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Capitalist globalisation has shown the need to define the semi-periphery as a new category that transcends the traditional core–periphery division. This paper aims to characterise this new category and understand the role it plays in the reorganisation of the production process, in addition to the effects this specific participation has on the global economy. Building on previous theoretical developments, this paper aims to analyse and identify these specific features, examining them through a set of economic, social and technological variables by applying principal component and cluster analyses. In doing so, the empirical analysis identifies a group of countries that have not been able to turn their current or recent economic dynamism into higher levels of socio-economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the British government policy document or White Paper, which focused on the issue of poverty. Concerns about globalisation is also included in the White Paper. It was said that globalisation can be seen as the third in a series of White Papers on poverty over 25 years. The first White Paper was presented to the Parliament in 1975 by Judith Hart. In the said White Paper, a basic needs approach was adopted and the rural poor was identified as the dominant group to be brought out of poverty. The 1975 White Paper promises more aid. The 2000 White Paper on globalisaation promises a new international development act. It was said that the latest White Paper marks the beginning of political maturity.

The concept of modernity and its association with the West and secularism is being challenged with the rise of religious movements in the age of globalisation. This provides a fertile ground for alternative modernities, disconnected from the West and secularism, to surface. This paper provides a theoretical explanation for the emergence of alternative modernities by drawing on insights from epistemic injustice and recognition theory, through an analysis of Turkish media outlets. Turkey serves as an illustrative case to examine the emergence of alternative modernities due to its long-standing tradition of incorporating Western modernity and its complex liminal identity between the boundaries of the East and the West. This paper argues that the period from 2005 to 2020 presented a window of opportunity for an alternative modernities paradigm to engage in epistemic struggles for recognition, supported by the ideological context of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi or AKP) government. This period paved the way for questioning the superiority and uniqueness of Western modernity. However, it also indicates the birth of a new form of epistemic injustice as counter-narratives defending the superiority of Islamic civilisation emerged, seeking to establish epistemic hegemony for Islam and its association with modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tremendous expansion of the Chinese economy since the turn of the century, especially in terms of its external dynamics, is of world-scale significance. It seems to justify the quest for appropriate conceptions of China's systemic impact on late development worldwide. A large number of scholarly studies have coalesced to analyse two crucial aspects of the impact, namely: impact on the performance of industrialisation and the condition of labour in the developing world. This paper seeks to critically appraise and reinterpret the existing studies. The appraisal is not so much a critique but rather an attempt to appropriately position the studies in the systemic context. It is submitted that the existing studies' focus on market competition, as the main form through which China's impact manifests, needs to be complemented and underpinned by the more fundamental consideration of productive investment. In the direction of constructing a systemic conception, it is further submitted that the China impact can potentially serve as a countervailing force against the prevailing dynamics of the world economy under neoliberal globalisation – ie the rising predominance of speculative finance that tends to crowd out productive investment, thereby hampering industrialisation and worsening labour conditions in the developing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study illuminates important aspects of the complex power dynamics present when study abroad programmes take place between institutions based in the Global North and host communities based in the Global South. It explores the commercialisation and performance of home, showing how the provision of global education services has become a new form of work in the neoliberal economy that pervades lives in Thailand and other study abroad destinations. This paper does not argue that this labour is exploitative, but instead that study abroad programmes should be aware of the effort put forth by hosts to satisfy desires for a homestay experience and should engage in reciprocal relationships with host communities that reject contrived notions of authenticity. Given the recent disruption of international travel and study abroad programmes, the findings in this paper offer important considerations for higher education institutions as they rebuild exchanges with host communities like those profiled in this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper delineates three debates, which will be conflated. One line of discussion relates to public goods at a transnational level. Here, the referencing of debates regarding the characteristics of ‘a common good’ will be of significance. A second strand addresses the group of countries known as the ‘rising powers’ and the role these countries could play towards a globalised common good. A third discussion thread analyses South Africa as a case study for the main rising power on the African continent. By creating connections between the lines of discussion, this paper drives forward the debates on how the role of rising powers can be conceptually repositioned in the light of a changing global context, and explores how these countries can respond to global challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper presents the results of two recent studies on gender, labour and mobility on the borders between Morocco and Spain. Industrial relocation and the feminised labour market was the first focus of our attention. Subsequently, we integrated research on cross-border labour markets, such as the small-scale commercial activity carried out by women. The objective of these studies is to