Search

In May 2012, with tensions over Huangyan Island taking an increasingly sour turn, China released a document to strengthen inspection and quarantine of fruits imported from the Philippines. To many, this retaliation implied that the former launched economic sanctions against the latter over the growing conflict. As such, this paper takes that tension as a quasi‐natural experiment to examine the impact of deteriorating political relations on trade. We employ difference‐in‐difference to conduct an empirical investigation by using the monthly data of the Philippines' fruit export. The estimation results show that after the implementation of the document, in comparison with other export destination countries, Philippine banana and pineapple exports to China decreased by 42% and 88%, respectively. However, the sanction effects weakened over time. Extended analyses also find that the Philippines evaded the sanctions to some extent by trans‐shipping through third countries, transferring exports to other countries, and deeply processing fruits. In conclusion, the sanctions were not as effective as expected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Duterte presidency from June 2016 to June 2022, the government of the Philippines limited its affinity with the United States and pursued an ostensibly pro‐China policy. This bold move took place amid the ongoing US–China rivalry. This paper carries out a retrospective examination of Duterte's China policy from the perspective of Philippine domestic politics. Specifically, we assess the international relations literature on hedging as a foreign policy strategy and argue that domestic factors play a major role in filtering systemic influences and leaving state leaders with sufficient room for strategic discretion and maneuvering. This is particularly the case with the Philippines, where strong presidentialism gives clout to the president in foreign policy development. We argue that much of the "audacious" behavior in the foreign policy of the Duterte government can simultaneously be understood as pragmatic, as it was believed to better serve the regime's short‐term goals. While the alliance with the United States remained largely intact, the Duterte government emphasized its success in stabilizing Sino–Philippine relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across Asia, countries have signed the UNCRPD and to a greater or lesser extent are pursuing inclusive education (IE). In this article, we present case studies from Singapore, Indonesia, Philippines, and China analyzing them for common themes around the education of students intellectual and developmental disabilities (IDD), and noting commonalities, challenges, and emerging issues. While the definition of IE (being the philosophy, process and practice of welcoming, valuing and supporting all learners in general education environments) and the conceptual distinction between integration and segregation are clear in the UNCRPD and subsequent comments, the terminology used in some of the countries is inconsistent with these definitions. This makes interpretation of reports from government instrumentalities difficult. In some cases, misuse of terminology allows justification of practices that are contrary to the UNCRPD. Terminology differences coupled with challenges of finding data related to the education of children with IDD, if the data exist, make a regional analysis of progress towards IE complex. In our paper, we have drawn on previous reviews and reports to discuss common issues and make suggestions for ways forward. Our findings add to the few other reviews from Asia on IE and draw attention to the continuing need for improved access to any education at all for learners with IDD. Provision of IE is caught up in dilemmas in the region about teacher preparation and professional learning, and how to provide specialist support in inclusive settings. School structure decisions including staffing provision and class sizes affect the education outcomes of students with IDD. School leadership, with the fundamental role of translating policy into practice, is critical for the development of IE and must be aligned with system and country priorities. Collaboration across the region has the potential to share best practice and continue to improve the educational opportunities for learners with IDD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does a small power respond and adjust to a fluid and potentially dangerous strategic balancing by major powers generated by a territorial dispute? This paper observes that notwithstanding the major powers' mistrust, suspicion, and rivalry, such precarious stability in the South China Sea dispute is sustained by a balance-of-power system. This system is an offshoot of the small littoral states' (in this case, the Philippines') policy of engaging the external maritime powers (the United States and Japan) to counter China's heavy-handedness in dealing with this territorial row. Apprehensive of China's claim of sovereignty over the South China Sea, the United States and Japan are increasing their strategic involvement in the maritime territorial row. These developments have transformed the dispute into a case of conflict irresolution. To cope with China's heavy-handedness, the Philippines builds up the deterrence capability of its armed forces and forges security partnerships with the United States and Japan. The Philippines hopes that this move will ensure the maintenance of the status quo in the regional balance of power. In conclusion, the paper considers the Philippines' policy as myopic, since it overlooks the fact that the volatile balance of power situation in the South China Sea might be the proverbial 'calm before the storm.' It is