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Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Crusade of Nicopolis (1396) was one of the last crusades directed against the Ottomans, led primarily by joint Franco-Burgundian and Hungarian forces. Albeit on the margins, the Byzantines and Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos were also involved in this crusading project as they hoped to relieve Constantinople from the Ottoman blockade it endured since 1394. The resounding defeat inflicted on the crusaders by the Ottomans was echoed in both Byzantine, French and Ottoman sources. This paper shall attempt to offer a comparative reading of Byzantine, French and Ottoman sources on some aspects of the Crusade of Nicopolis. The first part of this paper will seek to analyze the Byzantine sources, consisting of histories, letters and orations, investigating their literary, political, and religious perceptions of the event. The second part will deal with French and Ottoman sources, especially focusing on their depictions of the Byzantine involvement in the crusade, as well as the narrative links between Nicopolis, the blockade of Constantinople and the travels of Manuel II.

Building on the recent results of Serbian and Croatian historiography and the reinterpretation of some data from primary historical sources, the paper examines the issue of the conflict between the Serbian ruling house, the Nemanjić dynasty, and the Croatian magnate family of Šubić Bribirski in the region of Hum (Zachlumia, Humska zemlja) in the first twenty years of the 14th century. The paper reviews the conclusions of historians who dealt with this issue in more detail, highlighting the fact that, due to the scarcity and typology of the sources, only two reliable conclusions can be drawn: 1) from the beginning of the conflict until the collapse of the regional domain of Mladen II Šubić in 1322, neither side completely withdrew from Hum, and 2) knez Konstantin (comes Constantinus), who governed Hum on behalf of the Šubić family (ca. 1304-1307), was not the son of knez Izan Nelipčić, as some historians believed, but a member of the older generation of the Nelipčić family who bore the same name.

This paper analyzes the information provided in the Byzantine historical narratives composed between the end of the 10th and mid-13th century on Bulgarians, Serbs and the Rus as these peoples permanently settled or just temporarily resided in the area of the Central Balkans. This paper attempts to show how the Byzantine historiography of the mentioned period presented the peoples in question.

The paper presents the circumstances in which musicological medievalism emerged in Serbia after the Second World War as a separate discipline within the research projects of the newly founded Institute of Musicology of the Serbian Academy of Sciences. It focuses on the contributions of three first musicologists medievalists: Miloš Velimirović, Stojan Lazarević and Dimitrije Stefanović. It outlines the conditions under which these researchers adopted the methodological principles of the Western musicological school - Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae - which were current at the time but soon became outdated. In light of the disagreements among Western and Greek scholars regarding the approach to the interpretation of the development of neumatic notation immediately before and after the fall of Byzantium, the paper also shows the personal scholarly credo and interests of certain Serbian researchers, as well as their (un)willingness to adopt and even present new knowledge and trends to the wider academic community.

This paper discusses how the Venetian chronicles written in the 14th-18th centuries represent the episode in which the ban on wearing beards in Venice under Doge Domenico Michiel is connected to the hostilities with the Byzantine Empire in the context of the expedition against Cephalonia in 1126. It is about a strange connection at the first glance; however, some Venetian chroniclers that inserted this event were tempted to consider this decision as an act of contempt against the Greeks that even made Emperor John II Comnenus decide to end the hostilities and demand peace. The paper also brings fragments that introduce this event in Venetian chronicles.

The office of praetor in Byzantium represents a vestige of antiquity revived in the middle years of the reign of Justinian I. The paper offers a history of the function following the chronological timeline, as well as an analysis of the praetor’s competences in the judicial and administrative spheres. Firstly, relying on the few available sources up to the 10th century, it brings an overview of the praetor’s competences. In the 10th century, the praetor became a thematic judge, the supreme civil officer in the province, outranking the strategos, which is how most sources portray the praetor in the 11th and 12th centuries. The paper examines the praetor’s service in law and juxtaposes it with his authority as the supreme figure in the province. Simultaneously, in the 11th century, the praetor was part of the capital’s judiciary system, with a possible scope of duties in private law. The last known sources describe the praetor as the court’s official in contacts with the Latins.