understand the impacts of globalisation processes, such as industrial relocation and border dynamics, on the daily lives of women. Therefore, we consider theoretical approaches to female participation in emerging economic circuits in developing countries as a macro-vision that enables contextualisation at a micro-social level. At the micro level, our analysis draws from the notion of lived precariousness as a perspective that allows us to examine the testimonies and the meaning they give to their experience. The results not only indicate that the complexity of border life and its precariousness represent a challenge for women – who develop different ways of dealing with structural and cultural limits as they strive for more substantial autonomy and empowerment – but also provide a glimpse of a broader trend in female economic participation in these circuits that appears to reproduce gender inequalities and pose new obstacle [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The criticisms of globalisation and international institutions often confuse the current state of multilateralism and its asymmetrical organisation; the economic theories it uses (the 'Washington consensus'); and the reforms it promotes, such as liberalisation. Economic stagnation, however, has many causes other than the multilateral organisations' reforms, which may have little impact on growth. These reforms may be efficient, irrelevant or powerless vis-á-vis the other determinants of growth. The paper discusses the several determinants of growth other than policy reforms, such as countries' structural and institutional characteristics, and analyses the consequences of reforms, in particular trade liberalisation. These consequences constitute a challenge to the credibility of reforms, but may also lead to deeper thinking about the determinants of economic growth and further developmental reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the production of scientific knowledge on children from a decolonial perspective, with two major concerns. The first relates to the interrogation of developmentalism and globalism as part of the hegemonic project of modernisation originated in Northern countries and projected onto the world as an inevitable and to-be-desired future. I argue that these major paradigms about children and nations attempt to legitimate a scientific framework which universalises the way in which all childhoods, their generational value and the future orientation of societies should be envisaged. They can be considered orientalist perspectives framing childhoods all over the world in normative ideals produced by and articulated with specific Western/Northern social and political conditions. The second interrogation, by relying on the insights provided by the orientalist critique, deploys the North–South divide as a strategic perspective from which to look at present geopolitical structures of world domination that condition forms of knowledge production about nations, collectivities, individuals and children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of the institutionalist literature on decoupling. Based on that literature, it proposes an analytic framework to consider state characteristics that lead to decoupling: commitment, capacity and context, or 'the 3Cs'. Then, using this framework, it assesses what sorts of aid initiatives we would expect to see to answer the question 'How can aid reduce or increase decoupling gaps?' Finally, it presents several possible combinations of the 3Cs and examples of how the presence or absence of one or all of these components have increased or reduced decoupling in ongoing or concluded aid interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the EU's Aid for Trade (AfT) initiative contribute to global justice? Complementing work that considers distributive justice, in this paper we adopt the central tenets of the republican theory of non-domination as a regulative ideal for justice in international relations. We evaluate the extent to which the EU's AfT initiative results from reduced political domination in international trade negotiations, and if that then mitigates economic dependency between European and African states. We first provide a qualitative account of the processes that led to the establishment and subsequent development of AfT. We then consider the extent to which the AfT has promoted the reliance of African states on European foreign direct investment (FDI) relative to FDI from other regions (including and especially from within Africa itself) using subnational, project-level, data. Our findings suggest that EU AfT does not reinforce dominating forms of dependency in the international arena, at least when measured by the source of the FDI that it attracts, while AfT is itself an outcome of somewhat less dominating power relations in trade negotiations between wealthier and poorer states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Working in Sri Lanka's urban free trade zones (FTZs) introduces Sri Lanka's rural women to neoliberal ways of fashioning selves, which subsequently not only shape village entrepreneurial activities but also initiate negotiations in kinship, marriage, domestic arrangements, and community relations. The knowledges and networks that they develop while at the FTZ allow former workers to connect with global production networks as subcontractors, making them part of the cascading system of subcontracting that furthers the precarity of regular FTZ work. This article explores how these former workers manipulate varied forms of capital – social, cultural and monetary – to become local entrepreneurs and community leaders, while simultaneously initiating changes in rural social hierarchies and gender norms. When neoliberal economic restructuring manifests within local contexts it results in new articulations of what it is to be an entrepreneur and what it is to be a worthy, young, married woman. Overall, the paper sheds light on the fragmented and uneven manner in which neoliberal ethos take root in rural South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the discourses of the globalisation theorists and dependency scholars in respect of their views on development and underdevelopment. The paper argues that there are underlying similarities between the central concepts of the dependency approach and globalisation theories. Some of the globalisation theorists come remarkably close to the central concepts of the dependency theories by rewording and rephrasing the same concepts but colouring them with different ideological