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The development of efficient and reliable online assessments has become increasingly important in the digital era. We developed a 10-min online word reading assessment of global English based on the existing paper-and-pencil version of our English silent word reading test. The test includes two parts, namely, random word recognition and contextual word reading. A total of 889 participants (437 children and 392 adults; 62.7% female) took part in the study. They were from various regions including mainland China, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Poland, the United States, and the Philippines. Reliability and validity analyses on various demographics samples (by age and country/region of origin) demonstrated that the WordSword Test is highly reliable and valid (e.g., the correlation of this test with other English reading measures were above.80). Education level was positively correlated with test performance, while the correlations between age and test performance were not consistent. Ninety-seven children participants also took the paper-and-pencil version of the WordSword Test. The correlation between performances on the online and paper-and-pencil versions of the test was.879, one year apart. With more children and adults taking the WordSword Test, we ultimately hope to establish norms by area, grade level, and age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accurate risk assessment of international scientific and technological (S&T) cooperation is significant to international cooperation. In this paper, 5 risk dimensions with respect to the political, economic, social, cultural as well as technological of the regional comprehensive economic partnership countries (RCEP) are selected to establish a proper S&T cooperation index system for risk assessment. To calculate the weight of each index, a cross-entropy combination weighting method is proposed based on the combination weighting method of game theory. Furthermore, the standard cloud model is constructed by using the golden ratio, and the risk of S&T cooperation among the RCEP countries is analyzed by the cloud model. The results show that the combination weighting method proposed in this paper is effective, and its calculation is simpler than that of the game theory combination weighting method. Besides, compared with political, social, cultural, and technological indicators, economic indicators have a greater impact on S&T cooperation risk. Furthermore, it is also obtained from the results that the risk of S&T cooperation with China and the Philippines is at a lower to low level and medium to higher level, respectively, and the risk of S&T cooperation with other countries is all at a lower to medium level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cenozoic magmatism was highly active in the South China Sea (SCS), and mostly dominated by basalts. The magmatic rocks are mainly distributed in the lower slope and subbasins of the SCS, in addition to sporadic and small-scale Cenozoic volcanism on the SCS shelf. This paper presents a complete map of the Cenozoic magmatic rocks of the SCS with magmatic rock boundaries. This paper also presents an analysis of geological survey and published data in terms of seismic profiles, ages, geochemistry and isotopic systematics of the Cenozoic magmatic complexes of the SCS and adjacent areas. Many of wells or dredges are located in magmatic rocks identified by seismic profiles. Three periods of magmatic activity are distinguished: (1) a pre-spreading period (>33 Ma); (2) a syn-spreading period (33–15 Ma) and (3) a post-spreading period (<15 Ma). The thickest volcanic rocks encountered more than 1000 m (possibly Oligocene to Miocene) in the Boayan 1/1A well in the Palawan Trough of the southern SCS during Cenozoic. The oldest magmatic rocks are andesites (62.5 ± 2.2 Ma) in the northern SCS (offshore) and andesites (65 ± 3 Ma) in Penghu (on land). The latest modern magmatic activity was detected in 1923 offshore of a submarine volcanic eruption (10°09´29″N, 109°00′50″E, 20 m below sea level) and along the shore of a volcanic eruption in the Philippines. Cenozoic magmatic rocks of the SCS include at least 1008 rock bodies: the smallest is 0.00012 km2, the largest is 1528 km2 and the total area covers 46,309 km2. The Yangjiang-Yitong fault and Zhongnan-Reedbank fault divide the magmatic rocks into two different sections in the eastern and western SCS. The ages of the magmatic rocks in the eastern SCS are mostly older than those in the western SCS. The magmatic rocks in the northern, southern, eastern, western SCS and adjacent areas, and SCS basin are related to extension, subduction+collision, subduction, extrusion, extension+cooling+subsidence, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When great powers such as the United States and China grow especially hawkish with more uncertainties, how does a smaller state react to such a complex and dangerous territorial conflict? Given the competing frames of influence between China and the United States, what are the underlying reasons for the shift in the Philippines' foreign policy? This paper focuses on the Philippines' changing foreign policy on the South China Sea dispute and examines the main rationale for its shift in strategy towards China. We use the perspective of neoclassical realism to unpack the constraining factors that underlie the Philippines' domestic politics and ongoing global exigencies. With changes in its domestic politics and the security challenges posed by the evolving geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region, the Philippines is in a difficult situation, having to choose between a territorially hostile trading partner and its historical security guarantor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decade, the Philippines has