The paper examines some of the main metaphysical concepts of the thought of Dionysius the Areopagite and Maximus the Confessor, such as unity, differentiation, movement, limit, and logoi, in the context of the metaphor of circles and radii. It begins with an analysis of simple diagrams that appear in some Greek and Slavonic manuscripts of Dionysius’ works On the Divine Names. The paper goes on to examine more complex diagrams involving a circle or square centre, outer circumference, concentric rings, multicoloured radii and twisted cruciform bands that accompany the Instructions of Dorotheus of Gaza in many Greek and Slavic manuscripts. The paper argues that these new diagrammatic elements were employed to visualize complex ideas such as the Holy Trinity as unity of differentiations, the ontological limit of creation set by divine providence, the triadic structure of logoi of beings and the double movement of procession and reversion.

This paper takes a fresh look at the sources of Leo the Deacon and comments on what has been written about them by other Byzantinists. It will also study Leo the Deacon’s style of writing, which is certainly innovative, since the History he authored stands apart from the historiographical works that preceded it, as it seeks to meld the new historiography that had emerged from the circle of Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos with the classical tradition. And Leo blazes new trails by praising specific individuals, the vast majority of them military men, around whose actions and achievements - on the field of battle, in the main - his narrative near exclusively revolves. The paper then goes on to indicate that one of the most important texts that has been identified as a source of Leo’s History is the Pophyrogennetos’ vast collection conventionally labelled the Excerpta Constantiniana; the Excerpta are then re-evaluated, particularly in terms of their links to Leo, which turn out to be close, as a number of examples illustrate.

The paper examines the complex, multifaceted role that the settlement of Tana played for the Venetian and Genoese Republics, Byzantium, the Golden Horde, the Russian principalities, the Mendicant Orders, and long-distance trade in the Late Middle Ages. The author discusses some of the essential problems in the history of Tana, such as the relations between Venetian and Genoese settlers, between Venetian Tana and Genoese Caffa, and between the Western inhabitants of Tana and various groups of local population (Muslims, Greeks, Jews, Zich, and Circassians). It concludes that while the Venetians and the Genoese in Tana treated each other with a combination of rivalry and mistrust, they cooperated in trade to their mutual benefit and were usually able to form a united front in response to an external threat. In general, there was an intense confrontation between Venetian Tana and Genoese Caffa, but this does not seem to be the case between the Venetians and the Genoese within Tana. Other controversial issues raised in the paper include the so-called double suzerainty of the Italian settlements in Tana, the discrepancy between their economic and strategic significance and the size of the site, and the dating of the capture of Tana by the Ottomans.

The paper explores the problem of the tomb of Queen Theodora, the first wife of King Stefan Dečanski and mother of King and later Emperor Stefan Dušan, at the Banjska Monastery, a foundation of King Stefan Uroš II Milutin. The tomb is the main topic of the charter King Dušan issued to this monastery. The paper minutely examines the previous research on the subject, including different identifications of the personages buried at Banjska. Special attention was accorded to the analysis of new sources, written and material, relevant to this problem. The author concludes that the transfer of Queen Theodora’s remains to Banjska, on the orders of King Dušan, was an ideologically motivated move. The tomb on the north side of the west bay is identified as Theodora’s. The author cautiously proposes that Konstantin, King Milutin’s younger son, might have also been interred at Banjska, in the north parekklesion along the narthex. The funerary program of Banjska is assessed from the perspective of traditional solutions and the reception of new models adopted from Byzantium.

