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Encrinurids are common in Ordovician and Silurian strata but whether they survived into the Early Devonian is still controversial. This paper documents the encrinurid Batocara sp. near the Silurian–Devonian boundary in western Junggar, Xinjiang. The highest horizon of Batocara sp. is located above the first appearance datum of the Devonian conodont Caudicriodus , confirming that encrinurids may cross the Silurian–Devonian boundary. The presence of Caudicriodus angustoides bidentatus , Zieglerodina planilingu and plate-type loboliths of scyphocrinoids above the highest horizon of Batocara sp. indicates that encrinurids here extend only into the lower part of the first conodont zone of the Lochkovian (i.e., Caudicriodus hesperius Biozone). Encrinurids are widely distributed and easily recognized, and unlike graptolites and conodonts are not controlled by lithofacies. Therefore, it might be possible to use the highest horizon of encrinurids as indicator fossils to identify the approximate position of the Silurian–Devonian boundary in areas or sections where graptolites and conodonts are not present, and at least in northwest China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rising Uyghur ethnic consciousness in the post-1978 era is believed to cause tense Uyghur-Han relations and conflicts in Xinjiang. There are different accounts linking rising Uyghur consciousness with variables such as Han migration into Xinjiang, ethnic inequalities, Uyghur language, and Islamic religiosity. Yet there is no concrete effort to summarize, elaborate, and verify these accounts. Nor is there a quantitative study of the levels of Uyghur ethnic consciousness in Xinjiang. Using data from a survey (N = 799) conducted in Ürümchi in 2007, this paper shows a high level of ethnic consciousness among Uyghurs. It also shows that Uyghur consciousness is based more on cultural and psychological properties than on instrumental sentiments. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines two contrasting cases of ethnic-group political activism in China – the Uighurs in Xinjiang and the Mongols in Inner Mongolia – to explain the former's political activism and the latter's lack thereof. Given similar challenges and pressures, how can we explain the divergent patterns in these two groups' political behavior? This paper forwards the argument that domestic factors alone are not sufficient to account for differences in the groups' political behavior. Instead, international factors have to be included to offer a fuller and satisfactory explanation. The paper illustrates how three types of international factors – big power support, external cultural ties, and Uighur diaspora community activism – have provided opportunities and resources to make the Uighur political activism sustainable. In Inner Mongolia, its quest for self-determination reached the highest fervor in the early half of the twentieth century, particularly with the support of imperial Japan. However, since the end of WWII, Inner Mongolia has not received any consistent international support and, as a result, has been more substantially incorporated into China's geopolitical body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 2009 and 2014, against the background of the Xinjiang ethnic unity education textbook reform (2009–2010), vigorous academic debate on China's ethnic policy reform took place. Two academic cliques – one championing reform and the other representing the status quo – gradually came to the fore in this debate and competed to influence policy. This research seeks to unpack the mechanisms in China's knowledge regime that allow one agent (such as a think tank or academic) to prevail over others. Agents have an impact on policymaking mainly through connections with the decision-making body. This research uses three variables (ideological connection, level and nature of the connection) to analyse the relative policy influence of different agents in the debate. This research is among the first to provide an in-depth analysis of the debate's policy impact at the local level. The reform clique prevailed in this case because of its ability to bond with and influence higher-level decision-making bodies. Beginning in 2014, the Chinese Communist Party officially adopted the reform clique's language because of its alignment with the Party's growing need to maintain security in ethnic minority areas. Furthermore, key reform clique players continue to have an impact on the national policy shift. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the extensive literature on global slavery and servitude, human bondage in Xinjiang (Eastern Turkestan) during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries has been largely neglected. Here bondage did not discriminate between ethnic, racial or religious groups and fulfilled a wide range of social, economic, and political functions, reflecting both the region's geographical position at the edge of Central Asia and its political position—first as a dependency and then as a province of Qing China. This paper discusses the nature of the forms of bondage that emerged in this unique geopolitical setting and suggests that the emancipation of Xinjiang's ‘British’ slaves at the end of the nineteenth century and the gradual decline of bondage resulted from a convergence of local, regional, and global forces. