septuagint, on which the Coptic translation is based, have been pointed out in tables. They include additions and omissions in the Coptic translation, lexical changes, and semantic differences. Finally, the paper is devoted to difficult philological questions observed in the Coptic text itself or in its references to the Greek text of the LXX.

This paper discusses the relationship between time and salvation that exists in the Christian liturgy, in which time possesses two characteristics. One is its sacredness, and the other is a special property that does not exist outside the liturgy but derives directly from its anamnetic dimension: it is a “medium” and an “existential context” of the real salvation delivered and still being delivered by Christ. The author begins with a reflection on time in cultural anthropology and the history of religion, demonstrating unambiguously that, since the earliest of days, disparate cultures and religions have shared the conviction that time is sacred. He then goes on to address the biblical concept of time which has fundamentally contributed to a fuller understanding of the essence and nature of liturgical time as the καιρός of salvation. It is in the liturgy of the Church—the final earthly stage in the history of salvation—that the salvific, effective and real encounter between God’s eternity and human life takes place. The Christian liturgy is an otherworldly act of salvation in worldly space and time, a manifestation of the “fullness of time.” The paper also attempts to offer a preliminary juxtaposition of the theological understanding of liturgical time with the findings of modern physics concerning the understanding and description of time. This may serve to stimulate further, more in-depth biblical and theological (and in particular theologico-liturgical) reflection on the phenomenon of time, and perhaps even a new look at the phenomenon of time on the part of modern physicists.

At the beginning of the 20th century, early processes of secularization – especially in working-class families living in large cities – and inadequate teaching methods led to a crisis of Catholic religious education. Teachers and professors highlighted that it was becoming more and more difficult for reli­gious education to reach students and to ensure that they become devoted members of the Church. In this situation, a catechetical movement was established, which was mainly situated in Munich and Vienna, where teachers, catechists, and academics discussed reforms of the commonly used teaching methods in religious education. Conferences and the foundation of journals followed. It is at least from this point that the process of modernization in the field of religious education in the German-speaking context begins. This modernization gained traction after the Second Vatican Council and was also pro­moted by the phenomenon of secularization and pluralization after the 1960s. Against this background, the essay will address the following questions: What led to the modernization of religious education that began around 1900? What role was played by the new openness of catechists and theologians for edu­cation science and the (religious) pluralization of society? To answer this question, the article will focus on developments between 1900 and the 1920s, during the 1970s, and the more or less topical discus­sion about the concept of ‘theology of children’ since the late 1990s. This study will also ask whether this development can be described as the discovery of the child in theology and religious education. Finally, this paper asks what consequences this development has for a denominational religious education in state schools today and in the future.

This article aims to show the connection between the current crisis of adults and the changes that can be observed in the level of religiosity/spirituality of today’s youth. The Roman Catholic Synod on Young People held in Rome highlighted the need to understand young people and their religiosity. Un­derstanding and interpreting the religiosity, ecclesiasticism, and spirituality of today’s youth is necessary if we wish to answer their religious and spiritual questions properly. Nonetheless, this paper considers only one specific aspect of youth religiosity, that is, the connection between the world of adults, espe­cially the crisis that has affected many of them, and the development of young people—especially of their spirituality/religiosity. The first part provides a basic outline of young people’s religiosity and their rela­tionship to the Roman Catholic Church based on the research. The second part reflects on the crisis of intergenerational transmission of faith, critically evaluating the existing channels used for this purpose. The third part is a critical evaluation of some aspects of the life of adults, especially in light of the crisis that has affected adulthood. The last part, containing results and conclusion, emphasizes the necessity and importance of the formation of adults in the Roman Catholic Church. The research is based on a literature review, analysis of data obtained from research—carried out especially in the Republic of Croatia—as well as directions that come to us from the Roman Catholic Church documents.

The relationship between secularity and religion/religiosity is a main topic of practical theol­ogy and ecclesiastical pastoral care. However, several research papers on religious studies show that the thesis that with disappearing institutionalized religiosity, plural and differentiated forms of religiosity increase is not convincing. In fact, the development shows that where people do not experience religion, it becomes irrelevant to them. This fact is an urgent question for the Church: With and from which basic attitude can and will she be able to encounter religious and secular people in such ways that the Christian gospel of human emancipation and redemption can become a reality in their lives? The Church can real­ize such a fundamental attitude in reference to the biblical Exodus and by generating a pastoral exodus.