This paper examines the extent to which the Xenon of the Kral, founded by Stefan Uroš II Milutin in Constantinople in the first part of the 14th century, reflected Byzantine hospital traditions. Milutin’s biography, written around 1332 by the Serbian Archbishop Danilo II, is of great value as a document of medical history, as it contains essential details on the Xenon’s infrastructure and medical staff and the purposes of this charitable foundation in comparison with Byzantine institutions. The regulations on patient admission allow the conclusion that the Xenon of the Kral was probably a hospital for emergency admission. Recent research has tended to focus on the hospital infrastructure at the Xenon of the Kral rather than its status as an international centre of education associated with the teaching activities of the Byzantine humanist John Argyropoulos in the period between 1444 and c. 1453. Furthermore, his teaching had an extremely interesting focus on the intensive study of Galen’s works. Special attention should be paid to the close connection between the Prodromos Monastery τῆς Πέτρας, its library and the Xenon, whereby some traces might also lead to Bessarion’s library and especially to his collection of medical manuscripts. The aim of this paper is thus to contextualise the already available research results on the Xenon of the Kral with some sources of Byzantine medical literature, opening up new aspects and research questions which might be of interest for elucidating the intellectual and cultural exchange between Byzantium and Serbia.

The paper examines the social position and reputation of artists, primarily painters, in Byzantium and the countries under its cultural influence, in the area of the socalled Byzantine Commonwealth. It concludes that painters were treated like all other craftsmen in many aspects of social life from the time of the Book of Eparch (from the tenth century). Nevertheless, some artists were highly respected, and this prestige manifested itself in different ways: prominent painters were praised for their artistic skill or their wisdom and education, some were engaged as witnesses or guarantors in court cases due to their civic and personal credibility, some enjoyed a reputation that stemmed from their other profession - many of them were members of the clergy (priests, hieromonks, monks, hegoumenoi, chartophylaxes, metropolitans), some were elected state, city or military officials, and judges, and some were sent on diplomatic missions. Accordingly, many painters were addressed by the title kyr (Sir), which also testifies to their reputation and social status. Others, however, were forced to earn a living by trading, sometimes even by farming or herding. On the other hand, sources testify that occasionally figures of the highest social ranks (emperors, archbishops, metropolitans, nobles) also dabbled in painting, but they usually did so for fun, and are thus rightly seen in scholarship as amateur painters and cannot be used to illuminate the social status of painters. It seems, however, that the artist’s reputation, about which this paper provides original testimonies and a range of other indicators, generally did not bring a better or higher social status to the painters themselves, so until the end of the Middle Ages, much as in the tenth century, as evidenced by the Book of Eparch, they retained the status of artisans. To corroborate that claim, the paper brings original data on the social strata from which apprentices in painting workshops were recruited and the social circles from which came the spouses of painters or their family members.

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper offers an analysis of the office based on different types of sources. The first stage in the shaping of the imperial quaestorate was the creation of the function of quaestor sacri palatii and its subsequent use in the Dominate period. In the legislation issued by Emperor Justinian I, the quaestor became the quaesitor (quaesitorος) and acquired new roles. Later legislators did not distinguish between the quaestor and the quaesitor and hence describe a hybrid institution rooted in both Roman and Justinian’s laws. The legal sources, particularly the surviving documentary and sigillographic material, leave plenty of room for an analysis of the duties performed by the quaestor, most commonly referred to in post- -tenth century sources as the κοιαίστωρ. In line with this explanation, after an overview of the relevant sources and the existing literature on the subject, the paper describes the first stage in the shaping of this office (I); offers a scholarly exploration of the laws promulgated by Justinian I (II); analyzes the office of the quaestor/quaesitor in the most under-researched periods in the evolution of this function, the Middle and Late Byzantine periods (III and IV); finally, the last chapter (V) brings a list of the known holders of the quaestor/quaesitor office (and dignity) starting from the 7th century, which is included as an appendix.

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Emperor Constantine V was born in the summer of 718, however our only two texts that provide an approximate date of his birth diverge on the matter; mid-July according to Patriarch Nikephoros’ Breviarium, and early September according to Theophanes’ Chronographia. This paper first analyses the place of Constantine V’s birth in the two texts and argues that Theophanes moved the birth to attach it to the baptism episode, which was a separate event, effectively distorting the date of birth. The article also proposes that Theophanes had both practical and ideological reasons to do so and suggests that with the current state of the sources, evidence from the Breviarium is more likely to be closer to the actual date of birth of the infamous iconoclast emperor. Considering that the birth of an imperial heir had a legitimizing value, demonstrating the divine favour shown to the current ruler, and the importance of victory in 718, the last section of this paper further analyses whether the date-just before the retreat of the Arab army besieging Constantinople for about a year-may have played a role in Isaurian propaganda or in the memory of Constantine V as a triumphant ruler.