hues. Neither classic development theory nor dependency theories have full explanatory power with respect to the current order of global economic relations. The branch of globalisation theories which has historical roots in classical development theory has shown resilience, while dependency theories have not totally lost their significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agriculture has been central to accounts of Thailand's modernisation and the rise of the national development project between the 1940s and the 1970s. However, the role of agriculture in the waning of national development is rarely explored critically in the Thai context. This paper focuses on agriculture and the role of the state in the shift from national development to globalisation. The first part of the paper examines the beginnings of Thailand's modern agricultural sector, before turning to the state-sponsored diversification of agriculture in the 1950s. The paper locates shifting state responses to agriculture in the late 1950s and 1960s in the context of specific political and historical social forces, before exploring the emergence of agri-food exports in the 1970s and the rise of agribusiness in the 1980s and 1990s. The paper concludes by commenting on the significance of the Thai state's role in the national development project and the globalisation project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2000 the city of Johannesburg adopted the vision of becoming a World Class African City (WCAC). Since then Johannesburg has been energetically promoted in accordance with this vision. The tagline ‘world-class African city’ is now used in the branding of the city. It has become a major signifier on its logo and a notable catchphrase in its radio adverts of its brand. However, the nested opposition of the ‘world-class’ and ‘African’ discourse has not been explicitly defined in the vision beyond their simplistic connection. Many people have found the vision puzzling and some have questioned its claims. This paper explores the conundrum that lies in the nested opposition of the ‘world-class’ and ‘African’ discursive currents. It identifies the ‘global’ and ‘local’ discursive forces (in the country) which were formative in the creation of the vision. It looks at how the intersection of global and African discursive fronts has become leverage for generating hybrid cultural/cosmopolitan identities. The thrust of the paper is that the urban practices and landscapes of post-apartheid Johannesburg are enacted and re-enacted together with the inspiration, signification and/or representation of the city vision. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

What are the causes of state-initiated human rights violations? Are intra-national factors alone causally responsible for the emergence of human rights crises in the developing world? This article critically examines contemporary social science literature on the causes of human rights compliance and violations, particularly in the fields of international relations and comparative politics. It underscores the finding that the current research agenda on human rights has yet to fully recognise the causal and constitutive links between transnational and domestic factors in generating variations in states’ level of compliance. The main goal of the paper is to analytically explore the possibilities of generating social scientific research that recognises the interactive causal dynamics among extra-national and domestic variables as they jointly produce cross-national variations in the quality of a state’s compliance with human rights norms. Based on a critical analysis of the current scholarship in human rights research, the paper offers several pathways the academy must traverse in order to enhance our understanding of the causal underpinnings of human rights violations in the global South. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

China has experienced a rapid integration into Global Value Chains and a decade long appreciation of its exchange rate. However, these trends have been analysed largely in isolation from each other. In this paper, we explore the linkages between the two based on interviews with a sample of firms in Jiangsu Province. We show (1) how the distribution of the costs and benefits of exchange rate appreciation depends on the power hierarchies between firms in GVCs; (2) how exchange rate changes are important drivers of upgrading and even downgrading in GVCs; and (3) that the firm heterogeneity evident in GVCs provides additional insights into the politics of exchange rate determination in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the shifting manner in which paramilitarism has been reproduced in Haiti, examining how it has evolved from the Cold War into the era of capitalist globalisation. The central argument of this article is that paramilitarism has not disappeared but has been altered, and that this has occurred in part due to the changing strategies of elites in the global era. Rather than a permanent and widespread force, paramilitary groups are utilised in smaller numbers and only in certain ‘emergency periods’, serving a purpose of containment: targeting political threats and beating down those large populations whose social reproduction is not required by transnational capital. This has been a difficult situation for elites to manage, as they often have only limited control over such ruthless, corrupt and violent elements, which they sometimes require. Following the 1991 and 2004 coup d’états in Haiti, a military-paramilitary-bourgeoisie grouping has repeatedly worked to recover its impunity and revamp its coercive apparatus. Under these conditions, and even more increasingly in the wake of the 2010 earthquake, a variety of elites and technocrats (most importantly, US policymakers) have sought to politically remake the country alongside processes of economic restructuring promoted by transnational capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the emergence of a humanitarian frontline in several operational contexts. Over the past 15 years, and since 2001 in particular, the international aid sector has been confronted by a climate of polarisation. With the traditional aid and donor landscape dominated by Western or Western-aligned parties who are sometimes involved in armed conflict too, aid organisations face the impact of the supposed or real instrumentalisation of development and relief in a wider security and geopolitical control agenda. At the same time Western or Western-associated secular development models