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Introduction: Understanding the personality traits of political leaders and their perceptions and ideas on politics is one of the basic issues in the field of political psychology. How emotional-psychological conditions affect people on the one hand and structural-situational factors on the other, are the decisions that have been made and why option "A" was chosen instead of option "B"? The importance of this matter is that it can provide the basis for personality analysis, understanding of attitudes and behaviors and relative predictability of the political sphere. "Operational code" is one of the useful and practical techniques for the methodical analysis of political figures and understanding the psychological nature of their attitudes, beliefs and actions, the texts of their private or public statements through the study and analysis of diaries, letters, speeches, notes, interviews and press conferences and secondary sources or reports of government activity by external observers such as journalists, historians or political commentators. The importance of this article is the methodical use of operational code analysis with the aim of not being satisfied with the psychobiography genre and examining the psychological characteristics of the individual while paying attention to the situation. The main discussion in related to operational code analysis reflects this cognitivist proposition that beliefs as "mental representation of reality" are important in explaining global politics in various ways, which are not considered in neorealist, neoliberal, and constructivist theories. While leaders can act to change the balance of power, domestic and international institutions and cultural norms in the long term. The nature of cognitive theories differs from rational choice models and structural theories of foreign policy regarding the role of beliefs as causal mechanisms. Instead of passively reflecting the reality, they examine the leaders' decisions by shaping the leaders' perception of the reality and act as cognitive and motivational bias mechanisms that distort and block the information, slows down or recasts incoming information received from the environment. This role for beliefs is especially notable when the environment is uncertain, that is, when information is scarce, ambiguous, contradictory, or so abundant that it is difficult for leaders to organize and process. Also, when new information conflicts with the leader's prior beliefs based on old information, stereotypes, or other cognitive biases associated with threats to self-interest, or when triggered by strong emotions such as fear, anger, shame, hatred. In this paper, while introducing the operational code analysis method, its dimensions and analytical nature in relation to Putin's personality will be examined and criticized. Research Question: The main question of this paper is how Putin understands the nature of politics and what does he know, what does he feel and what does he want about the exercise of power in Political affairs? The main idea is how beliefs interact with "mental representations of reality" and enable decision-making processes by shaping leaders' perceptions. In this paper, while introducing the operational code analysis method, its dimensions and analytical nature in relation to the personality of Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin will be examined and criticized in the form of understanding his philosophical and instrumental beliefs. Methodology (and theoretical framework if there are): An operational code analysis method for analyzing Putin's personality using a "complete and verbatim file of public conversations", including speeches and interviews, classifications of statements concludes that Putin's beliefs are issue-specific and shows that a combination of competing on some issues and participation in others is consistent with his diverse operating code. In fact, Putin reflects "the traditional and instinctive feeling of Russian insecurity" and the philosophical origins of Putinism, however diverse they may be, are all based on two pillars: the idea of empire and the justification of war. His operational code indicates that he will mimic his environment like a chameleon. Results and Discussion: Putin cannot be expected to act in a normative manner when those involved with him do not. Putin will reciprocate "bad" and "good" behavior, and the failure of cooperation is likely to be bitter and long-lasting. One aspect of Putin's behavior that seems to be an integral part of his self-image is his emphasis on predictability. Putin operates on the assumption that forecasting is a two-way street. You cannot be unpredictable and instead expect the world to be predictable. This is consistent with Putin's central philosophical belief in the "duality" of political life: predictable and coordinated when it is orderly, arbitrary and ruthless when it is not. Putin focuses on "Historical Russia" as the basic legitimacy of his political authority (charismatic and historical legitimacy). He clearly identifies and then defends an official historical narrative that promotes ethno-centrism in relation to the concept of state and civilization (triad of nation, state and civilization). The need for continuity, stability and order and avoiding "ontological insecurity" and "ontological anxiety" related to displacement, trauma and tragedy are the main drivers of Putinism. Putin avoids appeals to ideology and is by no means a revolutionary, preferring, as we can see, the flexibility of a pragmatic