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The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic was an unprecedented event in the modern era. Earlier studies demonstrated how ‘critical junctures’, which comprise major historical events and emergencies, often play an essential role in social change. This paper seeks to explore whether the COVID-19 pandemic would prove to be a similar pivotal moment, and what lessons and insights we could gather for positive social change., The research set out to find key insights on how individuals, communities, and organizations in civil society were responding to the pandemic in low-income populations at the intersection of multiple inequalities. These lessons could inform how donors, governments and NGOs might reshape their efforts to reduce emerging or deepening inequalities, and how civil society organisations and community-based organisations could amplify their positive impacts., Over 18 months, from September 2020 to March 2022, the ‘Emergent Agency’ research convened a global conversation between activists, development practitioners, researchers, and academics to better understand the phenomena that were taking place in response to the pandemic. The research collected more than 200 case studies and held a series of webinars and conversations in thematic clusters to uncover what these responses could teach us. The research project was enabled with funding from The Atlantic Fellows for Social and Economic Equity programme (AFSEE) of the London School of Economics., The findings from the collaborative research have been summarised in two main documents, - a research report, which retraces the steps of the study, its methodology and main findings;, - and this brief, which summarizes key points that we believe are important for those working in international and national NGOs, and donor agencies.

As 2020 draws to a close, the economic devastation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic shows no sign of abating. Without urgent action, global poverty and inequality will deepen dramatically. Hundreds of millions of people have already lost their jobs, gone further into debt or skipped meals for months. Research by Oxfam and Development Pathways shows that over 2 billion people have had no support from their governments in their time of need. Our analysis shows that none of the social protection support to those who are unemployed, elderly people, children and families provided in low- and middle-income countries has been adequate to meet basic needs. 41% of that government support was only a one-off payment and almost all government support has now stopped., Decades of social policy focused on tiny levels of means-tested support have left most countries completely unprepared for the COVID-19 economic crisis. Yet, countries such as South Africa and Bolivia have shown that a universal approach to social protection is affordable, and that it has a profound impact on reducing inequality and protecting those who need it most., In addition to the full paper and executive summary, an Excel file with the data analysed by Oxfam and Development Pathways is available to download on this page, along with an annex on the crisis in Latin America and the Caribbean.

We are living through an unprecedented moment of multiple crises. Tens of millions more people are facing hunger. Hundreds of millions more face impossible rises in the cost of basic goods or heating their homes. Poverty has increased for the first time in 25 years. At the same time, these multiple crises all have winners. The very richest have become dramatically richer and corporate profits have hit record highs, driving an explosion of inequality. This report focuses on how taxing the rich is vital to addressing this unprecedented polycrisis and skyrocketing inequality. The report explores how, in recent history, taxation of the richest was far higher; how talk of taxing the rich and making billionaires pay their fair share is hugely popular; and how taxing the rich claws back elite power and reduces not just economic inequality, but racial, gender and colonial inequalities, too. The report lays out how much tax the richest should pay, and the practical, tried and tested ways in which governments can raise such taxation. It shows us how taxing the rich can set us clearly on a path to a more equal, sustainable world free from poverty., Nous traversons une période sans précédent marquée par des crises multiples. Des dizaines de millions de personnes supplémentaires sont aujourd’hui confrontées à la faim. Des centaines de millions d’autres font face à des augmentations intenables du coût des produits de première nécessité ou du chauffage. Pour la première fois en 25 ans, la pauvreté gagne du terrain. Mais parallèlement, d’autres profitent de ces crises multiples. Les plus fortuné·es se sont considérablement enrichi·es, et les bénéfices des entreprises ont atteint des sommets, provoquant une explosion des inégalités. Ce rapport montre en quoi il est indispensable de taxer les personnes riches pour faire face à cette succession de crises sans précédent et à la montée en flèche des inégalités. Il détaille comment, dans l’histoire récente, l’imposition des plus riches était bien plus élevée. Il souligne le fait que les discours visant à taxer les personnes riches et à faire payer aux milliardaires leur juste part sont extrêmement populaires. Il met en évidence la manière dont l’imposition des personnes riches permet de limiter le pouvoir des élites et de réduire non seulement les inégalités économiques, mais aussi les inégalités raciales, de genre et coloniales. Il dévoile le montant de l’impôt que les plus riches pourraient payer, ainsi que les solutions éprouvées dont disposent les gouvernements pour lever cet impôt. Il explique comment la taxation des personnes riches peut clairement nous mettre sur la voie d’un monde plus égalitaire, durable et exempt de pauvreté.