that are often promoted by traditional aid have either encountered their limits or failed in several parts of the global periphery. The expanded space for religion resulting from globalisation and the social changes that it causes have also expanded the space for faith-based development and relief actors, especially in operational situations that have a large cultural and ideological dimension. The paper focuses on the Islamic world and Islamic faith-based aid, but several factors and trends discussed in it bear relevance for Christian faith-based aid and majority Christian parts of the global periphery as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon transnational multi-sited research analysing sending and receiving aspects of migration flows and the shifting priorities of neoliberal citizenship regimes, this article highlights the class complexity of Philippine gendered migration pathways to Canada. Migrant agency and class complexity are linked to neoliberal immigration and labour export policies that privilege the acquisition of capital serving the interests of sending and receiving countries. Sometimes this benefits elite migrants but it also exacerbates gendered class cleavages between migrants and within Philippine society. The histories of Philippine internal and overseas migration have contributed to a culture of migration whereby Filipinos exhibit flexibility to draw advantage from subtle shifts in Canadian immigration policy. The paper concludes that Filipinos may well represent the ideal immigrant but there are personal, social, and political consequences for migrants and the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to highlight the gaps between policy and practice in the current discourse on international migration and its links with development. It contends that a major cause of the limited development impact of migration is the 'closed door policy' of major destination countries on the admission of low-skilled migrant workers from developing countries. The paper addresses the weak foundations and major consequences of this policy: the denial of labour demand, channelling a large part of flows to irregular migration, consequent exploitation and violation of rights of migrant workers, and accelerated brain drain from developing countries. While there is increasing emphasis on temporary migration policies and programmes for low skilled labour, achievements on the ground have been quite limited. The movement towards a global migration regime which can address current pressing issues has also not progressed beyond broad consultative forums. There is an imperative need for fresh approaches and bold initiatives to promote international labour mobility for the welfare of the global community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The achievement of women's equality is an elusive goal, especially in developing economies, where states have been unable or unwilling to protect and promote women's human rights and gender equality. Many argue that globalisation has heightened gender inequality. One response to this crisis is the United Nations corporate citizenship initiative: the Global Compact. This paper argues that the Global Compact has a strong gender equality mandate, which has not been fulfilled. The paper advances a number of reasons why this may be the case, including the lack of women's participation at many levels, the pervasive nature of women's inequality and the fact it may not be in the interests of Global Compact signatories to address this inequality. Despite the limitations of this voluntary initiative, it does have some potential to effect positive change. However, unless the pervasive and continued violation of women's human rights is addressed by the Global Compact, the claim that it is a viable new form of global governance for addressing major social and economic problems is severely weakened. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The presence of a sizeable expatriate African population constitutes a potentially exploitable, if undeveloped, resource that represents a significant developmental challenge for the continent. Problematically the global division of labour and power, as well as differences of region, class, generation, ethnicity and race, are not properly recognised within the existing scholarship or development policy. What is clear is that diasporas do have a substantial role to play in development on the African continent. Further theoretical and empirical investigation is necessary to investigate the practical significance, nature and content of diasporic identifications and activities. By setting these against the structural backdrop of the global economy and the closely associated ideology of globalisation, this paper seeks to provide a new basis for understanding the role of the diaspora in development. This has considerable policy implications as to which diasporic populations should be targeted for developmental purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent political reforms in the Gulf Arab countries have been variously understood as regime survival strategies, correlates of economic globalisation, and even the end result of US pressure to democratise. This paper examines the possible role played by the introduction of modern information and communication technologies (icts) in stimulating political liberalisation in the Gulf Arab states. Rather than attempting to quantify their democratising impact, this paper utilises the concept of agency, examining how the range of agents of ict production and diffusion in the region have sought to influence the actual impact upon political space. It concludes that modern icts have demonstrated the potential to expand the existing public sphere, and to create new opportunities for liberal political activity. However, the particular configuration of agency in the countries in question has meant that the state and its allies have retained a significant degree of control over the extent and nature of the political space, a process in which local society may have in some instances collaborated. Thus, while the introduction and diffusion of new icts may have contributed to the pressures which led to some of the political reforms in evidence in the Gulf Arab states, one cannot argue that they amount, at least as yet, to a sustained and effective attack on illiberal political structures. The first part of this paper surveys the existing body of literature in an effort to devise a framework for the subsequent study of two principal contemporary icts (satellite television