crucial that the Philippines puts its house in order, economically keeps pace with its more dynamic Southeast Asian neighbors, increases its defense spending, formulates a coherent national security strategy, and concentrates on building a credible armed forces to avoid free-riding on its allies, and more importantly, to enable the country to weather the approaching storm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Complex interdependence refers to the multiple channels of interaction and agenda in interstate relations, which involve domestic (public and private) stakeholders and nonmilitary issues. Since the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) came into being, most analyses have largely focused on infrastructure development. The BRI not only has the potential to impact a host government's socioeconomic agenda but also its overall bilateral relationship with China. It is therefore imperative to measure the progress and prospects of China's Belt and Road projects in the Philippines, in line with Beijing's strategic goal to deepen complex interdependence with partner‐states, against the BRI's five major dimensions of cooperation: (a) policy coordination, (b) infrastructure development and connectivity, (c) trade and investment facilitation, (d) financial coordination and integration, and (e) people‐to‐people ties and connectivity. These, together with the examination of China's BRI projects in other Asian countries as modes of comparison, are crucial in assessing probable outcomes in the Philippines. The paper includes policy recommendations based on possible pitfalls and risks that may hamper the advancement of the Belt and Road projects in the Philippines and Sino‐Philippine bilateral interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decisions to give and receive help are often influenced by group memberships, social identities, and intergroup relations. Two studies were conducted to test how perceived political relations between countries are related to willingness to accept offers of intergroup help. Respondents in two low‐income countries, the Philippines (N = 289) and Pakistan (N = 275), indicated their willingness to accept (or not) Covid‐19 vaccine donations from two higher‐status countries (China and the United States) during the Covid pandemic. Results showed that the perceived motivation of the outgroup nation for providing help was associated with rejection or acceptance of help, mediated by emotional reactions to the help. A perception that outgroup nations donate vaccines to demonstrate and assert their superiority and power, that they donate vaccines to keep the outgroup dependent on the ingroup, and a perception that they donate vaccines out of self‐interest, were all associated with rejection of vaccine donations. A perception that donations by the outgroup are motivated by genuine concern for the ingroup was associated with acceptance of help. Findings confirm that political intergroup relations are related to attitudes about whether the ingroup nation should accept intergroup help or not. Theoretical and applied implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies have shown that the School Kindness Scale (SKS) has adequate psychometric properties in different societies such as Canada, Turkey, and the Philippines. However, there is scarce evidence on the psychometric validity of this scale across multiple societies and educational contexts. This study explores the cross‐national invariance of the SKS among high school students in the Philippines, Hong Kong, and mainland China. Results showed that the modified unidimensional model of school kindness with correlated error terms on item number 2 and 3 had the most optimal fit. There was evidence supporting partial invariance of the modified unidimensional model of school kindness across setting and year level, and full invariance across gender. Whereas school kindness also demonstrated positive correlations with perceived academic performance in Hong Kong and mainland China, this construct was linked to higher emotional and social engagement in math in all contexts. Practitioner points: Modifying items in the School Kindness Scale is needed to improve its psychometric validity and invariance in different settings.School kindness was linked to perceived academic performance in mainland China and Hong Kong.School kindness was related to emotional and social engagement in math in mainland China, Hong Kong, and the Philippines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and purpose: Social engagement is an important active aging strategy to promote older adults' mental health. The purposes of this study were to compare social engagement in older populations around the world and explore associations with mental health outcomes. Materials and methods: An international cross‐sectional survey was conducted from 2017 to 2019. Data were retrieved from The International Social Survey Programme for a secondary data analysis across 30 countries. This study applied the Taxonomy of Social Activities and its six levels as operational definitions for a consistent concept of social engagement for international comparisons. Results: In total, 9403 older adults with a mean age of 72.85 ± 6.40 years responded. The highest levels of older adults' social engagement were found in Switzerland, Thailand, and New Zealand. Older adults of a higher age, with a lower educational level, who were permanently sick or disabled, who had no partner, who were widowed or whose civil partner had died, who lived alone, and who had lower self‐placement in society had significantly lower social engagement than did their counterparts. In the regression model, older adults' social engagement positively predicted general