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Numerous Late Carboniferous – Early Permian dykes are found in West Junggar and represent an important part of the Central Asian Orogenic Belt. In this contribution, we use these dykes to assess the tectonic regime and stress state in the Late Carboniferous – Early Permian. The West Junggar dykes are mainly diorite/dioritic porphyrite with minor diabase and were formed in 324–310 Ma. They have been divided into two groups based on their orientation, petrology and geochronology. Group 1 dykes mostly comprise WNW-striking dioritic porphyrite and NE-striking diorite with minor diabase and resemble the Karamay-Baogutu sanukitoid. They were probably formed from depleted mantle at a relatively high temperature and pressure with the addition of 1–2% sediment/sedimental partial melt and 0–5% trapped oceanic crust-derived melts. Group 2 dykes are ENE-striking and are similar to sanukite in the Setouchi Volcanic Belt. These dykes were also derived from depleted mantle at a shallow depth but high temperature with the addition of 2–3.5% sediment/sedimental partial melt. Magma banding and injection folds in dykes and host granitoids indicate magma flow. Paleostress analysis reveals that both groups of dykes were formed in a tensile stress field. Their emplacement is favoured by presence of pre-existing joints or fractures in the host granitoids and strata. We conclude that large-scale asthenosphere mantle upwelling induced by trapped oceanic slab-off can explain the magmatism and significant continental crustal growth of West Junggar during Late Carboniferous to Early Permian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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According to morphological and molecular data, a new species of Lecidea s. str., Lecidea glacierensis , is described from Xinjiang Province, China. It is distinctive due to its well-developed, regularly areolate to bullate thallus, and its habitat on calciferous rocks. This species was collected mostly in the area of Tianshan No.1 Glacier, which is located at an elevation of 3454 m and c. 118 km south-west of Urumqi and is considered to be one of the most important dryland glacier areas in Asia. An illustration and detailed description of the taxon are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural enemies that impact pest populations must be understood in order to build integrated pest control strategies and to understand the most important aspects affecting pest dynamics. Haloxylon ammodendron (C. A. Mey.) Bunge is an important perennial plant species extensively used in sand stabilization and wind prevention in arid areas. This study aimed to determine the main defoliators that damage H. ammodendron and the parasitoid complex associated with them. Twelve species of defoliators were found in Northern Xinjiang, and Teia dubia (Tauscher) (Lepidoptera: Lymantriidae), Scrobipalpa sp. (Lepidoptera: Gelechiidae), and Eucharia festiva Hüfnagel (Lepidoptera: Arctiidae) were the dominant pests. T. dubia is the predominant defoliator with three generations a year. Northwest China, Central Asia, and the Mediterranean region are potentially suitable habitats for T. dubia in the world, while Xinjiang is the primary distribution area in China. Parasitoids belonging to seven species and four families were reared from the larvae of T. dubia, they were all endoparasitoids and koinobiont. Cotesia sp. (Hymenoptera: Braconidae) is the dominant parasitoid and prefer to parasitic in the 3rd–5th instar larvae. The present study provides the basis for understanding the species composition and natural enemies of lepidopteran defoliators. It will be an effective tool for the integrated pest management programs of H. ammodendron forest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When do autocrats employ propaganda to threaten citizens with repression? Do threats of repression condition citizen behavior? This article develops a theory of propaganda-based threats in autocracies that builds on insights from experimental psychology. It argues that even credible threats of repression are costly, and so are reserved for moments when collective action is most likely. Since threats of repression are employed sparingly, the authors also expect them to be effective. The theory is tested using data from China, the world's most populous autocracy. The study analyzes all 164,707 articles published between 2009 and 2016 in the Workers' Daily, a state-run newspaper that focuses on domestic issues and targets a non-elite audience. It finds that the Chinese government employs propaganda-based threats of repression primarily around the anniversaries of ethnic separatist movements in Tibet and Xinjiang regions. Using an instrumental variables strategy, the study shows that these threats decrease protest rates by a substantively meaningful