and the internet) in the Gulf Arab states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates continue about the impact of globalization on human well-being. However, they are often based on little empirical evidence. This is not surprising, given the contested nature of the term 'globalization' itself, the different ways in which health and well-being can be measured and the diversity of globalizing trends in different parts of the world. The aim of this paper is to clarify some of these issues by looking at the recent experiences of women across a variety of social settings. It will begin with the development of a gender-neutral framework for analyzing the links between globalisation and health. This will be followed by a more detailed examination of how sex and gender have shaped women's experiences of global change in ways that have been hazardous to the health of many of the most vulnerable. It will go on to identify the opportunities for improvement that these same changes have opened up and will conclude by discussing the ways in which many women are using these opportunities to reshape their lives in healthier ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the particular challenges that tobacco control poses for health governance in an era of accelerating globalization. Traditionally, health systems have been structured at the national level, and health regulation has focused on the needs of populations within individual countries. However, the increasingly global nature of the tobacco industry, and the risks it poses to public health, require a transnational approach to regulation. This has been the rationale behind negotiations for a Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) by the Tobacco Free Initiative of the World Health Organization (TFI/WHO). In recognition of the need to go beyond national governments, and to create a governance mechanism that can effectively address the transnational nature of the tobacco epidemic, WHO has sought to involve a broad range of interests in negotiations. The contributions of civil society groups in particular in the negotiation process have been unusual. This paper explores the nature and effectiveness of these contributions. It concludes with an assessment of whether the FCTC constitutes a significant shift towards a new form of global health governance, exploring the institutional tensions inherent in attempting to extend participation within a state-centric organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most major transnational corporations (TNCs) are domiciled in the First World and are owned and controlled largely by citizens of these countries. On the basis of an analysis of the largest corporations outside the USA by revenues published annually by Fortune magazine since the 1950s, this paper demonstrates that there have been major corporations from the Third World for decades. Most of the literature on Third World TNCs concentrates on the large number of relatively small companies that have operations abroad in low technology sectors. The argument of this paper is that systematic study of major corporations from the Third World is important for debates about the national bourgeoisie, comprador capitalism and the controversy that currently surrounds the contentious concepts of the developmental state and globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalisation shifts the balance of power from public to private interests, including NGOs. However, sustainable development requires a change in power relations that runs much deeper than this: a shift from using power over others to advance our selfish interests, to using power to facilitate the self-development of all. This demands constant attention to personal change, and a series of reversals in attitudes and behaviour. In this paper we argue that NGOs-as explicitly values-based organisations-have a crucial role to play in supporting these changes through their programme activities, constituencybuilding work and organisational praxis. The decline of paternalistic foreign aid and the rise of more genuine international co-operation provide an excellent opportunity to advance this agenda. The paper provides a detailed rationale for these claims and a set of examples that show how power relations could be transformed by civic-led approaches in economics, politics and the structures of social power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critique of sustainable development and Agenda 21 from a variety of standpoints. Agenda 21-forged in the Rio de Janiero 'Earth Summit' in 1992-was shaped largely by Northern elites (governments in close association with large transnational corporations). Much of the environmental movement was co-opted into this process and remains profoundly weakened by its continued involvement. Agenda 21 sells a vision of global ecology which defines the major problems of the Earth in Northern elite and scientific terms (global warming, population growth, species extinction) while largely ignoring the key environmental issues as defined by the majority of the people, both in the North and the South .1 Agenda 21 has also been successful in selling a concept of sustainable development which continues to promote the Enlightenment goals of progress through economic growth and industrialisation at all costs. But it is worse than this: it also advances the globalisation of radical libertarian market systems, along with US style 'apolitical' pluralist systems of democracy. The paper concludes with the point that both sustainable development and Agenda 21 need to be rejected out of hand by environmentalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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People register and process stimuli every day, creating an image of space–time reality involving multifaceted relations between various states. The authors have created a database consisting of articles from the periodical Le Monde diplomatique from 1954 to 2009. This paper focuses on investigating how strong relations are between former colonial powers and developing countries. The authors present an index showing the frequency of coincidence of opinion-shaping content in articles about one of the selected world powers and a developing country; they next establish a quantitative reference to dependency and world-systems theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ‘girl effect’ – the idea that investment in the skills and labour of young women is the key to stimulating economic growth and reducing poverty in the global South – has