approach. During his time, Russia has become a country that has been called "lone power". Russia has no real allies and has damaged its most important link, Germany. According to Russia's official discourse and according to foreign policy practice, Putin's strategic goals seem to be twofold: First, Putin insists that Russia be recognized as an independent strategic and autonomous actor in the international system. Second, Russia seeks to preserve its exceptional identity as a great power and its status, honor, respect, prestige and equality, which makes it possible to achieve the first and the most important goals which are internal stability, the status quo of the elites and the continuation of Putin's power in Russia. Like all human beings, Putin is a complex actor who operates in an ambiguous and unpredictable situation. Furthermore, our data support the interpretation of Putin as an opportunist rather than a grand strategist. Conclusion: The operational code analysis method is one of the most widely used techniques for understanding and systematically analyzing the nature of political personality and understanding their attitudes, beliefs and actions by paying attention to the psychological characteristics of people and at the same time paying attention to the situation. The findings of the research show that Putin should be seen as an opportunist and not a great strategist, that although he is good at designing tactics, there is no strategy in between and he cannot be successful in the long run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intruduction: In the first half of the 21st century the international community has witnessed many changes. Following the changes in the structure of the international order and the distribution of power, the world is not a unipolar system led by the United States, unlike the post-Cold War era. In addition, there are growing tensions, some hidden and some overt, among the Great powers that are manifesting in the geopolitical and normative sphears. These topics, that range from changing power dynamics, the emergance of new state actors in the international community, environmental concerns, organized crime, immigrant issues, cyber warfare, the tensions over the South China Sea, Taiwan, the Ukraine Crisis, NATO expansion, among others, if it is not solved, it can be a danger for the future of the mankind. Therefore, the management of differences between great powers including Russia, China, the US, India, Japan, Germany, France, and England is recommended to avoid. To move towards this goal, the concert of powers in the 19th century has been the theme. This literature attempts to assess the probability of a true concert of powers in the 21st century as a way to manage competition between the United States, China and Russia, especially after the Ukraine Crisis in 2014 and 2022. Research Question: The main question is that, after the Ukraine crisis, to manage the tension and differences between great powers, can we imagine the possibility of forming a concert of powers like in the 19th century? Research Hypothesis: Inspired by the works of the thinkers of the Islamic Republic and using the balance of hostile power and management found in the works Headley Bull and Benjamin Miller, it can be suggested that the current differences in the structural, normative, ideological and cognitive views of the United States, China and Russia toward global governance make the formation of a concert of powers simply impossible. Methodology and Theoretical Framework: This paper has a qualitative approach and uses sample research as one of the common approaches in the Islamic Republic of Iran. To dig deeper, the history of concert of powers was examined to ensure the possibility of an emerging concert or lack thereof, was closer to today's reality. In addition, to achieve a model of how China, Russia and the United States commit to or hinder the formation of a concert of powers, the elements that make a concert of powers possible were analyzed. The concert of powers is a collective security system or a security regime that was formed based on the cooperation between the four great powers of the 19th century, Great Britain, Prussia, Austria, and Russia. Headley Bull, in the Anarchic Society, wrote that in the 19th century, there was an international society and international relations as an order in which the managerial responsibilities of the Great powers constituted the system. Despite the element of cooperation, a certain type of balance of power determines how international relations work. It is called the associational balance of power. It became the enemy's balance of power due to constant pressure to increase power. In addition to Bull's view, Miller added that internal issues, ideological and cognitive factors may be equally important in concert formation. This literature is in theoritically based on the views of the two thinkers mentioned above. Results and Discussion: This research has indicated that the international relations have had 3 separate cases of power coordination. From 1815 to World War I, from 1975 Helsinki accords to 1989 and from the Paris Charter in 1990 to 2014 which marked Russia's initial invasion of Ukraine. The data show that in each of these periods, great powers had to manage, resolve or otherwise cooperate with their differences on a regional or global scale. Moreover, the views of the Americans, Chinese and Russians towards the formation of a concert of powers may not be the same. The Russian may be the only ones to insist on a concert of powers, while the Chinese were not