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The period 1945-1960 was very intense for Albania concerning its political and economic relations. The coming into power of the Albanian communists after the liberation of the country at the end of the November 1944, was followed by a rude exercise of power which left the country powerless in both political and economic terms. The above mentioned timeline is brought in this paper through authentic research presenting to the public for the first time the true meaning of the Albanian-Soviet relations mainly being focused in economic terms. This research is divided in two parts because of the huge material found in the Albanian archives recently declassified about the economic relations of Albania with the socialist camp and the Soviet Union in particular. The huge amount of credits granted to Albania from the part of the Soviet Union made possible the economic and consequently the political survival of the Albanian communist regime. The numbers that we are presenting in this paper show beyond any doubt the total vassalage of the Albanian government towards the Soviet Union. The wrong investments of these huge credits and loans for such a small country as Albania in the heavy industry, would made the country totally dependent from the foreign loans and credits where the Soviet Union had primal role. In the first part of this research, are presented with accurate details all the Soviet credits granted to Albania from 1945 until 1958. The total amount of those credits was 742.100.000 rubles. In the second part of this paper which would be published in the next edition of this review, would be presented the problems that Albania was facing at that time from the exercise of coercive economic and political policies from the Soviet Union till the total break of relations between the two countries and how much from these loans Albania has liquidated in favor of the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It's a real challenge to write about Albanian-Yugoslav relations in the second half of the '40ies of the XX century. In this first part of this paper, I have tried to focus on the reasons why Albania chose Yugoslavia as the closest political and economic partner in the postwar period. Both countries were exercising the same structures of power and embraced the same political regime. Both communist countries took the power immediately after the respective liberation of their territories from the nazi occupation. Albania in these two and a half years, exercised a disastrous political and consequently policies which led to complete bankruptcy and total dependence on Yugoslav credits and loans. From the other side, the Yugoslav were much more flexible in their policies by trying to be as much as they could independent from Moscow's tutelage and having more or less a solid place in the future international relations. Due to Albania's disastrous economic policies, Yugoslavia succeeded to completely subdue the tiny neighbor country, in the beginning in economic terms. The most significant economic victory of Yugoslavia towards Albania was the currency parity when was clearly visible according the Albanian experts of the State Bank of Albania that Albanian currency the franc was much more stronger than the Yugoslav dinar. In these two and a half years of close relationship, Yugoslavia did what she wanted with Albania and through the credit of 2 billion dinars, paved the way to the complete political mastering of Albania in every sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I've tried to present to the professional reader some of the lately discovered facts that I have found during my research time in the archives. Most of the facts I'm presenting in this paper are given for the first time. In two years (1963-1965) of special relationship between People's Republic of Albania with the People's Republic of China, Albania received from China huge amounts of loans, majority of which have been used to build a useless heavy industry, totally unacceptable for a small and poor country. In this period of time, especially after the visit of the Chinese premier Zhou Enlai at the end of December 1963, Albania was granted all the requests she presented for loans in Beijing. A lot of factories and mills were build and a whole army of Albanian "slaves" especially of political prisoners, worked to construct them. All the factories and plants that were going to be constructed in Albania with the Chinese loans, only for this period of time, would cost more than 21 billion lek (Albanian currency) equal to nearly 3 billion dollars, that was an impossible amount to be carried by the Albanian people. The time has proved that the investment of more than 50% of the Chinese loan in the heavy industry would have devastating impact on the economy of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at giving a concise overview of the main issues shaping the development of political and representative system during Albania’s transition; it also covers some important debates on this topic, underpinning the thesis that in Albanian, the confluence of various historical, social and political factors, made the end result of Albanian transition broadly equal to the maximum the political elite could offer; for the same reason, all efforts to reform the system in view these limitations produced largely similar results. The difference in the widespread perception of the enormous gap between expectations and reality, with the balance sheet of actual capacities andopportunities to achieve any significant progress during Albania’s transition is very telling in this regard. Albania entered the path towards democracy in the absence of real democrats and of a true multi-party system; the only framework and reference model was the single-party system. The new democratic era endowed powerful leadership mandates and new legitimacy upon political elites formed, raised and promoted in a political system that was the exact opposite to the open society model. Originally written to address a foreign audience, the paper covers with the main theses and findings of studies on the transition in Albania. It analyses the main