What Pope Francis describes as “the culture of temporariness” are all the changes taking place in communities and the broad anthropological and cultural context of the Western world. According to the pope, they include new ways of creating and maintaining relations, zapping, consumerism, individual­ism, the culture of rejection, unemployment, and NEET generation. In search for the Church’s response to secularization, the authors decided to explore Pope Francis’ instructions addressed to young people concerning marital and family life in the era of the current culture of temporariness. This is the major research objective of the article. To achieve it, using the method of literature review covering the topic, the authors first present the manifestations of the culture of temporariness among young people. Next, the consequences of the culture of temporariness in catechesis for marriages and families are indicated. In the last part of the paper, Pope Francis’s instructions for young people regarding the threats of the cul­ture of temporariness in their lives and activities of marriages and families are elaborated on.

The 23rd International Congress of Byzantine Studies took place in the hospita­ble capital of Serbia from Monday (22 August) to Saturday (27 August 2016). Ac­cording to official data in the congress took part 1,260 byzantine scholars from 48 countries of the world. The largest number of scientist represented Greece (212), Serbia (122), France (103), Russia (87), the United Kingdom (79) and Italy (78). Numerous scholars came to Belgrade also from Germany (72), the USA (64), Bul­garia (57), Turkey (40) and Austria (39). Poland was represented officially by 26 byzantine scholars. To this number must be added two Poles affiliated to foreign universities. Most Polish researchers, as many as 11, represented the University of Lodz – today the most important Polish center for research on the history and culture of Byzantium. During the congress 1148 scholars presented 1329 papers and communications. According the official data 1057 papers (= 79,533%) were in English, 165 in French (= 12,415%), 30 in Greek (= 2,257%), 28 in German (= 2,106%), 28 in Russian (= 2,106%) and 21 (= 1,580%) in Italian. Twenty-six Poles representing the Polish research centers presented a total of 29 communica­tions (26 in English, 1 in French, 1 in German and 1 in Russian). Furthermore, one Pole affiliated to the Johannes Gutenberg University of Mainz, delivered his com­munication in French. According the official data, the congress was divided into several program blocks. The first block was the solemn opening session. Part of this session was the inaugural lecture of professor John F. Haldon from Princeton University. On the other hand, during the six plenary sessions were delivered 20 papers. The third block of the congress were the round table sessions. These ses­sions were a total 49 (= 382 communications). There have also been 116 sessions of free communications, during which 843 papers were read. Furthermore, during the six special sessions the participants delivered 64 presentations. Finally, a sepa­rate block were two poster sessions. In these sessions attended 19 authors. The sessions of the congress were held either at the Faculty of Philology (3 Studentski trg) or at the building of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (35 Knez Mihailova St.). It was agreed that the 24rd International Congress of Byzantine Studies will be held in 2021 in Istanbul.

This paper examines Maximus the Confessor’s thought concerning the pressing urgency of his day, namely, the threat posed by monothelitism and monenergism. What were the theological stakes, as he saw them, for orthodoxy that prompted such stark resistance to imperial attempts at a doctrinal compromise? The paper focuses first on the mode of union in the Incarnation and the manner of the assump­tion of the human nature, including a human will and a human operation. Maximus also manages to rescue orthodoxy’s fathers, especially Gregory Nazianzen, Cyril of Alexandria, and Dionysius and from his opponents’ interpretations of various ¢por…ai. The second section considers Maximus’s presentation of the synthetic heterodoxy and its inevitable result, namely that one composite will in Jesus Christ – in isolating Christ from the Godhead on the one hand and from true humanity on the other – ultimately destroys all of theology. How can Christ save or divinize man if he is no longer like man? He cannot, says Maximus. Instead, Christ would become a sort of tertium quid, neither God nor man, in one movement unraveling Trinitarian theology, Christology, and soteriology. The concluding section briefly considers the immediate impact of Maximus from his martyrdom, including the matter of Constantinople III’s strange failure to mention Maximus in the conciliar text. Finally, this section explores Maximus in our own time, especially how the theology that developed in the seventh century through Maximus is a sort of an­swer to some of the difficulties of post-Enlightenment modernity.