The wealth of the world's 10 richest men has doubled since the pandemic began. The incomes of 99% of humanity are worse off because of COVID-19. Widening economic, gender, and racial inequalities—as well as the inequality that exists between countries—are tearing our world apart. This is not by chance, but choice: “economic violence” is perpetrated when structural policy choices are made for the richest and most powerful people. This causes direct harm to us all, and to the poorest people, women and girls, and racialized groups most. Inequality contributes to the death of at least one person every four seconds. But we can radically redesign our economies to be centered on equality. We can claw back extreme wealth through progressive taxation; invest in powerful, proven inequality-busting public measures; and boldly shift power in the economy and society. If we are courageous, and listen to the movements demanding change, we can create an economy in which nobody lives in poverty, nor with unimaginable billionaire wealth—in which inequality no longer kills., Depuis le début de la pandémie, la fortune des dix hommes les plus riches au monde a doublé. 99 % de l’humanité a des revenus moins importants que prévu à cause de la COVID-19. L’augmentation des inégalités économiques, de race et de genre, ainsi que les inégalités entre pays, fragmentent notre monde. Ceci n’est pas le fruit du hasard, mais de décisions politiques délibérées : une « violence économique » s’opère lorsque les choix de politiques structurelles sont faits pour les personnes les plus riches et les plus puissantes. Ces choix nous affectent toutes et tous, en particulier les personnes les plus pauvres, les femmes et les filles et les groupes racisés. Les inégalités contribuent à la mort d’au moins une personne toutes les quatre secondes. Mais nous pouvons repenser nos économies de façon radicale afin de faire de l’égalité notre priorité. Nous pouvons nous attaquer à la concentration extrême des richesses grâce à une fiscalité progressive ; investir dans des mesures publiques luttant contre les inégalités et repenser la distribution du pouvoir dans l’économie et la société. Si nous agissons avec courage et que nous écoutons les mouvements appelant au changement, nous pourrons construire une économie dans laquelle personne ne vit dans la pauvreté alors même qu’une autre personne peut amasser des milliards, une économie dans laquelle les inégalités ne tuent plus.

The coronavirus pandemic has the potential to lead to an increase in inequality in almost every country at once, the first time this has happened since records began. The virus has exposed, fed off and increased existing inequalities of wealth, gender and race. Over two million people have died, and hundreds of millions of people are being forced into poverty while many of the richest – individuals and corporations – are thriving. Billionaire fortunes returned to their pre-pandemic highs in just nine months, while recovery for the world’s poorest people could take over a decade. The crisis has exposed our collective frailty and the inability of our deeply unequal economy to work for all. Yet it has also shown us the vital importance of government action to protect our health and livelihoods. Transformative policies that seemed unthinkable before the crisis have suddenly been shown to be possible. There can be no return to where we were before. Instead, citizens and governments must act on the urgency to create a more equal and sustainable world., La pandémie de coronavirus pourrait aggraver les inégalités dans la quasitotalité des pays de la planète simultanément, une première depuis que ce type de données est consigné. Le virus a mis au jour et amplifié les inégalités de richesse, les inégalités de genre et les inégalités raciales existantes, tout en s’en nourrissant. Plus de deux millions de personnes ont perdu la vie, et des centaines de millions de personnes basculent dans la pauvreté alors que bon nombre des entreprises et des particuliers les plus riches prospèrent. Les milliardaires ont retrouvé le niveau de richesse qui était le leur avant la pandémie en seulement neuf mois, alors qu’il faudra plus de dix ans aux personnes les plus pauvres pour se relever des impacts économiques du coronavirus. La crise a mis au jour notre fragilité collective, ainsi que l’incapacité de notre économie profondément inégale à œuvrer dans l’intérêt de toutes et tous. Elle nous a également démontré l’importance cruciale de l’intervention des gouvernements dans la protection de notre santé et de nos moyens de subsistance. Des politiques transformatrices qui semblaient inenvisageables avant la crise se sont soudain révélées possibles. Le retour au monde d’avant n’est pas une option. Au lieu de cela, les citoyen-ne-s et les gouvernements doivent se mobiliser autour de l’urgence de créer un monde plus égalitaire et plus durable