health, self‐accomplishment, and life satisfaction, but negatively predicted loneliness and depression. Conclusions: In aging societies worldwide, encouraging older adults' social engagement would be beneficial to promote mental health. Implications for nursing practice and health policies: Community professional nurses can develop strategies of social engagement based on the needs and sociodemographic factors of older adults to improve their mental health. Developing efficient strategies and local policies by learning from successful experiences in other countries is important to promote social engagement in aging societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is limited information on the feeding practices of 9.42 million children living within institution‐based care (IBC) worldwide. Poor feeding practices can predispose or exacerbate malnutrition, illness and disability. Here we describe the feeding practices of children living within IBC based on a retrospective analysis of records from 3335 children, 0–18 years old, participating in Holt International's Child Nutrition Program (CNP), from 36 sites in six countries. Data analysed included demographic information on age, sex, feeding practices, disabilities and feeding difficulties. Descriptive statistics were produced. A generalised linear model explored associations between feeding difficulties and disability and 2 × 2 tables examined feeding difficulties over time. An additional set of feeding observations with qualitative and quantitative data was analysed. At baseline, the median age of children was 16 months (0.66–68 months) with 1650/3335 (49.5%) females. There were 757/3335 (22.7%) children with disabilities; 550/984 (55.9%) were low birth weight; 311/784 (39.7%) were premature; 447/3113 (14.4%) had low body mass index and 378/3335 (11.3%) had feeding difficulties. The adjusted risk of having a feeding difficulty was 5.08 ([95% confidence interval: 2.65–9.7], p ≤ 0.001) times greater in children with disabilities than those without. Many children saw their feeding difficulties resolve after 1‐year in CNP, 54/163 (33.1%) for children with disabilities and 57/106 (53.8%) for those without disabilities. Suboptimal hygiene, dietary and feeding practices were reported. In conclusion, feeding difficulties were common in IBC, especially among children with disabilities. Supporting safe interactive mealtimes for children living within IBC should be prioritised, to ensure overall health and development. Key points: Feeding difficulties are common among children living in institution‐based care (IBC), particularly but not exclusively among those children with disabilities.Suboptimal feeding practices were common in IBC and encompassed inadequate hygiene, limited support for self‐feeding, reading children's feeding cues (especially around pacing and satiety), addressing feeding difficulties, such as difficulty chewing or swallowing. These should be prioritised in training and supervision for caregivers.Addressing the needs of this vulnerable group should include support for safe feeding techniques. These should be prioritised to help ease the transition into eventual family‐based care if we are to move towards deinstitutionalizing children and strengthening families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The track of tropical cyclones (TCs) formed in the South China Sea (SCS) can be divided into eastward and westward directions. Significant decadal variation during 1980–2020 only exists in the number of eastward‐moving TCs, especially during July–September, with 47% TCs moving eastward during 1994–2004 (Period II), 22% during 1980–1993 (Period I) and only 15% during 2005–2020 (Period III). This decadal change is related to the zonal shift of Western Pacific Subtropical High (WPSH). An eastward‐retreated WPSH during 1994–2004 leads to upward motion and westerly flow anomaly over the northern SCS, and therefore favors TC genesis and eastward motion. The eastward‐retreated WPSH is associated with a warm sea surface temperature anomaly over the tropical western‐central Pacific which induces a cyclonic flow and weakens the WPSH. With the weaker modulation of WPSH, stronger intraseasonal oscillation (ISO) in the SCS during Period II favors eastward‐moving TCs due to the westerly flow associated with the ISO. Plain Language Summary: Tropical cyclones (TCs) formed over the South China Sea (SCS) can move either eastward or westward. Eastward‐moving TCs can make landfall along the eastern coast of China, the Philippines, and Taiwan Island, or entering western North Pacific. Meanwhile, westward‐moving TCs usually make landfall along the coasts of southern China and Vietnam. Our study reveals a significant decadal variation of eastward‐moving TCs. More TCs moved eastward during 1994–2004 due to enhanced westerly and convective activity associated with an eastward‐retreated Western Pacific Subtropical High, which is caused by the Gill‐pattern response to the warm sea surface temperature anomaly over the western‐central Pacific. The other reason for a decadal variation of eastward‐moving TCs over the SCS is the stronger intraseasonal oscillation activity during 1994–2004, which induces the convective activities and westerly flow anomaly over the main TC genesis region. Key Points: The number of eastward‐moving tropical cyclones (TCs) in the South China Sea has experienced a decadal variation since 1980The zonal shift of Western Pacific Subtropical High (WPSH) is the main factor of the decadal variation of eastward‐moving TCsThe eastward‐retreated WPSH together with strong intraseasonal oscillation favors TCs moving eastward during 1994–2004 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic workers comprise roughly