experienced an escalation of anti-Chinese sentiment due to many factors, founded and unfounded. The growing presence of illegal immigrants and crimes associated with them; an increase in the number of Chinese workers, who are perceived as competing with Filipino workers; an increase in Chinese businesses, especially in retail, some operating without permits; the continuing dispute between China and the Philippines over the islands in the West Philippine Sea; President Rodrigo Duterte's China pivot policy and what has been deemed as favoring China to the detriment of the Philippines. This confluence of events has served to worsen the image of China. The COVID-19 pandemic and the way the government responded to it worsened the sinophobia directed at anyone considered "Chinese," including Filipinos of Chinese ancestry. This paper explores the racism vented against the Chinese and how the local Chinese-Filipino community has responded with positive action to help mitigate the anti-Chinese wave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across Asia, countries have signed the UNCRPD and to a greater or lesser extent are pursuing inclusive education (IE). In this article, we present case studies from Singapore, Indonesia, Philippines, and China analyzing them for common themes around the education of students intellectual and developmental disabilities (IDD), and noting commonalities, challenges, and emerging issues. While the definition of IE (being the philosophy, process and practice of welcoming, valuing and supporting all learners in general education environments) and the conceptual distinction between integration and segregation are clear in the UNCRPD and subsequent comments, the terminology used in some of the countries is inconsistent with these definitions. This makes interpretation of reports from government instrumentalities difficult. In some cases, misuse of terminology allows justification of practices that are contrary to the UNCRPD. Terminology differences coupled with challenges of finding data related to the education of children with IDD, if the data exist, make a regional analysis of progress towards IE complex. In our paper, we have drawn on previous reviews and reports to discuss common issues and make suggestions for ways forward. Our findings add to the few other reviews from Asia on IE and draw attention to the continuing need for improved access to any education at all for learners with IDD. Provision of IE is caught up in dilemmas in the region about teacher preparation and professional learning, and how to provide specialist support in inclusive settings. School structure decisions including staffing provision and class sizes affect the education outcomes of students with IDD. School leadership, with the fundamental role of translating policy into practice, is critical for the development of IE and must be aligned with system and country priorities. Collaboration across the region has the potential to share best practice and continue to improve the educational opportunities for learners with IDD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vehicle survival rate models have been extensively built in developed countries and China in view of the availability of vehicle scrappage data, but many developing countries do not have those data. This paper intends to develop Weibull distribution-based models of vehicle survivorship for Metro Manila, Philippines, without using the vehicle scrappage data. The proposed computation procedure can capture the dynamics of average vehicle lifespan. Light-duty passenger vehicles are classified into two main categories: car (sedan, hatchback) and utility vehicle (SUV, van, minivan, pickup, wagon, Jeepney). The results highlighted that the average lifespan of the car decreased from 23.23 years in 2007 to 15.22 years in 2016, whereas the average lifespan of the UV was constant and equal to 14.18 years. Also, the developed models were applied to project the vehicle stocks, scrapped vehicles, and vehicle sales based on two designed scenarios: historical trend and limitation of the vehicle stocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In much discussion surrounding the relationship between maritime disputes and fisheries resources, emphasis is given to the role of fisheries resources as a driver of the dispute or how states use fishing to further their interests through territoriality. Yet a narrow focus on maritime disputes obscures the broader ways in which fishing contributes to interstate relationships. This paper uses a political ecology and food regimes approach to demonstrate how seafood flows between the Philippines and China represent power relations. China exports a significant volume of low-value small fish and molluscs from its distant water fishery. The Philippines exports low numbers of high-value reef fish. Current Chinese aquaculture investments are minimal. Poaching forms another component of this seafood regime, which is marked by environmental unsustainability and unequal relations between the Philippines and China. This analysis highlights the value of seeing fishing and fishery resources as constitutive of a broader politicized environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sovereignty in the maritime domain is governed by the international laws and conventions, particularly the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Maritime sovereignty is deeply contested and the view on it is diverse. While the idea of continental sovereignty got cemented over time, the concept of maritime territorial sovereignty remained fragile until the conclusion of UNCLOS negotiations in 1982. Although China was a part of the negotiating process and has ratified the Convention, its actions in the South China Sea (SCS) have frequently contravened with the UNCLOS. This paper argues, by employing the principles