positive about it until 2008. During the cold war, the United States engaged in concerted behavior, for lack of a better term, although it has deviated from it ever since the end of the cold war. This conclusion is based on the policies that the United States has adopted to contain Russia and China and the lack of recognition that the Americans have for the areas of influence something that Russians keep pointing out. Russians are not only pessimistic about the intentions of the United States, but also see these differences as the return of strategic and geopolitical competition. Therefore, the reality of international system after the war in Ukraine shows that the balance of hostile forces is the current approach governing international relations. Conclusion: After decades, the level of cooperation between the three Great powers identified in this article as pillars of the potential concert of powers has declined. Efforts to cooperate have sometimes failed because China and Russia refuse to cooperate with the West and the United States. This has led the international community to the most chaotic state of recent times where the liberal order is pitted against any order favored by the Chinese and the Russians. In addition, the concept of Sovereignty has changed and the West, allied with the United States has taken measures to contain China and Russia. It can no longer consider a concert of powers which Great powers participate in the management of world affairs. If we want to accept the idea of forming a coordinated collective security system, in the 21st century, developing states, great powers, as well as emerging countries should legitimately and appropriately regulate their actions with such an order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background & Aims: Nanotechnology is one of the newest, most important and most efficient sciences in the world. It is an interdisciplinary technology that has caused significant changes and developments in the sciences by solving problems and shortcomings. Nanoscience and nanotechnology is the production of nanometer-sized material that has recently attracted the attention of many researchers in the fields of medicine, agriculture and industry. The great importance and application of this technology has attracted much attention. Nanoparticles are particles about 1 to 100 nm the properties of these materials depend on their nanometer size. Nano materials have unique properties including lightweight and small nanoparticles, High surface-to-mass ratio, using in small quantities, saving consumables, being multifunctional and safe for the environment. Chitosan is a linear amino polysaccharide that has been taken into consideration for its properties such as non-toxicity, antibacterial properties, adhesion properties, unique structure, multidimensional properties and high performance. Physical and chemical methods are mostly used to produce nanoparticles. Although these methods may be successful and well-known, they are generally expensive, time-consuming, and dangerous to the environment and humans. Therefore, alternative methods such as microorganisms, fungi, plants, plant extracts and plant biomass should be used instead, which have less environmental hazards. Among the methods of synthesis of chitosan nanoparticles, green synthesis using plant extracts is more beneficial than other methods. Many plant biomolecules such as polyphenols, flavonoids, amino acids, polysaccharides, alkaloids, alcohols, vitamins and proteins can play a role in the formation and stabilization of nanoparticles. The aim of this study was to develop a green method using the extract of the aerial parts of the Russian knapweed to prepare and produce chitosan nanoparticles. Methods: In this study, chitosan nanoparticles were synthesized in a process by the extract of Russian knapweed (Acroptilon repens L.) which containing phenolic compounds. In order to preparation the materials needed for the experiment, the aerial parts of the Russian knapweed in the pre-flowering stage were collected from a land in Ardabil with severe contamination. The collected plant was transferred to the weed laboratory and dried at 60 °C for 72 h in the oven. The dried samples were powdered by a grinding (mill) machine. The aqueous extract was prepared by maceration method. 100, 150 and 200 grams of Russian knapweed powder in to erlenmeyer flask spilled and then added a certain amount of twice distilled water until the final volume reaches of 1000 ml. Then they were placed on the shaker at 25 °C for 24 hours. The obtained extracts were smoothed using Whatman filter paper. At the final stage, the extracts were centrifuged at 5000 rpm for 15 minutes and supernatant were extracted as pure extract and were kept at 4 °C for testing. Chitosan nanoparticles were prepared using ionic gelation method. In the present study, commercial chitosan with medium molecular weight was used. At first, 3 g of chitosan was dissolved in 300 ml of distilled water and placed on a magnetic stirrer at 550 rpm to dissolve completely and evenly at room temperature (with one magnet). To adjust the pH =5, some acetic acid was added. Then a certain amount of Russian knapweed extract was added to it. In the next step, 0.5 g of sodium polyphosphate (TPP) in 50 ml of distilled water was completely dissolved and added drop by drop to the chitosan solution, that was stirring on a magnetic stirrer, and the stirring process continued for 60 minutes. This was repeated for all 3 concentrations of Russian knapweed extract separately. After the reaction time, the final solution was