The paper discusses the issue of the Albanian ethnonym in the Middle Ages, starting from the fact that today they use the ethnonym Shqipetar for themselves and that other peoples know them as Albanians. It first points out the possibility that the former name was in use among the Albanians already in the 14th century, and then discusses the use of the ethnonym Albanians in the historical sources from the 11th to the 14th century. Since it originated from the geographical term Arbanum and was conditioned by it, the question arises оf how the ancestors of the Albanians were called before they came to Arbanum. Finally, the paper suggests a possible connection between them and the Vlach groups in the south of the Balkan Peninsula.

The paper examines a previously largely unknown late-Byzantine document from the archives of the Barlaam monastery in Meteora. Written on paper, the document is only partially preserved, while based on evidence from within the text itself it is attributed to the Despot Nikephoros II Komnenos Angelos Doukas, issued in favour of the town of Stagoi. The type of script dates it to within the late-fourteenth century, while the document provides information regarding society and the economy of the town during the middle part of the century. Following an extensive discussion of the contents of the document, a diplomatic editio princeps is also included.

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper discusses the visual representations of St. Mark of Ephesus, under-researched in previous scholarship, which have survived in several monuments of post-Byzantine wall painting in the Balkans. These depictions are analyzed as visual testimonies of the veneration of Mark of Ephesus in the period under consideration, i.e. as important indicators of the presence, continuity and dissemination of his cult a long time before his official canonization in the 18th century. The paper also offers an overview of the different iconographic versions of the images of St. Mark of Ephesus. Finally, it examines the possible reasons for the emergence of images representing this famed anti-Unionist metropolitan in the discussed monuments. In this context, the images of Mark of Ephesus are considered through the prism of their placement in a given iconographic program; wherever possible, the role of the ktetor and artist in their creation is examined.

The hesychast controversy was closely entwined with the political circumstances in the Eastern Roman Empire. This especially holds true for the so-called second phase of the controversy, which took place at the times of Civil War (1341-1347). A complex conflict between Gregory Palamas and Gregory Akindynos, in which Empress Anna of Savoy was personally involved, was finally resolved by the condemnation of the latter. At one point, in order to get better acquainted with theological issues that were at stake, the Empress asked for the opinion of the main protagonists of the dispute. Gregory Palamas expressed his views in the form of a short letter, in which he seeks to defend himself from the accusation of “ditheism” and to show that his distinction between essence and energies in God is actually in accordance with patristic tradition. This paper includes historical, theological and philological analysis of Palamas’s Letter to Anna Palaiologina, with a special reference to the until now unknown Serbian Church Slavonic transcript found in Codex 41 of the Monastery of the Holy Trinity of Pljevlja. This text, accompanied by the Greek original and its translation into Modern Serbian, is given at the end of the paper. A comparative analysis shows that there are certain differences between Serbian Church Slavonic translation and the Greek original, which are probably the consequence of the fact that Serbian medieval translator might have had a slightly different source text than the one we use today.