margin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature suggests that the distributive allocations of local public goods help politicians secure support and thus contribute to political survival. We argue that the selective assignment of state-led infrastructure projects can bolster political control in peripheral areas by inducing the government's investment in essential administrative and security apparatus for project implementation and long-term state building. Drawing on a unique county-level dataset, we study the effects of poverty alleviation transfers in Xinjiang. We find that poverty alleviation was associated with significant increases in government spending on public management and security. In contrast, these alleviation transfers had a small and ambiguous effect on increasing agricultural production and reducing ethnic violence in the province. Our findings highlight the importance of comparing the capacity and welfare implications of distributive politics, as fiscal subsidies may change the actions of the leader's local agents more than altering the behaviors and attitudes of those who may benefit from these transfers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To investigate homocysteine (Hcy) and folate levels, prevalence of hyperhomocysteinaemia (HHcy) and folate deficiency, which are affected by lifestyles in urban, agricultural and stock-raising populations.Design: This is a cross-sectional study.Setting: Urban, agricultural and stock-raising regions in Emin, China.Participants: Totally 1926 subjects - 885 (45·9 %) from urban, 861 (44·7 %) from agricultural and 180 (9·4 %) from stock-raising regions - were obtained using multistage stratified random sampling. Inclusion criteria encompassed inhabitants aged ≥15 years who resided at the current address for ≥6 months and agreed to participate in the study. Surveys on health behaviour questionnaires and physical examinations were conducted and blood samples collected.Results: The folate level of subjects from the stock-raising region was the lowest, followed by those from the agricultural region, and the highest in those from the urban region (3·48 v. 6·50 v. 7·12 ng/ml, P < 0·001), whereas mean Hcy showed no significant difference across regions. The OR for HHcy in stock-raising regions was 1·90 (95 % CI 1·11, 3·27) compared with the urban region after adjusting for all possible covariates. The OR for folate deficiency in stock-raising and agriculture regions was 11·51 (95 % CI 7·09, 18·67) and 1·91 (95 % CI 1·30, 2·82), respectively, compared with the urban region after adjusting for all possible covariates.Conclusions: HHcy and folate deficiency are highly prevalent in stock-raisers, which is of important reference for HHcy control in Xinjiang, with a possibility of extension to others with approximate lifestyles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kamusite pluton is located in the eastern Junggar area, the westernmost segment of the Karamaili structural belt, and is predominantly composed of medium granite and microgranite with an exposure area of 30 km2. The U–Pb zircon geochronology of the Kamusite granites indicates that they crystallized in the late Carboniferous period (328–321 Ma). These granites exhibit high contents of SiO2 (76.09–77.85 wt %) and K2O + Na2O (8.01–9.06 wt %), but low MgO (0.01–0.14 wt %), CaO (0.07–0.32 wt %) and TiO2 (0.01–0.13 wt %) contents, showing alkalic–calcic, weakly peraluminous and ferroan features. They are depleted in Ba, Sr, Ti and P and enriched in Rb and some high-field-strength elements (Hf, Nd, Ta and Y); their rare earth element patterns are slightly right-leaning with strongly negative Eu anomalies, high 10 000 * Ga/Al (3.4–5.36, >2.6) and especially high Y/Nb ratios (1.61–10.33, >1.2), showing the geochemical characteristics of A2-type granite. These granites were produced by partial melting in a high-temperature, low-pressure, reduced and anhydrous environment and experienced extensive fractional crystallization, which concomitantly resulted in tin mineralization. Combining the high positive zircon ϵHf(t) values of +10.9 to +15.76 with young Hf (TDM2) model ages (638–330 Ma), it can be suggested that underplating-related mantle-derived materials were the original source of the Kamusite A2-type granites; namely, these granites formed by the partial melting of juvenile crust. The record of large-scale magmatism indicates that the whole tectonic belt was in a postcollisional extensional setting induced by staged delamination from west to east during the late Carboniferous to early Permian periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to foreign demands for concessions and territories, China’s last imperial court in the early twentieth century executed reforms to strengthen fiscal, personnel, military, and cultural control over its frontier regions. However, in so doing, it provoked an awakening of the national consciousness of the elites of non-Han ethnic minorities there. Much has changed over the past 100 years regarding the governance of China’s frontier territories of Inner Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang, with the diffusion of nationalist claims among increasing numbers of the ethnic minority populace, heightened focus of foreign actors on the humanitarian and rights situations of the ethnic minorities, and greatly extended reach and firmer grip of the central government. What remained unaltered is the “state integration” purpose of Chinese regimes, as manifested in the practices of “internal colonialism” or “ethnic assimilation,” which has led to grievances and resistance by China’s ethnic minorities against the Chinese state. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It has been one of the most debated puzzles in the study of political economy of terrorism whether economic development can curb terrorism. In Xinjiang, a multi-ethnic region in West China, it is widely believed that higher income levels can decrease the likelihood of terrorism conducted by Uyghur separatists or Islamic extremists. However, the county-level data for the year of 2013 show that better economic performance may not work as is expected. Instead, empirical evidence indicates that income is positively associated with the probability of terrorist attacks, and the effect is statistically significant. Projects that are aimed at boosting local economic growth result in a flood of migrants, and the local Uyghurs are disadvantaged in the employment market. Consequently, economic grievances will be generated. Some, but not all, Uyghurs have a shared motivation to resist, but tight social control in the region constrains the form of resistance, in the sense that neither mass protests nor armed rebellion are feasible. Terrorist attacks that come at a lower cost become a preferable choice. In addition to economic grievances and tight control, external factors also help to boost terrorist activities in Xinjiang, but more empirical and field research is needed before we could clarify how external factors, such as the international jihadist movement, interact with local conditions and result in terrorism in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, the tarmac road network in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in northwest China has been greatly expanded. The total length of roads increased from about 30,000 kilometres in 1999 to more than 146,000 kilometres in 2008. Though roads are considered by the state to be instruments of economic development, in multi-ethnic border regions like Xinjiang, the role of an efficient road network in the construction of the Chinese state's imaginary ‘bounded space’ is arguably just as crucial. With the help of Lefebvre's (1991) and Soja's (1999) conceptualization of space, this article explores the multiple spatial figurations of which roads are a part in Xinjiang. The article starts from ‘the mappable’ dimension of the expanding road network, and moves on to discuss perceptions and representations related to this expansion, before finally discussing how individuals creatively explore its fissures and hidden pockets. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

What explains the course of Uyghur-related violence in Xinjiang and Central Asia since 1990? Using data derived from a variety of sources, I argue that the locations and types of violent incidents were influenced by a combination of Chinese government policies and the political geography of Xinjiang. Specifically, 1990 to 1996 were dominated by logistically complex incidents in a low-level violent campaign in Xinjiang. The Strike Hard campaign in 1996 brought about an increase in logistically simple incidents in Xinjiang and some violence in Central Asia as Uyghur separatists had trouble moving people, information and weapons across the well-guarded, difficult terrain of Xinjiang's borders. China's rapprochement with Central Asian countries in the late 1990s led after 2001 to a dramatic decrease in Uyghur-related violence in general, but also signalled the appearance of logistically creative attacks that required little planning or materials. My findings suggest that Uyghur rebels will have a difficult time mounting a large-scale violent campaign as long as China retains even minimal control of Xinjiang. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Snow leopards live in the mountains of Central Asia, their range stretching from Afghanistan to Lake Baikal and eastern Tibet. They are endangered throughout their range, being hunted as predators of man's livestock and for their skin. Much of the snow leopard's range lies in China, but not enough is known about its status there for effective conservation. As part of a project to assess China's high-altitude wildlife resources the authors conducted a survey in Xinjiang—a vast arid region of deserts and mountains. Although the snow leopard and other wildlife have declined steeply in Xinjiang in recent decades, the cat still persists and one area has the potential to become one of the best refuges for the species in its entire range. Its future in Xinjiang, however, depends on well-protected reserves, enforcement of regulations against killing the animal, and proper management of the prey species. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]