Although the Catholic Church nowadays still officially values the ideas of self-sacrifice and the redemptive nature of suffering, academically, there exists a tendency to adapt these ideas to modern values. With the advancement of medical technology, the pursuit of health predominates the mindset of modern people and the practice of redemptive suffering turns out to be an outdated or even ridiculous idea. At the societal level, it is a problem concerning the incompatibility between Catholic dogmas and secular values. At the individual level, it is a question of believing these “empirically unbelievable” religious doctrines without being in a curious form of schizophrenia and insincerity. This paper attempts to examine the difficulties in understanding the Catholic notion of redemptive suffering in the twenty-first century. We attempt to demonstrate that the unintelligibility of this notion lies not in the idea of the willing sacrifice of a person for another human being; rather, it is more concerned with the content and way of suffering, as well as the explanation offered for it. We then suggest that taking the “supernatural Catholic worldview” seriously is an important condition to attain a deeper understanding of the notion of redemptive suffering. Lastly, we will examine whether the notion lacks contemporary significance by looking into some cases in the Catholic communities nowadays.

Early Christian literature contains numerous commentaries on the books of the Holy Scripture, including the Revelation of St. John. Among the many symbols it contains, we can find an intriguing theme related to the sign of a Woman clothed with the sun (cf. Rev 12:1–6). Nowadays, the above-mentioned passage is most often interpreted in the Mariological spirit. An ecclesiological explanation is provided frequently too. It turns out that in the writings of the early Church authors, the reference to the Church was decidedly the dominant one, while the interpretation favoring Mary was almost marginal. A mixed interpretation was formulated too, for example, by Quodvultdeus. It features three images: ecclesial, Christological, and Mariological. This paper will present the statements made by early Christian authors, representing both the Eastern and the Western Church, on the meaning of the sign of the Woman in the Revelation, and on the ways they interpreted it in commentaries on this book of the Bible.

This paper traces the history of the negative theology of YHWH from the beginning of the integration of YHWH into the Canaanite pantheon to the post-exilic period in the Torah through the interpretation of the Shema’ Israel from its mono-Yahwistic understanding to monotheism as an expression of God’s freedom. In the second step, the development of negative theology is traced from the pre-exilic proverbs, which understand God as a limit of knowledge, to negative theology in the Book of Job and Qohelet, as well as the overcoming of negative theology in the paradise-narrative in Genesis 2–3 through the freedom of choice granted to man by God.

St. Augustine’s work De bono viduitatis written in 414 is not a treatise but a letter addressed to widow issued from a noble Roman family named Juliana. She with her daughter and mother-in-law attempts to live the consecrated way of life. Under the strong influence of the ascetism and moralism of Pelagius, she begs Augustine to acquire the essential instructions for their devotion. Augustine in his answer proposes the original teaching on the widowhood based on the Holy Scripture, especially on the letters of apostle Paul, and encourages the women in their consecration to observe the goods of the widowhood. Nevertheless, St. Augustine does not write this letter only to Juliana. He desires that this letter will be spread to the other widows as well. The aim of our paper is to analyse the Augustine’s letter to Juliana and focus our interest on the homiletical forms used by St. Augustine. Our argumentation is based on the analyse of this letter and on its comparison with Augustine’s style of preaching. Examining the rhetoric elements used and known by St. Augustine as they are summarized in the Book Four of his treatise On Christian Doctrine it enables us to present the style of Augustine – preacher and consequently to find some similarity and differences.

Augustine’s sermons and exegetical homilies have been recently studied by modern scholars not only from the point of view of their contents but also their rhetorical form. This is true especially in those cases where we deal with authentic speeches reflecting the language culture of his audience. One of the most characteristic features of Augustine’s homiletic style is antithetic parallelism which occurs frequently in his homilies on Psalms and results from the author’s own way of thinking. Here we do not deal that much with the biblical parallelism of thought, present in the Hebrew poetry, particularly in Psalms, prophetic speeches, etc., but rather with that which was introduced in Greek by Gorgias, i.e., parallelism of words and sentence structure (parallelismus membrorum). Antithetic parallelism is often accompanied by rhyme (Gr. homoioteleuton) or by assonance. This phenomenon might be observed already in Indo-European poetics but in the rhetorical context of Augustine’s anti-Donatist preaching it serves quite different purposes. By using these and other sound figures (like alliteration, repetition, anaphora, epiphora, etc.) the bishop of Hippo wants not only to please his audience but also to instruct them and, first and foremost, persuade them to return to the Catholic church. Does he use these figures spontaneously imitating the folk culture of his audience, or is he constantly aware of their persuasive force? These and other related questions have already captured attention of several Augustinian scholars of the last decades, so in the present paper we would like to contribute to this foregoing discussion focusing mostly on the persuasive aspect of selected sound figures occurring in Augustine’s Enarrationes in Psalmos 119-133. Moreover, our aim is to show to which extent they were a part of bishop’s thoroughly considered plan of his homilies, and finally we would like to point out the importance of preserving at least some of these figures in modern translations of Augustine’s homilies.