recently become a key development strategy of the World Bank, theimf,usaidanddfid, in partnership with corporations such as Nike and Goldman Sachs. This paper examines the logic of this discourse and its stance towards kinship in the global South, situating it within the broader rise of ‘gender equality’ and ‘women’s empowerment’ as development objectives over the past two decades. Empowerment discourse, and the ‘capability’ approach on which it is based, has become popular because it taps into ideals of individual freedom that are central to the Western liberal tradition. But this project shifts attention away from more substantive drivers of poverty – structural adjustment, debt, tax evasion, labour exploitation, financial crisis, etc – as it casts blame for underdevelopment on local forms of personhood and kinship. As a result, women and girls are made to bear the responsibility for bootstrapping themselves out of poverty that is caused by external institutions – and often the very ones that purport to save them. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper presents a postcolonial critique of state sovereignty as it is understood in ir. It is argued that the colonial relation between Orient and Occident has informed the development and practice of sovereignty. The Orient has been on the losing end of this relationship, as its experiences, trajectories and sociocultural and political life have been reduced to a set of homogeneous deficiencies. The result has been to consign it to a zone of ‘Otherness’, wherein sovereignty has become synonymous with inferiority and differencevis-à-visthe Occident. In demonstrating that ir has been dominated by a Western intellectual tradition that privileges the concept of sovereignty, I will critically question the epistemological privileging of the West, and in particular of Europe, as a source of knowledge regarding state sovereignty and interrogatehowthe East–West dichotomies—eg civilised–uncivilised, modern–traditional, democratic–undemocratic—that underpin ir studies make the practice of sovereignty a ‘conditional’ virtue for non-Western states, in both theory and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Sport for Development and Peace (sdp) has been adopted as a 'development tool' by Western development practitioners and a growing number of development organisations. Sport is frequently referred to as a 'global language' and used to promote international awareness and cross-cultural understanding-two key themes in global citizenship literature. In this paper I examine the language adopted by organisations promoting sdp-specifically, what sdp organisations say they do as well as the nature and implications of their discourses. Drawing on a large and growing body of literature on global citizenship and post-structuralism, and on post-colonial critiques, I argue that sdp narratives have the potential to reinforce the 'Othering' of community members in developing countries and may contribute to paternalistic conceptions of development assistance. In so doing, they weaken the potential for more inclusive and egalitarian forms of global citizenship. The article examines the discourse of sdp organisational material found online and analyses it in the context of broader sport and colonialism literature. The work of SDP organisations is further examined in relation to global citizenship discourse with a focus on the production- and projection-of global subjects, or objects of globalisation, and what this means for development 'beneficiaries'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study of global financial flows and offshore financial centres (OFCs) draws on the concept of nomadology as developed by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari to argue that OFCs not only facilitate the circulation of global capital, but also serve to create the means for identity arbitrage. This concept highlights the use of the offshore in order to benefit from the variety of preferential measures offered to foreign firms and investment capital. State sovereignty authorises legislation by regimes to attract and regulate foreign investment. International banking statistics are examined for indications of the use of and impact from exploiting the offshore to establish a different national identity in pursuit of the greatest available return on investment. The paper concludes that the design of legislation by onshore states is just as complicit in the positive and negative effects of the offshore economy as are the small sovereign economies that host an OFC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central themes in development theory have addressed exclusion of social groups, poverty gaps and strategies to overcome development deficits. In order to perceive the spatial structuring of inequality, concepts defining three separate worlds found ubiquitous appreciation and omnipresent adaptation. Coinciding with the end of the Cold War the 'endism' debate also suggested the end of the 'Third World'. Presently it has become apparent that development theories which have ordered global space into three different worlds are experiencing rejuvenated appreciation. Nevertheless, the recourse towards trichotomising the world is not necessarily stimulated by the same concepts as previously. In the era of globalisation and post-developmentalism concepts favouring nation-states as sole reference points have been challenged and criticised, although the debate about failed states has again drawn attention to those entities. The post-9/11 perception of world order, chaos and conflicts has structured the previously acknowledged limitation of resources and the impossibility of catching-up strategies for developing countries in such a manner that 'new' Third World theories point at the exclusion from the developed world of outsiders, by attributing them pre-modern levels of state development and sovereignty. A prominent result of this debate is a perception of ordered space along lines which seemed to have been abandoned some time ago. This paper compares and scrutinises contemporary concepts of dividing the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the constraints on state policy autonomy engendered by globalisation. It evaluates the three major competing hypotheses on the decline in the state's inability to bargain with multinational corporations for the purpose of promoting economic development in light of two case studies of state - firm bargaining. The case studies are drawn from the mining sectors in Argentina and Chile in the late 