centrifuged for 5 min and after smoothing, the top solution of sediments deposited in the oven was dried for 24 h at 60 °C. Results: Basic techniques for investigation and determination of nanoparticle properties including: thermogravimetric analysis (TGA), Fourier transform infrared (FT-IR), X-ray diffraction (XRD) and Scanning Electron Microscope (SEM) tests. The samples obtained by these tests were analyzed. Infrared spectroscopy was used to investigate the vibrational frequencies of chemical compounds. Thermal weight measurement analysis method, which is based on weight changes during sample heating, was performed to investigate the difference in thermal stability of the samples in the temperature range of 0-700°C. X-ray diffraction pattern of the samples was performed using Cu-Ka radiation. Surface morphology and particle distribution were also obtained using scanning electron microscopy with accelerator voltage k 15. In Spectrophotometric analysis, the presence of a peak in the range of 700 nm indicates the biological synthesis of these nanoparticles with extract of Russian knapweed. FTIR spectroscopy showed the biomolecules present in the extract and involved in the synthesis, which confirms the process of green synthesis of chitosan nanoparticles. In the FTIR spectrum obtained from chitosan nanoparticles with aqueous extract of Russian knapweed and pure extract of Russian knapweed, the presence of factor groups confirming the existence and presence of effective antioxidant compounds such as phenols and flavonoids in the plant extract is used. Based on this, the participation and involvement of phenolic compounds in the Russian knapweed in the synthesis of chitosan nanoparticles is quite clearly observed and understood. The size and morphology of biologically synthesized nanoparticles were determined by scanning electron microscopy, and it was found that the shape of the nanoparticles produced is approximately spherical with an average size of about 33 to 76 nanometers. One of the main reasons for the difference in the shape and size of the synthesized nanoparticles is the different concentrations of the plant extract used. The results of X-ray diffraction analysis also showed the nanocrystals synthesized by the extract of Russian knapweed. Conclusion: According to the results, it can be said that the polyphenolic compounds in the Russian knapweed extract were acted reducing agents, and also as a complexing agent synthesize chitosan nanoparticles and make them sustainable. The process of ion reduction and synthesis of nanoparticles are done by primary and secondary metabolites such as antioxidants, flavonoids, flavonoids, isoflavones, anticyanidins, isothiocyanates, carotenoids and polyphenols present in the extract. According to the obtained results, plant extracts have a good compatibility with the environment, so that they can be used for rapid production of chitosan nanoparticles, which is a simple, green and efficient method for the synthesis of nanoparticles at room temperature. It is a reducing and inhibiting agent without the use of any chemicals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the first Pahlavi is known for trying to create a new army and national bureaucratic institutions, as historical evidence shows, the structure and protection-security programs of Reza Shah to deal with the intelligence activities of foreign countries and especially England and Russia have not had favorable results. Based on this, the main question of the present article concerns the failure of the first Pahlavi intelligence organization to deal with England and Russia. The results of this study show that while dominating communication infrastructures, extensive and organized use of obvious sources and finally human espionage have been considered as the general strategy of England, the use of diplomatic institutions and people was the main strategy of Russia. Additionally, this document-oriented research shows that the prevalence of customary-cultural compulsions of the Qajar period in the center of modern institutions, the priority of Reza Shah's interests over national goals, and the lack of nationwide rules and laws in new structures, had destroyed the possibility of properly dealing with the intelligence activities of foreign countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: After the Ukraine crisis in 2014, Russia's foreign policy actually experienced an eastward shift, especially in terms of increased cooperation with China. The energy sector played a significant role in this strategic partnership between the two countries. Before the crisis, Russia's energy cooperation with China was relatively unstable and limited in scope. However, in the aftermath of the Ukraine crisis, the relationship deepened and transformed into a more robust and strategic partnership. Research Question: The article examines the issue of what is the strategic partnership between Russia and China in the field of energy in recent years? Research hypothesis: The hypothesis suggests that the progress of bilateral cooperation in the field of energy, along with Russia's focus on looking to the east in its energy strategy and China's emphasis on energy diversity and security, has led to the implementation of a strategic partnership between the two countries. Methodology and Theoretical Framework: The method of this research is qualitative and with an analytical-explanatory approach. The research uses a qualitative analysis of texts, reports and documents related to Russian and Chinese energy sectors, using the theory of neo-classical realism to