The paper discusses examples of corporal mutilation that accompanied intra-dynastic conflicts or clashes with real or potential pretenders to the imperial throne. Castration was a known but rarely applied measure in the political conflicts of the 7th and 8th century. Hence the two consecutive cases of castration of all sons of the deposed emperor Michael I Rhangabe (813) and the assassinated emperor Leo V the Armenian (820) deviated from the previous Byzantine practice. The paper establishes that in these cases the choice of castration as the most effective means of ensuring the future political disqualification of the princes and their families was a result of the strengthening dynastic principle, which was particularly noticeable in the cases of the descendents of Constantine V from his third marriage. It also highlights that castration was never used on the deposed emperor autokrator, but only on the bearers of imperial dignities (co-emperors) or simply princes with no imperial title. In examples where castration was used to ensure political disqualification, it was not a sanction for an individual wrongdoing (in other words, castration was not a penalty prescribed for a specific transgression); if these cases were a matter of punishment at all, the penalty was meant to sanction the entire bloodline (γένος) rather than the (innocent) individual. Castration was a milder form of punishment compared to other forms of physical mutilation (severing of the nose, tongue or ears; blinding). Due to the ambivalent attitude of the Byzantine society towards eunuchs, castration did not necessarily lead to social marginalization. Hence, it was applied more frequently during the reign of the Macedonian dynasty, but prominent castrates were incorporated into the official hierarchy as members of an order of eunuchs (τάξεις τω~ν εủνούχων). [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177032: Tradition, Innovation and Identity in the Byzantine World]

This paper offers a contribution to the research of the initial stages in the evolution of the thematic system. It focuses on the role of Emperor Justinian II in the formation of the new imperial military and territorial organization. Byzantine scholars have determined a long time ago that it is Justinian II who should be credited with the founding of new military districts (themes) in Hellas and Sicily. This paper, however, suggests that the formation of the themes in Thrace and Kibyrrhaiotai could also be considered a part of Justinian’s policy. In addition, the paper aims to highlight Justinian’s role in the formation of the frontier military and administrative system (the kleisourai of Strymon and Cappadocia), as well as in the reform of military and territorial organization in the Aegean basin. By creating new army units which were not based on the Late Roman heritage, Justinian essentially abandoned the principles that the Byzantine army had previously functioned on. Finally, the paper highlights the fact that the establishment of new thematic units under Emperor Justinian II was coupled with his extensive colonization measures. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177032: Tradicija, inovacija i identitet u vizantijskom svetu]

The study of the middle Byzantine church of Saint Germanos is a good example of the complicated relations in the south of the Balkan Peninsula during the era of national allegiances and their impact on earlier and current scholarship. The founding of the church, its architecture and iconography have been studied through various lenses, but a comprehensive approach has yet to appear. The paper does neither intend to fill these gaps nor to investigate new archeological material or provide definitive solutions to the puzzling history of the monument, which, until recently, functioned within culturally and linguistically diverse communities. Instead, it proposes a re-reading of the visual and written evidence, in dialogue with the comments and interpretations that have so far been published. Moreover, the monument’s iconography and the issue of its patron saint are tentatively contextualized.

The paper explores biographical assumptions about Basil from Ohrid, who became the metropolitan of Thessalonike by October 1154 and met his end after 1160. He had a friendly relationship with John Tzetzes and Leo Charsianites, metropolitan of Dristra. It is possible that Leo and Basil served together as deacons in the patriarchal chancellery sometime between 1140 and 1146. Many issues remain unclear, including the question whether Michael, the Master of the Rhetors, was indeed Basil’s nephew. Michael and a circle of like-minded church dignitaries came under scrutiny in the Synods of 1156 and 1157 regarding their understanding of Christ’s sacrifice. Basil’s personal ties with this group might account for his initially reticent stance in this matter. It seems unlikely that he subscribed to their views. The tenor in his description of the Paschal Service in a later speech before the emperor appears motivated to demonstrate this.