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the validity of categories like ‘First’ and ‘Third’ World or ‘North’ and ‘South’ has been increasingly questioned, there have been few attempts to consider how learning between North and South might be conceived. Drawing on a range of perspectives from development and postcolonial scholarship, this paper argues for the creative possibility of learning between different contexts. This involves a conceptualisation of learning that is at once ethical and indirect: ethical because it transcends a liberal integration of subaltern knowledge, and indirect because it transcends a rationalist tendency to limit learning to direct knowledge transfer between places perceived as ‘similar’. This challenge requires a consistent interrogation of the epistemic and institutional basis and implications of the North – South divide, and an insistence on developing progressive conceptions of learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 21st century, does empire make sense? From the viewpoint of flexible and increasingly de-territorialised capitalism, does empire matter or is it a costly liability? Are the new wars an expression of US capitalism or do they reflect a US superpower syndrome and path dependence on the national security state? This paper takes the latter view and argues that the superpower syndrome is embedded in the American bubble. Civilian casualty rates in Iraq and Afghanistan are extraordinarily high. This occurs at the confluence of several trends: the USA seeking land power on a distant continent, the tendency to view countries as strategic real estate and the American bubble that leads Americans to underestimate resistance. In closing I draw a balance sheet of whether and how empire matters and briefly address the global realignments that are underway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'war on terror' is widely regarded as instigating a major regression within the development of the international system. Processes of globalisation are being challenged, it is argued, by a reassertion of the sovereign power of nation-states, most especially the USA. In more overt terms this regression is represented as a 'return' of a traditional form of imperialism. This 'return of imperialism' thesis challenges the claims of theories developed during the 1990s which concentrate on the roles of deterritorialisation and the development of biopolitics in accounting for the constitution of the contemporary international order. In contrast this paper seeks to detail the important respects in which biopolitical forces of deterritorialisation continue to play an integral role within the strategies of power that make the war on terror possible. Rather than understanding the war on terror as a form of 'regression' it is necessary to pay heed to the complex intertwinings that continue to bind sovereign and biopolitical forms of power in the 21st century. Such an understanding is urgent in that it provides for different grounds from which to reflect on the processes by which international order is currently being reconstituted and to help think about how to engage in reshaping them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past three decades sport has assumed an ever greater role within the globalisation process and in the regeneration of national, regional and local identities in the postcolonial and global age. With much of global culture displayed by the media, events, particularly significant sporting ones such as the Olympic Games or the soccer World Cup, have become highly sought after commodities as developed countries, and increasingly some leading developing countries, move towards event-driven economies. In the process, however, many countries are left behind without the necessary infrastructure or visibility to compete successfully. Furthermore, the process of displaying a culture in the lead-up to an event and during the event itself has had to focus on ready-made markets, thus reinforcing stereotypes about a place and its people. This paper discusses the paradoxes and inequalities brought on by the sport-media-tourism complex that drives the emphasis on global sporting events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is commonly assumed that processes associated with globalisation are affecting the sovereignty of states. While the extent and implications of such processes may be debatable, globalisation presents even the most powerful states with new challenges to their autonomy and authority. In Southeast Asia, where the principle of sovereignty has been a crucial and jealously guarded part of regional governance structures, globalisation is an especially acute challenge for national governments. This paper examines the theoretical and policy implications of globalisation in Southeast Asia and argues that not only is globalisation threatening to unravel existing governmental practices in Southeast Asia, but that as a consequence we also need to re-think the way we understand core theoretical principles like sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the major ideological dynamic of the post-cold war era is the conflictive complicity of neoliberalism and various authoritarian and racist nationalisms. This is nowhere more apparent than in post-Soviet Russia. Indeed, far from being 'exceptional', contemporary Russia actually provides an exemplary instance of where the neoliberal road to the market is really taking a great number of countries -- in the first instance, the debt-ridden countries of the so-called 'Third World'. But perhaps the lessons of Russia's experience extend somewhat further. Might it not be the case that, in an epoch in which IMF-style 'structural adjustment' policies are extended to all and sundry, those pathologies which at first seemed the exclusive preserve of 'backward nations', are coming increasingly to install themselves in the very heartlands of the 'West'? If this describes an important aspect of the historical process today, it is a process that has an additional, often neglected, negative condition of possibility: the more-or-less comprehensive defeat of the Left world-wide: the defeat, in other words, of progressive anti-capitalist models of modernisation and development. Any viable challenge to neoliberal globalisation and racist nationalism will therefore depend, to begin with, on an accurate diagnosis of that defeat. Here the case of Russia is once again significant, above all for what Russian history dramatises, especially over the past decade, about the 'subjective factor' in political and social