Search

This paper aims at analyzing the reasons behind the femicide in Mexico US Borderlands by applying the theoretical concept of matrix of domination proposed by Patricia H. Collins. By doing so, this paper proposes to contemplate the intersectionality of various oppressions that Mexico women experience in their site of domination. After exploring structural factors that have triggered the increase of femicide in the area, this paper concludes that patriarchy and dependency turn out to be the two main oppressions which form matrix of domination of femicide in Mexico US Borderlands. In other words, economic dependency of Mexico forces Mexican women to take the most vulnerable jobs in the most dangerous places while the pariarchy lables them as ‘bad’ women who refuse to take traditional gender role in order to pursue economic interests. Such image of female workers in maquiladoras contributed to the increase of femicide in Mexican borderland as well as to the inaction of the government against such crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a theoretical tool to evaluate the success or failure of democratization movements from the perspectives of social movement theory. It reviews existing theoretical criteria and typologies for the success of social movements, and it attempts to provide a new approach by going back to the theoretical definition of social movements and their purposes. This endeavor allows the author to propose that the goal of democratization movements is the transformation of authoritarian power relations between the State and civil society. This paper also argues that the extent to which a democratization movement contributes to overcome such relations should be the indicator of success of a movement. To test the argument, this paper examines the Mexico 68 democratization movement and the 5·18 democratization movement of Korea. As a result, it becomes evident that despite apparent similarities as failed democratization movements violently repressed by the State, the two movements differ greatly in terms of their contribution to the further transformation of power relations between the State and civil society. In sum, this study provides a valuable theoretical tool to systematically measure the outcome of democratization movements and deepens our understanding of the two important democratization movements in Mexico and Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective of this paper is to recall Sung-Hyong Rhee by examining his lifelong academic legacies. His career has left a sizable legacy of research results, ranging from Latin American politics and economics to studies of cultures and histories. In this paper, we give special attention to his research about Latin American economies. His studies in this field focused on the criticism of neo-liberalism and appraisal of its alternatives in Latin America. To examine the lifelong academic achievements of Sung-Hyong Rhee, we focus primarily on the four books in which his research has been felicitously gathered: Mexico in the Times of IMF, Light and Shadow of Neoliberlism, Latin America. Politics and Economics of the Perpetual Crisis, and A Great Flood. Sung-Hyong Rhee's interest in Latin American neo-liberalism began with his analysis of Argentina, and extended to Mexico, Peru, Chile, Brazil, and even Venezuela. Alongside the analyses of the general socioeconomic conditions behind each country's neo-liberalism he shed light on the concrete mechanisms of neo-liberal policies, such as privatization, regional integration, and as well as on the alternatives to neo-liberalism in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to examine Latin American diplomatic strategies in response to the US-China hegemony competition, this article will first examine Latin American diplomatic strategies at a theoretical level, focusing on three keywords: 'dependency', 'autonomy', and 'agency'. Based on that, we will analyze the recently discussed 'Active Non-Alignment'strategy and examine the various positions of Latin American countries regarding it. At a practical level, we would like to compare and analyze the diplomatic strategies and choices of Brazil and Mexico, which can be considered representative middle powers in Latin America. Such analysis will focus on the two countries' multilateralism strategy at the global level and regional integration strategy that are essential to the success of the NAA strategy. Finally, I will attempt to draw on the historical experience of major Latin American countries' diplomatic choices to provide an outlook for their future choices between the U.S. and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexico is sending many migrant workers to the United States. As the number of migrants increases every year, the amount of remittances rises as well. Moreover, in rural Mexico, where economic resources are insufficient and agricultural productivity is not high, remittances have a very important economic significance. These remittances help solve the economic difficulties of the society sending migrants, affecting many other aspects of the society. The wealth introduced from the outside leads to a wide range of sociocultural influences, such as making people change their lifestyles and affecting their beliefs and values. Meanwhile, the large-scale flow of remittances also transforms the existing economic strata within the society, while also affecting the political structure. The remittances also have a very significant impact on the political structure of the village. Social changes related to remittances often require a new type of leadership system, inducing inequality that has never been experienced before. Now, people who acquire enough cash from remittances can have an effect on economic activities such as consumption patterns and jobs. This changes the social class structure and, in addition, the process and outcome of choosing a leader of the society, which often causes conflicts over these issues. For example, those who secure economic wealth through remittances also express interest in political activities, presenting new political ideologies such as participation, pluralization and representation to gain political power. Such a process can lead to political change, including inducing a new political leader and political structure. Such changes could weaken the political and economic practices that existed in the past, while at the same time resulting in the emergence of new political forces, and the development of social conflicts. As such, the new elite group which emerged in the wake of migration and remittances could compete with or confront the classes that used to exert influence in the region, including the cacique. Using the traditional social and cultural structure, those who used to exert economic and political influence within the village gradually felt threatened. In addition, unlike in the past, they are in confrontation with people involved in international labor migration who are engaged in new types of economic activities while maintaining new lifestyles and values. Through this process, migration and remittances have led to political and economic changes in rural Mexico, transforming the political structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]