one‐fourth of the total number of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs). They leave the Philippines primarily to provide financial assistance to their families they leave behind. Most of the existing studies investigated the problems they experience at work and with their families. Some studies focused on how they cope with these problems. However, little is known about the narrative identities of this group of labor migrants. This study addresses this gap by identifying the narrative identities of the community of Filipino domestic workers in Macao Special Administrative Region, China. This study utilized qualitative interviews to plot the identities into a three‐part timeline: Premigration, during migration, and imagined future. Results show that, before migration, the community of domestic workers identifies as hands‐on mothers and inadequate mothers. During migration, work‐ and family‐related identities are present: Modern‐day slave, inadequate, fighter, self‐sacrificing, employer's family, and hands‐on mother. In an imagined future, the community of domestic workers identifies as successful retired OFWs, reconciled life partners, hands‐on mothers, and inadequate mothers. Findings highlight the multiple, interacting identities in community narratives and their corresponding effects on experiences. Implications on policies and programs for this labor migrant group are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the association between perceived material deprivation, children's behavior problems, and parents' disciplinary practices. The sample included 1,418 8- to 12-year-old children and their parents in China, Colombia, Italy, Jordan, Kenya, the Philippines, Sweden, Thailand, and the United States. Multilevel mixed- and fixed-effects regression models found that, even when income remained stable, perceived material deprivation was associated with children's externalizing behavior problems and parents' psychological aggression. Parents' disciplinary practices mediated a small share of the association between perceived material deprivation and children's behavior problems. There were no differences in these associations between mothers and fathers or between high- and low- and middle-income countries. These results suggest that material deprivation likely influences children's outcomes at any income level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines what happened when the populist Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte reversed his country's global alliance, switching loyalties away from the United States towards China. We use the lens of narrative congruence, to see if political storylines of a populist president are accompanied by similar shifts in storylines among his followers. Our data corpus consists of text from Duterte's speeches and from comments on partisan Facebook pages, representing supporters and opponents of the president. We time‐bound our data corpus to text produced around the time President Duterte announced his realignment towards China. We use text mining and network analysis to identify overlaps among words used by the different social actors. Our findings show that when Duterte switched alliances, Facebookers—regardless of partisanship—accepted this alliance shift. However, our results likewise reveal an imperfect congruence. Duterte's followers move on to a story criticizing Duterte's domestic political enemies, whereas anti‐Duterte Facebookers talk about monetary deals and drug issues in the Philippines' newfound friendship with China. We discuss our findings in the light of a psychology of populism, the use of a discursive social networks approach to study macropsychological phenomena, and discursive resistance in a populist state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses trends in regional security order in Asia. Topics covered include the maritime security policy of Japan with Vietnam and the Philippines, peace-building efforts of China at Burma, South Korea's cybersecurity contributions in the Association of Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN) countries, the evolution of the regional economic order in East Asia and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

Automatic weather station (AWS) observations are used to select tropical cyclones (TCs) affecting the Taiwan Strait during 2007–2016. Applying these data, the influence of TCs on the Taiwan Strait is measured and TCs with weak or no impact are removed. Objective statistical properties of the remaining TCs are analysed by clustering them into three groups using the fuzzy C‐means method. Clusters are differentiated as (a) TCs affecting the Taiwan Strait but recurving at the edge of the TC alert area, (b) TCs moving straight across The Philippines and the South China Sea, and (c) TCs striking Taiwan and eastern China and recurving after landfall. Differences among the clusters include in the spatial range and duration of gales monitored by AWS, and the track, intensity, and genesis location of TCs. Also analysed are the influence of large‐scale atmospheric environments on TC motion, sea‐surface temperature responses to TCs, and the influence of El Niño‐Southern Oscillation on TC classifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the court case filed by the Philippines against China concerning the dispute between the two countries over territory and maritime jurisdictions in the South China Sea (SCS). Topics discussed include an unanimous award handed down by an arbitration Tribunal registered under the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) in The Hague related to the case, and the Tribunal's decision did not including aspects related to sovereignty and boundary delimitation between the parties.