As a starting point, the paper asserts that there was no geographic region called Diokletia Hvostanska (Diokletia of Hvosno), which is mentioned in just two sources – one from the 15th and another from the 18th century. The root of this misconception is an erroneous reading of a section in Teodosije’s Vita of St. Peter of Koriša, which recounts that the saint was born in the area of Hvosno in Diokletia. Starting from the fact that Hvosno was in Diokletia, i.e., Duklja or Diokleia, only when this historical region was ruled by King Vukan, son of the Serbian grand župan Stefan Nemanja – in the last decade of the 12th and the very beginning of the 13th century – the birth of Peter of Koriša is dated to this period. Accordingly, his life and miracles would belong to the 13th century. Based on an in-depth analysis of the most important details about the death of St. Peter of Koriša and the beginnings of his cult – the chronological distance of Teodosije’s Vita of St. Peter of Koriša from the saint’s death, the transfer of some of his relics to Constantinople, the time of writing of the earliest service dedicated to him, and the earliest layer of frescoes at the hermitage of St. Peter of Koriša – I propose that the saint died no later than c. 1270 and that Teodosije composed his service and vita in the last decade of the 13th century. In the time separating these two events, the saint’s relics were revealed as incorruptible, and he began to be venerated.

Based on philological, linguistic, paleographic, codicological and iconographic examinations, this paper presents a hypothesis concerning the circumstances of the creation of the bilingual manuscript containing the Barlaam and Joasaph Romance (Iviron 463) and the questions related to the commissioner, also drawing attention to a possible Hungarian aspect. Namely, it is probable that the preparation of the manuscript of Iviron, as well as that of the lower part of the Hungarian Holy Crown, known as the corona graeca, can be linked to the same Byzantine-Norman marriage project, that which aimed to marry Constantine Doukas, son of Michael VII Doukas (crowned co-emperor shortly after his birth), to Olympias (Helene), daughter of Robert Guiscard. According to the hypothesis presented in the study, the two objects, the manuscript Iviron 463 (prepared in Constantinople and completed by the French translation, in all probability, in the same place and at the same time), as well as the corona graeca (which probably arrived around 1075 as a gift in Hungary) were both originally intended to be given to the Norman princess upon her arrival at Constantinople. In addition to detecting interesting iconographic elements the study proposes a new, more precise dating (1074/1078) for the Greek manuscript and the old French translation.

Codex Vaticanus Reginensis Graecus 103 contains large fragments from the historical work of Laonikos Chalkokondyles. The aim of the present paper is to outline the provenance of this manuscript, to examine the quires of the Chalkokondyles text preserved in it, to determine their relationship to each other, to overview the several handwritten notes found in the margin of the pages, and to place the manuscript in the textual tradition of Chalkokondyles.

This paper is dedicated to the anthroponyms of people of foreign origin mentioned in the Chronicle of Ioannina. Firstly, it warns against the risk inherent in reconstructing a hypothetical original form of the foreign anthroponyms transmitted in Greek by the Chronicle: on the one hand, such reconstructions involve a degree of uncertainty since they are not attested in the sources; on the other hand, they present as irremediably foreign people who, to varying degrees, were integrated into Epirotic society. It then draws up a catalogue of these people, classified by Slavic, Western or Albanian origin. By reviewing the sources and examining the manuscript tradition, it aims to re-examine the relevance of historiographical traditions and attempt to define the most appropriate names for each person. In some cases, it is difficult to decide in favour of a particular solution, insofar as these figures lived in a multilingual environment and were the product of a migratory path that placed them at the junction of several cultures. The choice of a particular name is tantamount to erasing this complexity and turning these individuals into one-dimensional characters. The article also calls into question certain well-established historiographical traditions, in particular the use of the anthroponyms Preljubović, Orsini, Spata and Zenevesi, which for various reasons should be replaced by Prealimpos, Angelos Doukas Komnenos, Spatas or Shpata and Zenebishi respectively.

The paper discusses the distinctive and mutually almost identical apsidal representations in three churches in Prizren and its area. They comprise the Virgin enthroned, the Child Christ in her lap, and the archangels bowing to them, their wings raised along the edge of the conch. In two of those monuments, the accompanying inscription describes the Mother of God as the Light-bearer (ἡ Σελασφόρος). This epithet has not been recorded so far in her depictions in Byzantine and post-Byzantine art. Whatever the origin of the distinctive solution in the apses of the three Prizren churches from various periods might have been, it was widely accepted in the Prizren area, becoming part of the local tradition.