The worsening inequality crisis triggered by COVID-19 is fuelled by an economic model that has allowed some of the world’s largest corporations to funnel billions of dollars in profits to shareholders giving yet another windfall to the world’s top billionaires, a small group of mostly white men. At the same time, it has left low wage workers and women to pay the price of the pandemic without social or financial protection. Since the onset of the pandemic, large corporations have put profits before workers’ safety, pushed costs down the supply chain and used their political influence to shape policy responses. COVID-19 should be the catalyst for radically reining in corporate power, restructuring business models with purpose and rewarding all those that work with profits, creating an economy for all.

New analysis shows the economic crisis caused by Coronavirus could push over half a billion people into poverty unless urgent and dramatic action is taken. This virus affects us all, even princes and prime ministers. But the equality ends there. By exploiting the extreme inequalities between rich and poor people, rich and poor nations and between women and men, unchecked this crisis will cause immense suffering., We can only beat this virus through coming together as one. Developing countries must act to protect their people, and demand action from rich nations to support them. Rich country governments must massively upscale their help – led by the G20. This paper lays out an Economic Rescue Plan For All that meets the scale of the crisis, mobilizing at least $2.5 trillion dollars to tackle the pandemic and prevent global economic collapse. It prioritizes helping people directly: giving cash grants to all who need them. An immediate suspension of the debt payments of poor countries, combined with a one-off economic stimulus by the IMF and an increase in aid and taxes, can pay for this., The key points of the ‘Economic Rescue Plan For All’ would be, 1. To provide cash grants for all who need them. All workers suffering a loss of income must have access to some form of income replacement, be it a wage subsidy, unemployment benefit, sick pay or other benefits., 2. Bail out businesses responsibly. The stimulus packages announced in response to the pandemic must not make the same mistakes as were made in the 2008 financial crisis. Instead, bailout money must go into the hands of the most vulnerable people – workers and small businesses who are the least prepared to cope., 3. Suspend and cancel debts. Cancelling debt payments is the fastest way to keep money in countries and to free up resources to tackle the urgent health, social and economic crises resulting from the global pandemic., 4. Issue Special Drawing Rights. The G20 should immediately propose an emergency issuance of $1 trillion in SDRs., 5. Increase aid now. Donors should provide immediate emergency support to limit the outbreak and save lives, both through multilateral bodies like the World Health Organization that are responsible for managing the global response and directly to developing countries., 6. Adopt emergency solidarity taxes. Governments must make use of extraordinary measures to tax those who can afford to be taxed, in order to fund the global health package and the global economic relief measures.

Our economy is broken, with hundreds of millions of people living in extreme poverty while huge rewards go to those at the very top., The number of billionaires has doubled since the financial crisis and their fortunes grow by $2.5bn a day, yet the super-rich and corporations are paying lower rates of tax than they have in decades. The human costs – children without teachers, clinics without medicines – are huge. Piecemeal private services punish poor people and privilege elites. Women suffer the most, and are left to fill the gaps in public services with many hours of unpaid care., We need to transform our economies to deliver universal health, education and other public services. To make this possible, the richest people and corporations should pay their fair share of tax. This will drive a dramatic reduction in the gap between rich and poor and between women and men., Check out the interactive online version of the report., Notre économie est défaillante : des centaines de millions de personnes vivent dans l’extrême pauvreté alors que d’immenses richesses sont concentrées dans les mains d’une minorité., Le nombre de milliardaires a doublé depuis la crise financière et leur fortune augmente chaque jour de 2,5 milliards de dollars. Or, les élites fortunées et les grandes entreprises bénéficient des taux d’imposition les plus bas de ces dernières décennies. Les coûts humains (des enfants sans enseignant-e-s, des cliniques sans médicaments) sont considérables et ce sont les plus pauvres qui en payent le prix. Les femmes en souffrent particulièrement, contraintes de combler des services publics insuffisants par de nombreuses heures de travail de soin non rémunéré., Nous devons transformer nos économies pour garantir l’universalité de l’accès à la santé, à l’éducation et à d’autres services publics. Pour cela, les entreprises et les plus riches doivent payer leur juste part d'impôts. Cela permettra de réduire considérablement l’écart entre les riches et les pauvres et entre les femmes et les hommes.