of sovereignty theory, that even though China has discarded the Permanent Court of Arbitration's (PCA) ruling in the case of The Republic of the Philippines vs The People's Republic of China, the ruling has set up a clear precedent, which shall be a cornerstone for future references on sovereignty issues in the maritime domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Complex interdependence refers to the multiple channels of interaction and agenda in interstate relations, which involve domestic (public and private) stakeholders and nonmilitary issues. Since the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) came into being, most analyses have largely focused on infrastructure development. The BRI not only has the potential to impact a host government's socioeconomic agenda but also its overall bilateral relationship with China. It is therefore imperative to measure the progress and prospects of China's Belt and Road projects in the Philippines, in line with Beijing's strategic goal to deepen complex interdependence with partner‐states, against the BRI's five major dimensions of cooperation: (a) policy coordination, (b) infrastructure development and connectivity, (c) trade and investment facilitation, (d) financial coordination and integration, and (e) people‐to‐people ties and connectivity. These, together with the examination of China's BRI projects in other Asian countries as modes of comparison, are crucial in assessing probable outcomes in the Philippines. The paper includes policy recommendations based on possible pitfalls and risks that may hamper the advancement of the Belt and Road projects in the Philippines and Sino‐Philippine bilateral interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Tribunal in the case brought by the Philippines against China in relation to the South China Sea has recently given its decision on whether it has jurisdiction to entertain the claims. Although it only found unequivocally that it has jurisdiction over three of the fifteen claims, this paper explains why in a number of respects the argumentation used by the Tribunal is weak. In particular it questions whether the Tribunal was right to proceed when issues of maritime delimitation and disputes over territorial sovereignty are outside its jurisdiction. The paper also criticizes the manner in which the Tribunal reached the conclusion that there was no undertaking to solve any disputes in the South China Sea through other means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Nineteen studies were identified that modelled S. japonicum control strategies. • Mathematical models of S. Japonicum have shifted towards the prevalence-based multi-host model. • Few mathematical models of S. Japonicum have considered other definitive hosts and seasonal fluctuations with mixed results. • Mathematical models have generally agreed on the inability of human treatment alone to reach elimination of S. Japonicum. • Few modelling studies have considered S. Japonicum in the Philippines. Schistosoma japonicum remains endemic in China and the Philippines. Substantial progress has been made in the control of Japonicum in both China and the Philippines. China is reaching elimination thanks to a concerted effort of control strategies. Mathematical modelling has been a key tool in the design of control strategies, in place of expensive randomised-controlled trials. We conducted a systematic review to investigate mathematical models of Japonicum control strategies in China and the Philippines. We conducted a systematic review on July 5, 2020, in four electronic bibliographic databases - PubMed, Web of Science, SCOPUS and Embase. Articles were screened for relevance and for meeting the inclusion criteria. Data extracted included authors, year of publication, year of data collection, setting and ecological context, objectives, control strategies, main findings, the form and content of the model including its background, type, representation of population dynamics, heterogeneity of hosts, simulation period, source of parameters, model validation and sensitivity analysis. Results After screening, 19 eligible papers were included in the systematic review. Seventeen considered control strategies in China and two in the Philippines. Two frameworks were identified; the mean-worm burden framework and the prevalence-based framework, the latter of which increasingly common. Most models considered human and bovine definitive hosts. There were mixed additional elements included in the models, such as alternative definitive hosts and the role of seasonality and weather. Models generally agreed upon the need for an integrated control strategy rather than reliance on mass drug administration alone to sustain reductions in prevalence. Mathematical modelling of Japonicum has converged from multiple approaches to modelling using the prevalence-based framework with human and bovine definitive hosts and find integrated control strategies to be most effective. Further research could investigate the role of other definitive hosts and model the effect of seasonal fluctuations in transmission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author comments on the decision of the internal arbitral tribunal in the case brought against China by the Philippines. He cites several arbitration cases including that of Argentina and Uruguay relating to a pulp and paper mill, the Rainbow Warrior case between France and New Zealand, and the Russian Federation and China's dispute settlement. Other topics discussed include China's reasons for not honoring the tribunal's claim for jurisdiction and opposing interests in the South China Sea.