The paper discusses the diocesan structure of the Archbishopric of Ohrid as conveyed in the charters of the Byzantine emperor Basil II issued in 1019, 1020 and 1020-1025. It looks at the origin of each bishopric and traces its historical development during the First Bulgarian Empire in 864-971, the Byzantine reoccupation under John I Tzimiskes in 971-976, and Samuel’s Empire in 976-1018.

A comparative analysis of the Greek and Serbian versions of the text is used to establish the authenticity of the agreement between archbishop Sava and the representatives of the Mount Athos administration at the time of Protos Eusebius (August 1228), but also to identify layers from different periods, common for a document that has multiple copies. The paper seeks to determine the methods of creating the two versions and the precise relationship between the underlying manuscript traditions, as well as the diplomatic status of some versions, especially the two earlier Greek and the only Serbian version. By relying on a methodology that separates the textual and event-history levels in the document and by tracking the consistency and deviations in the surviving variants of the texts, it is demonstrated that the Greek text was created by Saint Sava by adapting an earlier agreement made under Protos Theoktistos (1215-1218/1219). It has also been concluded that the original version was most likely written by Sava’s collaborator, that the earliest Greek copy dates from the time of Saint Sava (as inferred by V. A. Mošin), that the Serbian Slavonic translation was made some time after Saint Sava’s death (ca. 1235/1236), that an intermediate copy was based on it (ca. 1498/1499) and that it served as the source for the only surviving manuscript copy, probably made by a Russian or a Serbian monk well versed in Russian chancery practices (the very beginning or the first decades of the 17th century). The Greek copies of the aforementioned agreement and its Serbian version reveal that Saint Sava purchased land intended for a vineyard for the Hermitage of Saint Sava in Karyes on two occasions, first as an archimandrite and then as an archbishop.

From the period of the arrival of Hungarians to the Pannonian plain, Byzantine church influence was present. One of the most obvious traces of such influence was the diocese of Tourkia. From the second half of the 10th century onwards this diocese was first the bishopric, and later it was elevated to the status of metropolitanate. The paper attempts to provide some possible new answers on the development of this church province with particular stress on the time when the bishopric was given a rank of metropolitanate. In addition to this, some other assumptions will be provided on the Byzantine church organization in Hungary and the changes in the diocese of Tourkia through the centuries.

Drawing on the descriptions of the elevation of St. Sava to the dignity of archimandrite in his earliest vitae by Domentijan and Teodosije and other relevant information from various sources, the paper proposes a new chronology of this event, which differs from earlier solutions.

The article deals with the prologue (synaxarion) Vitae of St. Nicholas in Slavonic Cyrillic literature from the 13th to the 17th century. These texts function within the hymnographic composition practice and can be found in two types of liturgical books - the Prologue and the Menaion. They are usually extracts from extensive narratives, which is why this paper also looks at texts from two other types of medieval books (the Panegyric and the Reading Menaion) that contain The Acts of St. Nicholas, The Miracles of St. Nicholas and the so-called „Another” Vita - St. Nicholas of Sion Vita. These texts also functioned as synaxarion vitae. The Vita of St. Nicholas in the Simple Prologue is the shortest and earliest version of a hagiographic narrative about the saint translated in Bulgaria during the First Bulgarian Empire, and it is very rarely found in the hymnographic composition of the Menaion. St. Nicholas’ Vita in the Turnovo translation of the Verse Prologue is the most popular and common after the sixth song of the canon in the hymnographic composition practice. That Vita is a more extensive version of the Acts of St. Nicholas, based on the Metaphrastian Vita, preceded by a verse and an added miracle of St. Nicholas. The article mentions two interesting cases in Serbian menaia of the 15th century, which present different traditions to place the synaxarion texts.