The realisation of the right to health for millions of people in poor countries depends upon a massive increase in health services to achieve universal and equitable access. A growing number of international donors are promoting an expansion of private-sector health-care delivery to fulfil this goal. The private sector can play a role in health care. But this paper shows there is an urgent need to reassess the arguments used in favour of scaling-up private-sector provision in poor countries. The evidence shows that prioritising this approach is extremely unlikely to deliver health for poor people. Governments and rich country donors must strengthen state capacities to regulate and focus on the rapid expansion of free publicly provided health care, a proven way to save millions of lives worldwide.

Five years ago, members of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) signed a ministerial agreement to ensure that intellectual property rules would no longer obstruct developing countries’ efforts to protect public health. Since then, however, little has changed. Patented medicines continue to be priced out of reach for the world’s poorest people. Trade rules remain a major barrier to accessing affordable versions of patented medicines (generic medicines). The prevalence of debilitating and life-threatening diseases in poor countries is growing, but medicines are simply not available. Urgent action is needed.

The USA continues to impose TRIPS-plus rules on developing countries, thus preventing poor people from accessing inexpensive, generic medicines. Jordan was required under the terms of its WTO accession package and its free trade agreement (FTA) with the USA to introduce TRIPS-plus rules. Medicine prices have increased drastically, and TRIPS-plus rules were partly responsible for this increase. Furthermore, stricter levels of intellectual property protection have conferred few benefits with respect to foreign direct investment, domestic research and development, or accelerating introduction of new, effective medicines. Medicine prices will continue to rise in Jordan, but the country will be unable to use TRIPS safeguards to reduce their cost. Other developing countries implementing or considering FTAs with TRIPS-plus rules should consider the consequences for public health.

The Queen 'Mamohato Memorial Hospital in Lesotho was built under a public–private partnership (PPP), which is the first of its kind in a low-income country and has been described as opening a new era for private sector involvement in healthcare in Africa. Instead, the Ministry of Health in one of the poorest and most unequal countries in the world is locked into an 18-year contract that already consumes more than half of its health budget. This is a dangerous diversion of scarce public funds from primary healthcare services in rural areas, where three-quarters of the population live., The PPP was developed under the advice of the International Finance Corporation (IFC) and is seen as their flagship model to be replicated across Africa. Lesotho’s experience supports international evidence that health PPPs of this kind are high risk and costly, and fail to advance the goal of universal and equitable health coverage. Oxfam argues in this report that the IFC should be held to account for the poor quality of its advice to the Government of Lesotho and for marketing this health PPP as a success internationally, despite its unsustainable costs.

This paper aims to study from empirical observations interaction between health and economic growth to reduce poverty. To investigate this question, a model of simultaneous equations was developed to endogenous economic growth and to assign the quality of poverty. Using data from a sample of five countries on the southern shore of the Mediterranean during the period 1992-2014, the results provide evidence of a positive association between health and economic growth on the one hand, and a positive association between improvement health and poverty reduction on the other. Thus, the total impact of life expectancy on poverty is equal to - 0.705 sum of the direct and indirect impact. We improve life expectancy by 10% resulting in lower rates of poverty -7.05%. Furthermore, equation (1) shows that increasing the index that measures income inequality a unit causes an increase in poverty in an amount equal to 0.82. Similarly the equation (2) shows that the increase in inequality of a unit may induce GDP growth decreased -1.08 which means that even the influence of income inequality n ' is also limited to its direct effect on poverty, but also incorporates indirect impact linked to the evolution of GDP. We notice a total impact of income inequality on poverty reduction. According to the calculation any increase in the index of inequality of income 10% results in a rate of increase in poverty by 9.7%. We also note that improving health is the indispensable vehicle for poverty reduction.