The question concerning the legality of China’s nine dash line has been the subject of arbitration proceedings at the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) at The Hague. The case, which was submitted to the PCA by the Philippines for adjudication, raised issues which went beyond the main question concerning the legal status of the dash line as a maritime boundary under United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982 provisions. These included,inter alia, complaints concerning China’s activities within the area enclosed by the nine dash line, the status of maritime features within the maritime enclosure and alleged environmental damage caused by Chinese dredging and infrastructure-building activities within the contested area. On 12 July 2016 the PCA rendered its judgement on the merits of the case. The main objective of this paper is to critically assess the implications of the PCA’s decision for the region and for the international law of the sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sino-Philippine Arbitration on the South China Sea Disputes was over on July 12, 2016, with a Merits Award in Philippine favor. Beijing rejected this arbitration and abstained from submitting written and oral arguments. Taiwan actively engaged in the debate with the Philippines since July 7, 2015. Not deemed as representative of China, Taiwan was considered capable of clarifying the meaning of the U-Shaped Line it first published in 1947 when seated in Nanjing, representing China then. The biggest maritime feature in the Spratly Islands, i.e. Taiping Island (Itu Aba), has been occupied by troops from mainland China since 1946 and then from Taiwan since 1956. The legal status of Taiping Island was the key to success of Philippine Submissions. The factual information from Taiwan became vital. This paper examines Taiwan's role in this arbitration and the degree to which it could actually speak for China at such legal proceedings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China claims "historic rights" over the islands and other maritime features in the South China Sea. The Philippines contests these claims on the ground that they are incompatible with the 1982 Convention on the Law of the Sea. It initiated arbitration under Annex VII of the (UNCLOS) for a declaratory judgment to that effect. China rejected the arbitral procedure in part because of its 2006 Declaration which excludes all such disputes from the compulsory dispute settlement procedure of the Convention. This paper examines the recent award of the Arbitral Tribunal accepting jurisdiction over the some of the submissions made by the Philippines. It finds that the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea has very little to offer to decide on issues of sovereignty and associated issues of overlapping maritime entitlements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fisheries is important for both China and the Philippines, playing a major role in the economy of both countries. The former is the world's largest producer and exporter of fish, while the latter ranks high in fish, aquaculture, and in seaweeds and aquatic plants production. As such, both countries recognize the significance of fisheries as a natural resource that must be conserved and managed to ensure its sustainability for generations to come. To this end, both countries had adopted relevant national legislation, notable of which are their respective fisheries laws. Like most fisheries laws of other countries, fisheries law in China and the Philippines are largely administrative in nature. As such, failure to comply with such laws is treated more as administrative violations than crimes. However, the fisheries laws of both countries contain provisions under which offenders can be meted with criminal liabilities. This paper will attempt to examine provisions for criminal liabilities on the fisheries law of China and the Philippines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: in recent years, many Asian countries have witnessed an intensification in populist discourses identifying the death penalty as a central tool of drug control, with public opinion surveys referred to as invaluable evidence of public support for the death penalty. This paper will address the claim that the public supports capital punishment, and the role of surveys in shaping this discourse.Methods: review of thirty-nine public opinion surveys on the death penalty carried out in five Asian countries which retain the death penalty for drugs or are considering re-introducing it. The review was conducted by analysing and comparing design, methodology, findings, and the relationship between these elements.Results: all but two surveys recorded a majoritarian support for the death penalty, driven by beliefs in (a) deterrent effect of the death penalty, and (b) perfect justice - both disproven. Complex surveys found a low intensity of support, and a limited interest and knowledge by the public in capital punishment. Support for capital punishment is lower for drug offences specifically, and it decreases significantly when expressed with reference to real-life cases. Limited data suggest that the public in the focus countries has reservations on the effectiveness of the death penalty to reduce drug offences, and prefers a discretionary system of punishment. The analysis also revealed correlations between the framing of survey questions and their findings.Conclusion: Public opinion surveys conducted in China, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand suggest that the public knows little and has little interest in the death penalty. Although majoritarian, its support is based on a faulty understanding of key facts related to capital punishment, and an increase in knowledge is correlated to a decrease in support. More rigorous polling exercises demonstrate that public support for capital punishment - both in general and for drug offences specifically - is instinctive, abstract, elastic, and contextual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]