In the late 4th century, bishops utilized the so-called ius intercessionis right to intervene in order to help those in need, be they the persecuted, the accused or the convicted. These actions of a bishop were rooted foremost in the idea of mercy and it was also due to this right that a bishop became the one to decide about the granting of the right to asylum – a right which was gradually extended to Christian churches at the time. St. Augustine encounters the issue of Christian asylum as the bishop of Hippo Regius in Africa mainly in his preserved correspondence, but he talks about seeking sanctuary in Christian churches also in one of his sermons, specifically in Sermo 302 delivered on the feast of St. Lawrence. This paper focuses on presenting the circumstances of a violent act in Hippo Regius and its implications to potentially sanctuary seeking in local Christian church, particularly on the ground of analysis of post sermonem to Sermo 302.

The purpose of this paper is to indicate how, that is, with the help of which means, Chrysostom in his five homilies “On the Incomprehensible Nature of God” introduces his community in Antioch to the intricacies of the dispute with the Anomoeans, as far as the possibility of knowing God and his essence are concerned. The main differences between those texts and other fundamental polemical sources with Eunomius will also be taken under consideration. John uses both biblical and philosophical terms to underline the negative aspect of theology and his five homilies are not so theologically and philosophically sophisticated as Basil’s or Gregory’s texts, unlike even Gregory of Nazianzus, whose Orations, have a similar overall message. John uses methods adequate to accomplish his goal, which is to preserve the orthodox concept and unify the Antiochian Church.

In this paper we present the life and the character of Theophano, the mother of Basil II Porphyrogenitus, the Macedonian. Some women made spectacular progress up the social ladder by marrying into higher-class families, even sometimes into the imperial family itself and to become empresses as Theophano did. So, social advancement could be achieved through marriage. The power and privileges of an imperial spouse were directly dependent on the emperor. Did it have a catalytic role in the life of Theophano? Through her life we will examine woman’s position in Byzantine Empire. It will be searched if there was any discrimination among women according to their classes and if the byzantine society faced with the same way a vicious life of an imperial woman and of a poor one. Which was the position of the Christian Church for woman? Had Church Fathers forgiven rich and powerful women and had they condemned poor women from lower social class? All these questions are going to be answered through the life and the actions of Theophano, a woman who managed from being the daughter of a poor tavern-keeper, to become the Empress and one of the most powerful and vicious women in the Byzantine history.

The myth of the fallen angels, as it is known from the intertestamental literature, narrates the story of the angels who break the divine law, marry earthly women, and beget malevolent hybrid progeny. The latter element of this narrative can be found in the Babylonian Talmud, where it is invested with new significance: these are the distinguished rabbis who are the heavenly messengers’ offspring. I start this paper by outlining the traces of the rabbis’ familiarity with the myth of the fallen angels and then move on to an analysis of the tradition about the angelic origins of the sages found in bShabb 112b. I offer that this passage should be read as exemplifying the practice of associating rabbis and angels that permeates the whole Babylonian Talmud. I base on two methodological paradigms: cognitive linguistics, which allows for the translation of this problem into two conceptual metaphors (SAGES ARE ANGELS and ANGELS ARE SAGES), and the Elyonim veTachtonim – a system of quantitative and qualitative analysis of the traditions involving supernatural entities, which permits to locate all the Talmudic passages utilizing these metaphors and to interpret their place in the broader conceptual network. The data show that the sages and rabbinized biblical figures are frequently juxtaposed with angels, and the main dimension of comparison is their intellectual proficiency. When it comes to the mapping of specific rabbinic competencies onto the angels, the most popular is the ability to engage in halakhic scrutiny and teaching. In sum, this presentation of the sages as angels can be taken as an expression of the sense of elitism entertained by the Babylonian sages and, as such, sheds additional light on the interpretation of the passage in bShabb 112b.

The paper explores the history of Hebrew studies in Poland from the early 16th century to the 20th century. The beginnings of academic studies and thorough research into biblical Hebrew can be traced back to the 16th century as the first lecturers of classical languages appeared at the Kraków University. They were also the first to write textbooks for learning this language, and some of tchem translated biblical books from their original languages. Jewish printing houses had a significant impact on the growing interest in Hebrew studies, both in the Jewish and Christian communities. Passion for Hebrew was still observed in Poland in the 17th and 18th centuries. In turn, the late 18th century and the 19th century were the times of the Jewish Enlightenment (Haskalah) and disputes about the shape of Hebrew. At universities theological studies included biblical Hebrew courses. The 20th century saw the emergence of numerous centres for Hebrew studies at leading Polish universities, offering full-time Bachelor and Master’s programmes, conducting interdisciplinary research, developing scholarly publications in the field and establishing organizations aiming to promote research on Jewish history, culture and language.