evaluate factors at the system and unit levels, as well as geopolitics. The operationalization of the strategic partnership between Russia and China in the field of energy can be understood by examining the mechanisms and measures that have been taken to strengthen their cooperation. Results and Discussion: Some key aspects that have contributed to the operationalization of this partnership in recent years include: -Bilateral Cooperation: Russia and China have engaged in various forms of cooperation in the energy sector, including the signing of long-term contracts for the supply of oil, gas, and other energy resources. These agreements provide a foundation for stable energy trade between the two countries. Energy Strategy Alignment: Russia has been actively shifting its energy strategy towards the east, emphasizing closer ties with China. This strategic shift is based on the recognition of China's growing energy demand and its potential as a reliable energy partner. By aligning their energy strategies, Russia and China have created a framework for mutual benefit and collaboration. Infrastructure Development: Both countries have invested in the development of energy infrastructure to facilitate the transportation and trade of energy resources. This includes the construction of pipelines, such as the Power of Siberia gas pipeline, which enables the export of Russian natural gas to China. The establishment of transmission lines and infrastructure projects enhances the connectivity between the energy sectors of Russia and China. -Investment and Financing: Russia and China have also engaged in significant investment and financing activities in the energy sector. Chinese companies have invested in Russian energy projects, while Russian companies have sought capital and expertise from Chinese partners. These investments strengthen the economic ties between the two countries and facilitate the implementation of joint energy projects. The energy sector is also influenced by geopolitical factors. Both countries share a common interest in diversifying their energy partnerships and reducing their dependence on the West, particularly the United States. This strategic alignment allows Russia and China to pursue their geopolitical objectives while enhancing their energy security. The consequences of this operationalized strategic partnership can be significant. It strengthens the energy trade and cooperation between Russia and China, providing them with reliable sources of energy and contributing to their respective energy security. The partnership also enhances the geopolitical positioning of both countries, allowing them to counterbalance the influence of other global powers, particularly the United States. In addition, the deepening integration of energy cooperation between Russia and China could have implications for the global energy landscape, potentially shaping the dynamics of energy markets and resource flows. Conclusion: The findings of the research suggest that Russia and China are further deepening their energy trade integration, which enables them to have more leverage in pursuing their agenda. This includes balancing the US and promoting a favorable multipolar model on the world stage. The institutionalized interaction between China and Russia is a complex topic that involves multiple factors shaping their foreign policy strategies. While economic and security motivations are important, they alone cannot fully explain developments in Sino-Russian relations. In addition to these factors, changing the perceptions of oneself and others, as well as the experience of interaction between the two countries, has a decisive role in the formation of their foreign policy. A key aspect is the changing narrative about world politics among elites in both countries. The way Chinese and Russian elites perceive themselves and their roles on the world stage has evolved over time. They have developed narratives that emphasize their shared interests and the need for closer cooperation. These narratives help shape their foreign policy decisions and create a sense of common purpose between the two countries. Moreover, changes in domestic factors within China and Russia also influence their foreign policy strategies. Domestic political considerations, public opinion, and economic conditions can all play a role in shaping the approach taken by these countries in their interactions with each other and the rest of the world. For example, the dynamics of Russia's dominant public narrative and domestic politics have influenced its eastward trend. This shift in national interests is a response to how Russian politicians interpret and react to European positions, particularly in light of efforts to isolate Russia economically and geopolitically. When analyzing China-Russia relations, it is important to consider the interplay between these factors. Economic and security motivations are undoubtedly important drivers, but alone they are not sufficient to explain the depth and direction of cooperation. The evolving narratives about world politics and changing domestic factors in both countries are equally important in understanding the dynamics of institutionalized interaction and their foreign policy strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The Russian army is developing some reconnaissance and interceptor vehicles such as the S.300 systems to defend strategic areas belonging to some of its allied countries. Another defensive shield system was also produced on a regional scale, such as the S-400 which is more capable than the S-300 system. During this