change. My exploration of these issues is pursued here with reference to the recent impressive account of globalisation advanced by Russian political scientist Boris Kagarlitsky. However, the mismatch in Russia between the huge scale of the recent social catastrophe and the small size of the popular protest points to what Kagarlitsky's account misses. To begin to advance an alternative to the neoliberal/nationalist two-step, to disarticulate a progressive response to neoliberal globalisation from racist nationalist responses, it will be necessary to develop a more careful relationship to another two-step, that of Marxism/'postmodern identity politics'. We can make a start in this respect by foregrounding the psychoanalytic dimension of fantasy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the party political turmoil that plagued New Delhi during the 1990s, West Bengal is an Indian state that has demonstrated remarkable stability. Atul Kohli has made much of this contrast, arguing that the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has held power in West Bengal since 1977 through the combination of its organisational and ideological coherence. His wider conclusion is that the institutionalisation of political parties is essential in staving off the 'crises of governability' faced by many democracies in developing countries. At a time when 'good governance' is a major theme within development studies, Kohli's thesis deserves close attention. This paper critically examines his work in two ways. Empirically, it questions elements of his portrayal of the CPI(M), and West Bengal's politics more generally, as 'exceptional'. In theoretical terms, it questions Kohli's treatment of political institutions, arguing that more attention should be given to institutional culture and political discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The level of, and trends in, global inequality and global poverty are indicative assessments of who has benefited from economic growth. The revision of price data has led to a reassessment of those estimates. Through an extensive overview of the implications, we argue that the data can be read in different ways. Official estimates show global extreme poverty and global inequality are considerably lower than previously thought. We argue that these changes are much less significant than they at first appear, and we present a more nuanced alternative interpretation by exploring changes across the entire global distribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyses important trends in contemporary decolonial approaches in the field of international studies and, drawing on recent work in critical Black studies, seeks to highlight some of the limitations in their assumptions. Anthropologically informed decolonial approaches argue for a pluriversal approach, where multiple 'worlds' can coexist, whilst sociologically grounded critiques seek to develop the field of international studies through adding social and historical depth to our understanding of power and challenging racial hierarchies. Both these forms of decolonial argument aim to pluralise and expand understandings, drawing in marginalised and excluded outsiders, in a bid to repair and revitalise international studies. However, we argue that a third approach, starting from the assumption of an antiblack world, raises important questions for decolonial study. Drawing from critical Black studies, we suggest that the dominant forms of decolonial critique may not adequately address the liberal modernist assumptions underpinning the field of international study. If another decolonial approach is possible it will bring a disruptive and deconstructive perspective, one that seeks to avoid inadvertently strengthening the antiblack foundations of the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new cold war seems to be looming between China and the United States. The escalating China–US rivalry calls for a more dialectical theory of international political economy that captures conflict and disintegration as an integral part of capitalist globalisation. Kees van der Pijl's and William Carroll's critical realist approach towards the study of transnational corporations (TNCs) and transnational capitalist class (TCC) formation has incorporated the classical theory of uneven capitalist development and inter-imperialist rivalry into the scholarship of transnational historical materialism, which I argue is apt for explaining the China–US conflict: One is positioned as a Hobbesian contender and the other as the Lockean hegemon. To provide empirical grounding for my argument, I conduct a corporate network study to examine the interlocking directorates of 40 Chinese TNCs. In concordance with Carroll and colleagues' studies, I find that the globalisation of Chinese TNCs and Chinese corporate elite has been modest and has not undermined or replaced the national base, nor does it signify a homogeneous TCC formation. My findings have also revealed an inextricable relationship between the Chinese TNCs and China's party-state, or a Hobbesian character of state-organised capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines an attempt to reconstitute global development governance in a context of growing influence for private finance. We focus on the World Bank's Human Capital Project (HCP) and Human Capital Index (HCI), which have stated aims of promoting economic growth and accelerating progress towards achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. Informed by a review of publicly available World Bank materials, we argue that, through its HCP and HCI, the World Bank is responding to its own institutional sidelining in development financing and governance with a strategy of reintermediation. Its leaders have pursued a system of governance in which the World Bank creates and instrumentalises knowledge on human capital – an asset to be accumulated through judicious investments in markets for self-betterment. Through its HCI the World Bank has expanded its global benchmarking practices, encompassing new domains and quantified predictions of future productivity, in the hope of shaping domestic policy processes. Its leaders propose to use HCI scores to signal risk to investors and political leaders, triggering political shocks that will spur policy reform. Crucially, these efforts seek to reassert the World Bank's epistemic authority and financing clout as the influence of its own lending wanes. Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1953980. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]