The author of this paper tries to prove that the origins of Christian drama shouldn’t be sought in Latin liturgical drama crystalized in 9th and 10th century – as it is commonly accepted – but rather much earlier: in Eastern dramatized patristic homilies of 5th, 6th and 7th century. All fully dramatized homilies of those days are arranged in three groups: The homilies about John the Baptist and the Baptism of Jesus Christ; The homilies about descending of Jesus Christ into the abyss and libera­tion of those who are righteous from hell; Homilies about the Annunciation of Blessed Virgin Mary – most numer­ous texts. In this article only homilies from group 1 and group 2 are analyzed. The eight most dramatized speeches from these two groups were chosen. From these homi­lies some fragments or full parts of dialogs are chosen and quoted, as examples of dramatic action, shown in the clearest way (containing the fullness of psychologi­cal expression and motion, rhetorically built dialogs of Biblical characters). These parts are explained and commented in the context of the idea of drama proposed by Origen (Commentarius in Cantica Canticorum. Prologus 1, 1-3; I 1, 1-2). From Group 1, the author of this article presents two homilies: Homilia in Sanctam Theophaniam (which authorship is mistakenly assigned to St. Gregory the Wonderworker) and Homilia de baptismo Christi [CPG 5520] of Pseudo- Eusebius of Alexandria. From Group 2 six speeches are chosen. Five of them are written by Pseudo- Eusebius of Alexandria. They make specific cycle, known as Eusebian cycle of de­scending Christ into the abyss. This cycle – in its contents and structure – is a rhe­torical amplification of apocryphal Evangelium Nicodemi (17-27) and Quaestiones S. Bartholomaei Apostoli (I 1-9). These homilies are summarized by the author of this paper. These five Eusebian homilies are completed with well-known Homilia de divini corporis sepultura et de Christi adventu in infernum [CPG 3768] of anonymous author. This last one is quoted on the Holy Saturday in the Liturgy of the Hours (II 386-388). According to some modern authors (i.e. G. La Piana), all these six homilies seem to set up the Christian Passion Drama in three acts (A-C). The structure of this drama is as follows. At the beginning we have well doc­umented theological introduction about descensus in inferos. Then we have three acts with following homilies (first five of them are written by Pseudo-Eusebius of Alexandria): A. Descending of John the Baptist to the abyss to prepare those who are righ­teous for the coming of Christ: Homilia in illud: „Tu es qui venturus es, an alium exspectamus” [CPG 5521] and Homilia de adventu Joannis in infernum et de ibi inclusis [CPG 5522]; B. The Judas’ betrayal, imprisonment of Jesus and the dread of rulers of the underworld – Satan and Hades – after they have heard about coming of Christ: De proditione Judae [CPG 5523] and Homilia in Diabolum et Hadem [CPG 5524]; C. The Passion and Death of Christ and his descending into the abyss: Homilia de Christi passione [CPG 5526] and Homilia in divini corporis sepultura et de Christi adventu in infernum [CPG 3768]. The numerous and widely presented fragments of dramatized homilies – com­pleted with highly quoted literature of subject – seem to convince clearly, that the origins of Christian drama (reconstructed in unspecified way during the liturgy in the Church) could be reasonably sought as far as in patristic dramatized homily of 6th and 7th century.

The paper discusses the obstacles existing in both secular law and practice of the Church, in the time of St. Gregory the Great, for joining the monastery by people performing the military service or bound in marriage. Subsequently, the paper indicates higher requirements, compared with secular law, imposed by the pope on people wanting to join the monastery but bound by marriage.

The expression found in the paper’s title that originates from the Treatise on the Gospel of John is an illustration of the program of Augustine’s pastoral service, focusing on his great love of the Church. Indeed, whenever the bishop of Hippo was undertaking any ecclesiological issue, the theme of his love of the Church was always evident too. The Church, although tainted by human weakness, is for any Christian, a unique boat that heads safely towards the „fatherland”. It is a love of the Church where a man’s answer to the love of God is both clearly audible and visible. The paper aims to show some parts of that love. Firstly by referring to the process of Augustine’s personal discovery of the Church, and secondly to mention some significant events from his heroic seeking for the good of the Lord’s flock in the light of his fidelity to the entrusted to him amoris officium.