The fall of Sirmium under the Avars in 582 marks the end of a long process of weakening of imperial power on the Danube border. The Hunnic incursions of the mid-fifth century had left permanent economic and demographic consequences, crucial to the fate of northern possessions. The region of Pannonia Secunda, with the capital Sirmium, became the prey of Germanic populations, Ostrogoths and Gepids. By the beginning of the sixth century, Byzantium controlled only the eastern part of Syrmia with the city of Bassianae, where the Heruli were settled. The Germanic newcomers left recognisable material traces, particularly in Sirmium and Cibalae. Even in the context of depopulation and ruralisation of these centres, traces of the persisting Romans can also be observed. After the 567 Avar victory over the Gepids, the Empire managed to regain control of Sirmium; fierce battles and negotiations were to end only with the fall of the city. Judging by the archaeological record, the Avars seem not to have settled Syrmia, or Sirmium itself, on a large scale. There is numismatic, sigillographic and archaeological evidence for the period of the fall of Pannonia Secunda and for the following decades in which the Romans went on living under conditions far from ideal. In this paper we publish Byzantine lead seals, the most important of which bears the name of θεμι(σ)τός τοῦ Ἀβαρικοῦ. By all appearances, it belonged to a diplomat dealing with the Avars between 567 and 582, although a slightly later dating is possible, as well. The well-known belt-set from Divoš (?), certainly of Byzantine make, is likewise discussed in the light of diplomatic relations and tribute. We also publish a matrix for hammering out the Martynovka-type harness mounts and a belt buckle of the so-called Pannonian type. While it is not possible to conclude whether these objects belonged to the remaining Romans or not, they apparently reflect cultural affinities in Avar Syrmia and the strength of Byzantine influences.

The Historia Rhōmaikē was written and circulated in Constantinople in several installments since the 1340s. It recounts events in Byzantine history from the period from 1204 until ca. 1359. Today the work is preserved in more than forty manuscripts, two of which-Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, codd. Vat. gr. 165 and 164-were partially copied, annotated, and revised by Gregoras himself. The pinakes, marginal, and chapter titles in both codices indicate that the latter were designed as an edition of the first seventeen books of the History. The present paper studies Gregoras’ historiographical project and a selection of his letters and hagiographical works in order to explore Gregoras’ self-referential remarks on ‘novelty’ and ‘innovation’, as well as his reflections on the aesthetic value of variety and the pleasure the latter can incite. It also adduces as evidence some of the ‘editorial’ decisions the two Vatican manuscripts preserving the Roman History display, such as the chapter division and its relationship to the pinax of each volume, and the role of marginal titles in guiding the readers’ emotional response or alternatively, in directing how the text should be performed. Gregoras’ remarks on novelty and its relation to diversity and perception indicate his concern with the reception of his literary production, which in turn, reaffirms the importance of rhetoric in Palaiologan Byzantium.

The paper discusses the iconographic program of the frescoes in the south parekklesion of the Church of the Virgin Eleousa at the Veljusa Monastery, the foundation of Manuel, Bishop of Strumitza, built in 1080. It focuses on the figure of St. Niphon or, more specifically, the cult and iconography of this saint, whose representations in art are quite uncommon. It considers several images of St. Niphon in Serbian medieval painting that previous research has failed to take into account. Then, it reexamines the view that this saint was the patron of the chapel, especially the claim that one of his visions was painted in the apse.

The paper presents extant texts narrating about St. Paisios the Great, that is, Pshōi or Bishoi (ca. 320-ca. 417), a monk who lived in a lavra in Scetis in the Nitrian Desert in Egypt. It brings the basic information about the monastery of St. Paisios in Scetis and his relics, which were transferred there between 830 and 849 from Antinoe, where he had found refuge. His preserved medieval depictions are listed. Conclusions about his cult and representation follow.

The paper analyzes how the Byzantine law influenced The Town Law of Novo Brdo, which represents the second part of Despot Stefan Lazarević’s Novo Brdo Legal Code of 1412. A possible connection between the town law of Novo Brdo and certain provisions of The Syntagma of Matthew Blastares and one of the privileges that the town of Ioannina received from the Byzantine Emperor Andronikos II in 1319 is suggested. Accordingly, it is assumed that certain provisions of the Town Law of Novo Brdo could have been formulated during the reign of Emperor Stefan Dušan.