process, the Russian military began production of the S-500 defense system. Production sites of S-300 and S-400 missile systems were established in some vital regions of Russia (in Kaliningrad and Crimea) and the territory of some allied countries. However, the Russian defense shield is technically weaker and more limited compared to the Western countries defense shield, but without a doubt, this plan will not remain at these levels. The development of Russia's defense shield means that Russian leaders intend to defend their country against the threat of Western ballistic missiles. Of course, these equipments increase the offensive power of Western countries, especially by carrying tools and increasing missile defense systems. One of the main tools of Russia's defense shield is the S-300 missile system. The PMU S-300 model is capable of countering an attack missile with a speed of Mach 2-8 and a range of 1000 km. This system was established in Armenia, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Belarus. The S-400 system is also capable of shooting down stealth aircraft, ballistic missiles, hypersonic missiles and drones with a range of 400 km. But two tools only work on atmosphere. The S-500 system is also in the final stage of production with a range of 600 km and a speed of Mach 7, which is capable of shooting down hypersonic missiles and spy satellites. It is expected to be fulfilled by 2025. In addition, the Russian military has developed some ground-based early warning radars called Voronezh. The Voronezh MD model has an inspection area of 6000 km and has the capacity to detect 500 targets. Of course, this radar is only an early warning system and is not compatible with any interceptor device. Reconnaissance satellite technology has also been used for defense. Currently, several Cosmos class satellites are in service and will be deployed in outer space for this purpose. The Russian military plans to upgrade this technology and surveillance. The plan to deploy Russian missile defense systems appears not as a tactical plan, but as a strategic plan. This plan is simultaneously qualitative and quantitative in the development of detection and interception systems as well as early warning systems. Research Question: "Why is Russia thinking of creating a missile defense shield? Research Hypothesis: The hypothesis of the article is that "the concern of Russian leaders about the Western plan to create a missile defense shield has led to the development of their own missile defense tools." Methodology (and theoretical framework if there are): This is a historical and descriptive method with an emphasis on monitoring Russia's anti-ballistic systems, as well as examining the country's official doctrine in the field of security and foreign policy. This research also deals with the situation of the Russian authorities. Results and Discussion: The research results show that the US and NATO defense shield was the main motivation of the Russian authorities to create missile defense systems. The US and NATO missile defense shields consists of SM3 interceptors, Aegis radars and early warning satellites. However, each part is separated but they are connected by all. They will be deployed in four stages in the mentioned areas, which can defend the American forces and its allies. Those regions are American homeland, Alaska, Greenland, South Persian Gulf and South Korea. They are also carried by destroyers in the Mediterranean and the Pacific. In parallel, NATO is building its own defense shields in some places in the center and east of the continent, which are: The radar station in Turkey, the Aegis radar system in Poland and the THAAD system in Romania and the command section in Germany. The four Aegis radar systems installed on the ships they command are in the port of Rota (Spain). Some say that the third and fourth parts of the defense shield are capable of targeting Russian intercontinental ballistic missiles. The defensive shield also protects Western countries that have developed their offensive capacity in conjunction with defensive tools. Due to the withdrawal from the INF Treaty, there are no restrictions against the West. Putin's opposition to Trump's extension of the New Start Treaty without any conditions and Trump's insistence on concluding a comprehensive agreement annoyed Russian authorities. In addition, Russian authorities are not happy about the establishment of a Western defensive shield near the country's western borders. These actions cause Russia to react in the same way. Conclusion: Russia's action in the development of defense systems is one of the main factors of change in the military doctrine of this country. Previously, the Russian military organized its strategic tools around the doctrine of nuclear deterrence and parity. But Russia is trying in the same direction in response to the deployment of Western missile defense elements in some strategic parts of the continent. As a result, Russia's new doctrine is based on an offensive and defensive strategy. Nevertheless, the current interactions between the West and Russia have created a new round of arms competition, especially in strategic defense tools. Russian defense systems are not at the level of their Western counterparts either in terms of content or technical quality. But these are accompanied by offensive tools that have been developed in strategic areas to pose the same threats against the West. According to this emerging trend, the Russian missile defense zone will also cover more strategic areas in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]