Monastic life, which development has been significantly contributed by St. Gregory the Great, has an important place in the history of Europe. This paper attempts to go back to the period of monasticism in the Late Antiquity, of which there are numerous testimonies in the epistles of St. Gregory the Great. Based on Registrum epistularum, the paper presents the practice of admitting to the monas­teries candidates from different social backgrounds. Simultaneously, it discusses the evolution of the imperial law, from the reign of Constantine to the end of the sixth century, by concerning restrictions on the admission to the monasteries ari­sing from the fact of belonging to the specific state (obnoxii): decurions, tax col­lectors, colonate, slaves assigned to the land. The paper highlights the concern of Pope Gregory I for those who join the monasteries as well as draw attention to the motives, which guided the emperors to make laws concerning the admission to the monasteries and the Gregory’s attitude towards the secular law. The paper also draws attention to the efforts of the pope aiming at promoting the monastic life as the highest form of Christian life.

Exod 19:3–8 and the description of Israel’s identity as a chosen nation bound by a covenant with YHWH (Exod 19:5–6: special possession, kingdom of priests, holy nation) have much in common both with statements known from deuteronomistic and priestly texts as well as from the so-called School of Holiness. This multiplicity of thematic, conceptual and linguistic connections makes the source classification and dating of this text quite difficult. The only consensus today is that it was written at the earliest just after the Babylonian exile. In this paper, the description of Israel’s identity in Exod 19:5–6 is linked to the priestly concept of the portable sanctuary, in which the specific location of the sanctuary (the sanctuary in the desert) is no longer important and not only the king or the priests are responsible for it, but the entire nation. This vocation is to be realized by the nation’s attitude of faithfulness to God (Exod 19:5a) in everyday life. In this way, sacred space in Israel goes beyond the walls of the temple and even Jerusalem (as according to Ezechiel), nor is it any longer limited to selected moments (visit to the sanctuary), but encompasses the entire life of the nation in all its aspects

Many devoted and well-educated Catholics begin to doubt the need for the Church. Flooded by the plethora of publications about the Church’s dark pages and scandals in the past and today they feel pain and are ashamed. On the other hand, they realize that the Church can be neither a mistake nor a lie. Undoubtedly, Catholics and Catholic theology need today an honest and serious apology of the Catholic Church that will not conceal any of her true weaknesses. This paper seeks to prove that such an apology is offered by Joseph Ratzinger (1927–2022). It is an attempt to recreate it on the basis of his entire intellectual output. His diagnosis of the Catholic Church is bitterly critical, he indicates many ecclesial problems that seem to be carried over from one generation to the next. At the same time, he provides an original apology of the Catholic Church that can surely be helpful in accepting the bipolar truth about her: God’s real presence has been so many times mediated by the disappointing Church. This article’s final part attempts to critically evaluate the effectiveness of Ratzinger’s apology from the contemporary perspective of ardent Catholics.

Social enterprises perceive social and environmental issues as primary objectives of their hybrid socio-economic activities. They believe that financial stability is a prerequisite, not a goal. This approach is similar to Catholic social teaching (CST). The detailed content of the social encyclicals is a valuable means of deeper exploration and enrichment of the moral dimension of social enterprise management. The following article analyses social entrepreneurship from the point of view of the fundamental principles of CST and theological premises. The reference to the management of a social enterprise of the supreme personalistic standard and principles such as the common good, subsidiarity, and solidarity allows the moral dimension of this process to be understood more deeply. The paper was created based on a method appropriate to research focused on moral theology and CST. First, the content of selected literature on the subject (social entrepreneurship) and carefully selected theological-moral sources (especially papal documents and publications by CST researchers) were analysed. Subsequently, the results of the analysis were subjected to inference and conceptual work in relation to the adopted general research objective and specific research tasks: the phenomenon of social enterprises was described; the specific features and limitations of the social enterprise management process were identified; the fundamental principles of Catholic social teaching as normative criteria for social enterprise management were reviewed; the possibility of applying the aforementioned CST principles to social enterprise practice was discussed and presented, and the final conclusions were formulated.

