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This paper deals with semantic variations and monumental representations of San Martín among Argentinian state’s liturgies between the 19th century and today in order to analyze the relationship between changing institutional contexts and political as well as intellectual operations revolving around a fixed radication in national imagination and public uses of his image established by state elites and social groups which strengthened the political and cultural fight in contemporary Argentina.

Based on the example of the Argentinian literary field, this paper intends to explore how masculinism operates in discourses and institutional practices that have historically served the marginalization of women outside the canon. We will consider this process as an expression of the symbolic violence which includes the exclusion of women from literary citizenship.

French structuralism embodies an important theoretical code in the Argentinean ’60s and early ‘70s. Although it mainly circulated outside university, in this paper we intend to explore an early attempt at academic reception operated by Eliseo Verón through the pages of the review he published, Cuestiones de Filosofía, and also in the important courses he gave, for example Sociología Sistemática. We will ty to depict this attempt as an answer to the peculiar context of discussions regarding to the practice of social sciences in Argentina, particularly in the Department of Sociology.

The paper reflects on two decades of military dictatorships in Argentina and Brazil (mid-sixties to mid-eighties) and its impact on the restructuring of the labor movement in both countries. It is our belief that historical delineation is essential for the changes imposed on Argentine and Brazilian working-class traditions. From the comparative approach adopted, we consider the contributions made ​​to the academic literature in this period hinge Latin American labor struggle and we analyze the continuities and ruptures that imposed repressive context to working class traditions: peronist, class, communist and cutista (Unified Workers´ Central Brazil). In the paper we reflect on the early years of the repressive policies adopted to oppress the radical working inside and outside the factory. Also, we address the sources of trade union opposition unleashed in both scenarios, understanding them as political vertices social resistance to the dictatorships. Finally, we analyze the consequences of the state repression on the labor movement; in terms of understanding its impact on workers traditions reconfiguration that occurred in only two decades.

In the early twentieth century, the fear of cosmopolitan immigration crowd, led to a large number of Argentine intellectuals and politicians to consider the need to create a sense of belonging to the nation, to build an Argentine identity that allows to "nationalize" the immigrant conglomerate. Most of the artistic and cultural expressions of the period were functional to this project of the dominant class, including cinema, which revealed as an ideal vehicle for the configuration of this collective imaginary, excluded the social criticism and omitted the presence of the subaltern classes. But, in the decade after the Centennial of the Revolution of May of 1810, appeared a series of films that gave visibility to both the political and social problems, and the subaltern groups. This paper discusses Nobleza Gaucha, the first film in those series, emphasizing its representation of subaltern groups, immigrants and natives, which involves considering its particular reinterpretation of “criollismo” and its quest for realism, defiantly for hegemonic discourses.

Since the last decades of the past Century Spain became the country of destination for many immigrants, including Argentinians. Many of them were descendants of Spaniards who recovered their ancestors’ nationality. Therefore they were “returning” Spaniards, even though many of them had never set foot in Spain before. In this paper we analyze the caracteristics of these /returnees/, and the motivations that caused them to move to this country.

Since the end of the 19th century, in its will to assimilate the Amerindian Mapuche populations to its republican ideology of liberal tradition, the Argentinean state led to their invisibilisation more than their disappearance. Thus, in a context where « the Argentinean national identity » had to present an ethnic, linguistic and religious unity, the idea emerged that in Argentina: « there are no more indigenous people ». However, in the two last decades, the organizations defending the rights of the indigenous populations have proposed new forms of citizenship and have been negotiating alternative modes of social and political organization with the state.« Blanchie » in the title of my paper has a double meaning in French and refers – perhaps in a somewhat impertinent way – not only to the process of assimilation of the indigenous people in the Argentinean Nation (here it would be « whitening ») but also to the negation of the various attempts (not only military but also political, social, cultural, legal, etc) aiming at making disappear the indigenous cultures which are (almost) never regarded as reprehensible actions (here it would be « bleaching »).

This paper analyses the role of Argentinian interprofessional organizations (OIP) in the innovation systems of grain value chains. Three organizations are studied: ACSOJA, for the soybean chain, ASAGIR, for the sunflower chain and PROARROZ, for the rice chain. These OIP are interpreted as potential innovation networks and are part of the institutional structure of chains. They combine the logic of capital with territorial logic and initiate between these two logics a structural coherence that determines their specific role in the innovation process. The comparative analysis shows that the territorial and sectorial characteristics of each chain as well as the coordination mode chosen are significant to explain innovation results.

The Mendoza urban area (1 million inhabitants), at the center of the largest oasis in the world, is located on South America’s dry diagonal. In this arid space, water resources are scarce. There is only one source of surface water, the rio Mendoza, which accounts for two thirds of the water supply in the city. But in the Andes, the main water source for the oasis, climate change already has a tangible impact and the quantity of available water is declining. Hence a competition for water: as far as drinking water is concerned, downstream neighbourhoods are the weakest ones. Such areas are affected by low water pressure and they have to rely on tanker trucks and/or water wells. Poor neighbourhoods, like the Las Heras municipality, are the most impacted. Initially focused on the signs of potential socio-economic discriminations in water distribution, this paper shows instead that the real problem is of a technical nature. It also confirms management deficiencies on the part of local authorities.

The paper aims to account for the most relevant aspects of the attempt to establish a union in the state-owned steel Sociedad Mixta Siderurgia Argentina (SOMISA) from the mid-sixties and the early years of the next decade. This proposal was intended to dissociate the activity of the steelworks metallurgical branch. Its emergence and development came under a special period in the history of Argentina, distinguishable in at least two aspects. At first term, in the context of boosting of heavy industrial activity. At its second edition, it was into a background of crisis of major unions and a widespread climate of rank and file rebellion. That’s when, in rejecting of the representation of the Unión Obrera Metalúrgica –union of the industry-, the project was accompanied both leftists as large swathes of workers unhappy with their union representation.

This paper intends to review the nationalist, fascist and catholic groups in favor of the corporatist doctrine in its state and anti-state version in Argentina and Chile between 1930 and 1970. At the end of World War II corporatism was discredited, however did not disappear from the political scene, but it adapted to different contexts and lasted for a long time. Our hypothesis is that survival because by 1950, it ceased to be an exclusive partner of nationalism and was incorporated by other political traditions.

This papers aims to identify the place held by the party Propuesta Republicana (PRO), which has obtained the presidency in 2015, in the history of Argentine right-wing parties. The meaningful organizational and ideological differences with previous rightist traditions, which were key for PRO to obtain electoral triumph will be shown. In the first section the main features of Argentine right-wing organizations in the 20th century such as electoral weakness and ability/skill to include their followers in several cabinets are presented. The second section refers to PRO’s leadership style, voters´ background and ideological profile. The third section compares the historical features of Argentine right-wing parties and PRO’s features. Our conclusions show that PRO has been successful for three main reasons: a) it was built as a willing-to-win party, which implied to resign to be an ideology-centered party and embrace pragmatism, b) leader and cadres recruitment without ideological criteria, which allowed to seduce die hard Peronist voters; c) a territorial expansion process combined with tactics and practices typical of professional-electoral political parties.