This paper comprises part of the current research on the phenomenon of new spirituality, conducted within the sociology of religion and social communication and media sciences. It aims to analyze selected manifestations of the new spirituality entering into the religious sphere of a religiously homogeneous society based on the example of Poland. A complementary application of quantitative and qualitative methods was proposed. The subject of the analysis is the results of a representative survey in which Poles define themselves in terms of religiosity and spirituality, with examples of their search for content on a new spirituality through online resources using the assumptions of the theory of social representations. The above concept resulted in the bipartite structure of the main part of the article. It was preceded by a theoretical introduction synthetically presenting phenomena identified as key features of new spirituality and ended with a discussion of the results and conclusions. The analyses indicate that, in Polish society, the category of phenomena and processes classified as new spirituality is distinguishable but complex and diverse. In the subsequent stages of the analysis, their socio-demographic determinants were shown, and then the media representations of the new spirituality were identified, categorized, and put into typologies.

The aim of the paper is to present briefly first of all the history of the development of the Lectionary for the use in the Holy Mass, then to summarize the principal of the present lectionary and it’s ecumenical meaning, and more specifically it’s influence on the protestant lectionary. Based on these historical facts and the recent documents of the Holy See, the proposal of the partial renewal of the Sunday Lectionary will be discussed. The main method used in the study is the analysis of the historical sources, documents of the Holy See and theological studies. The critical analysis, and then comparative method will lead to synthetical presentation of postulates of the partial renewal of the present lectionary after fifty years of usage in the liturgy. The conclusion of the analysis provides the suggestions for the enrichment of the lectionary first of all, with the passages from the Old Testament read in their whole context, not only according to the harmonization with the text of the Gospel; secondly, with the thematic selection of the second reading compatible with the first reading, and the Gospel reading; thirdly, with the texts pointing out the role of women in the history of salvation.

The idea of the pentarchy directly expressed by Justinian I (527-565) – Novella 131 – is also perceptible in cartography. This paper examines the 41 medieval and early modern world maps in the context of the vignettes of the pentarchy. From the above analysis shows that almost every map from this period had a vignette of Jerusalem and 37 maps have a vignette of Rome. But only 28 maps have a vi­gnette of Alexandria, 24 maps have a vignette of Constantinople, and 20 maps have a vignette of Antiochia. In the case of Jerusalem, a huge majority of vignettes is a sacred buildings (most often it is the Tomb of Christ). Only in three cases is a Holy Cross. In contrast, Rome’s vignettes represent both religious buildings and fortifications. As for the drawings on the vignettes of Antiochia, Alexandria, and Constantinople, the vast majority of them are character of fortifications. These vignettes are, on the one hand, a close relationship with the history of these cit­ies, on the other hand, they are associated with the medieval and early modern politic ideology and theology. This paper is trying to capture and analyze these complicated, religious, political, and theological relationships, and explaining the meaning of these vignettes.

The paper presents the origins of John Chrysostom's teaching on widowhood. The author analyses the most important factors that contributed to the shaping of John’s teaching aimed at widows. The first factor was his personal experience, such as the relationship with his mother or with befriended widows. The second factor was being under a strong influence of St. Paul’s teachings, especially the Letter to the Ephesians and the First Letter to the Corinthians. The last factor was a consequence of John's distinction between the existential and essential sources of widowhood. The existential sources, i.e. mainly the imitation of virginity, are the result of John’s understanding of anthropology, while the essential sources are rooted in the unity of divine hypostases and arise from his view on Christian marriage. Chrysostom’s concept of widowhood takes on a concrete and vertical structure in which one can see a trace of the influence of philosophy and education which he received.

The subject of this study is the meaning of the words anima, spiritus and mens in the metrical sepulchral inscriptions in the Carmina Latina Epigraphica collection published at the end of the 19th century by Franz Buecheler. This collection comprises almost 1,900 texts, of which around 1,400 are funerary and, particularly, sepulchral inscriptions. This article consists of three sections. The first contains general comments on Roman sepulchral inscriptions. The second, and most important part uses a conventional philological method to analyze the words in the source texts that denote the immaterial aspect of the human being that continues after death. The analysis of the texts reveals that the word anima occurs about 80 times, spiritus – 20, and mens only three times. These three words stand for what is usually expressed by the word “soul,” that is, the spiritual, immaterial aspect of the human being. Conclusions are presented gradually as the analytical compilation proceeds. Firstly, there is no semantic difference between anima and spiritus; although the word animus which is close to the three words discussed in this paper does not occur in this sense in the inscriptions. Secondly, both pagan and Christian inscriptions emphasize the dichotomy between anima or spiritus and corpus or caro (alternatively membra); some Christian inscriptions, pointing to this dichotomy, express belief in the resurrection. Thirdly, despite the difference in beliefs, Roman worshipers and Christians used very similar patterns of statements about the posthumous fate of the soul, for example, astra tenent animam, astra fovent animam, anima migravit ad astra or spiritus astra tenet, spiritus petit ad astra, mens caeli perget ad astra, which means that the Christian funerary language did not develop its distinct terminology for several centuries. The third section is a very brief summary of the study carried out.

This paper aims to show the reasons why Alfred Loisy’s idea to develop an apology for Chri­stianity was unsuccessful and led to his transition to the modernist position. It explores theological and fundamental issues underlying his ambitious program. Firstly, it discusses the concept of modernism, having in mind that Loisy himself opposed the accusations of his following modernism. Secondly, it syn­thetically presents the context and characteristics of Loisy’s works to properly understand his idea of Christian apologetics. The subsequent section analyses Loisy’s most important assumptions and the way he formulated his apologia, focusing on the issue of historical criticism and his application of John Henry Newman’s idea of development to the history of religion. These analyses allow us to conclude that by applying the historical-critical method, Loisy did not avoid adapting incorrect philosophical assumptions and improper application of Newman’s development of Christian doctrine to his reflections on the hi­story of religion.

It is not seldom that some authors try to compare the doctrine of Zen Buddhism with the doc­trine of Saint John of the Cross with the intention of finding some parallels. The most striking similarity seems to be the term “emptiness” (nada – John of the Cross and sunyata – Zen Buddhism). The difficulty of the comparison stems from the fact that in both cases this term has an experiential meaning, i.e. it de­scribes subjective feelings one has while following the spiritual path. Therefore, the intent of the paper is to capture the metaphysical and epistemological meaning of this term in order to facilitate the com­parison. This effort has led to the conclusion that in both doctrines the essentially different meaning of emptiness reflects their different understanding of the ultimate reality. Consequently, meditational techniques which both forms of spirituality adopted to achieve the ultimate reality exclude each other, and the semantic proximity of Zen Buddhism and John of the Cross is misleading.

Modern critical reception characterizes patriarch Isaac as a particular character type: the schle­miel. This article provides a tour through the cumulative evidence for this comedic read, focusing on Genesis 27, the blessing of Jacob. It provides a revised narratological and literary context, arguing that Isaac’s fivefold questioning demonstrates not confusion, but awareness: he knows exactly which son is in front of him. The paper presents an alternative narratological and literary context for Isaac, framing his questions in terms of the editing process: a synchronic reading of Isaac’s acumen is corroborated by evidence from diachronic reading. The redaction history of the Isaac material in chapter 26 yields a number of points suggesting the dependence of the Abraham material on the Isaac narrative. A num­ber of features indicate a stronger, less subordinate Isaac figure based on the earlier tradition revealed by a complex transmission history than the image arising from the mainstream synchronic reading of chapter 27 seems to depict.

The Reconstructionist category of holiness, reflecting the essence of God in traditional Juda­ism, is a challenge both to contemporary Jewish thought and to theological thought in general. This paper attempts to explain why and how Mordecai Kaplan - the forerunner of the most liberal trend in Judaism - embarked on a reconstruction of the biblical concept of holiness and demonstrated the con­sequences of his transformations. First, Kaplan’s concept of holiness is discussed, followed by his de­scription of the notion of “sancta” as advanced by the Reconstructionists. Next, Kaplan’s understanding of holiness, which denotes the fullness of humanity rather than the essence of the personal God, as in traditional Judaism, has been presented. Thus, according to Kaplan, holiness is an anthropological and not a theological category because he understood it as a “transcendental validity” on the path to attain human self-fulfillment in this world. From the perspective of tradition, the Reconstructionist concept of holiness results in Judaism’s desacralization, which can primarily be seen in the desacralization of God, the Torah, the Chosen People, and the Sabbath. Even allowing for Judaism’s diversity of views and posi­tions, Kaplan’s concept of holiness is truly revolutionary in modern Jewish thought.

The concept of marital communio amoris expressed in the apostolic exhortations Familiaris Consortio of John Paul II and Amoris Laetitia of Pope Francis is the subject of this paper. In theology, this phrase has generally been used to describe the relationship of the Divine Persons in the Trinity. The phrase communio amoris in relation to marriage and family comes from the theological thought of John Paul II. The Pope used this term several times in the exhortation. An important issue is the reference of the phrase “communion of love” to spouses entering into a sacramental union. Pope Francis, although he uses the phrase to refer to Trinitarian relationships, does not explicitly use this expression to refer to marital relationships. Communio amoris, however, can be read into the concept of marital love presented in Amoris Laetitia.