institutions, the representative system, the role of parties and elections, and the influences of the legacy of the past on the quality and model of the democracy of Albania. It concludes that transition in Albania cannot be seen in black and white, but as an ever-changing process, an experience that reflects the coexistence and rivalry between expectations, opportunities and capacities. The post-communist period, with all its shortcomings and failures, remains, from a historically comparative perspective, the best period for the Albanian state and society, marking the most productive and intensive relations with democracy, rule of law and the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than a century from the declaration of independence the Albanian state and society have not yet concluded the process of appraising their founding fathers. During the communist period these historical figures were judged primarily on ideological grounds or on the political attitude they and their families held during the monarchy years and WWII. A large part was denigrated, overlooked or even erased from the country's public memory in compliance with the political guidelines of the time. The establishment of the pluralist system marked a new encounter of the state and society with the signers of the Declaration of Independence, their contribution, biography, life and professional activity. This paper deals with the process of reassessing some of the main historical figures of Independence, the features of the political developments and the institutions' attitude towards this process, the negative influence caused by political interests and the lack of commonly accepted criteria of reassessment. The tendency to establish links with the independence's personalities, their later political views and the present political attitudes, not only delayed the process but also crippled the collective public and state memory. In this paper we will argue that the attitude towards Independence and the system of historical values are disproportional, subjective and politically motivated, and as a result almost three decades after the change in the political system, the account of Independence remains incomplete. The closure of this process through a social reflection and a professional and academic approach would have a positive influence on the national memory and the state and civil culture in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historical literature has mentioned Albania as passing, mostly as a possibility for shelter or transit for the Greek partisans during the Greek Civil War. But the documents from the Albanian archives on relations with the Greek Communist Party (Kommounistikό Kόmma Elládas -KKE) and its army, (Greek Democratic Army -GDA), recently declassified, suggest that Albania's investment was more than that. Albania was forced to pick up the slack, often finding itself in difficulty or in delicate situations. Starting from 1946 to 1949, Albania was heavily penalized from the UN more than her neighbors for assisting the Greek partisans. It was defined as "a center of aggression against peace and democracy in the Balkans and especially against peace and democracy in Albania." At the beginning Albanian Communist Party (PKSH) leadership cooperated with Yugoslav Communist Party (PKJ) leadership to support the Greek Communist Party (via Interior ministries) but when the theater of the Greek war moved closer to the Albanian border, and especially after the Cominform Resolution, Tirana's role in the Greek affairs became more pronounced to the Greek guerrillas: armament and food supply, Domosdova's hospital for Greek partisans and civil population, movement partisan units via bordering lines, and relations between both leaderships, Albanian and Greek ones. So, Albania's border was not only opened to wounded Greek partisans and refugees. Once in a while, it also became a site of military maneuvers. One of the most interesting point will be the relations between Albanian and Greek communist leaders, where is included Marco Vafiadhis too, before and after Commintern Resolution. Their relations have been at the meetings in person and through written letters (uncial copies) exchanged among each others. All the main Greek leaders had special passing documents released by Albanian Interior ministry. "In Albania we feel right at home," noted the Greek leaders. It is against this background that a series of disagreements erupted between the PKSH and the KKE especially in 1949. My paper will shed light on the Albanian-Soviet relations on Greek -Albanian relations during Greek Civil war and little bit after. At last, evidencing the repercussions to Albanian state and Albanian people from the attitude of the ACP leadership, my paper will withdraw some conclusions why Albania undertook this difficult burden to involve in the Greek Civil war. Generally it was a disappointed epilogue for the Albanian - Greek relations and the Albanian people, who thought that was sacrificed for a right cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Montenegrin minority in Albania present an interesting case study due to the fact that a small ethnic group of 1500 inhabitants has managed to survive as a national minority and is recognized as such, preserving and developing its national and religious identity, receiving education in the mother tongue, etc. This paper deals with the attempts of the Montenegrin minority to preserve its identity and with the policies followed by the Albanian state from 1925-1939 with regards to this minority. In this context, are examined several questions, such as: the Albanian government's attitude concerning the activity of the Serbian Church serving in this minority; the attempts of the Serbian Church to increase its influence in the regions of Shkodra and Dibra, utilizing the presence of this minority and the historical legacy from the Ottoman period; in addition, are examined the attempts of the Serbian Church and government to influence the process towards the Autocephaly of the Albanian Orthodox Church, i.e. requests to establish a Serbian Archbishopric in Shkoder and representation with a bishop in the Synod (AAOCH) of the Albanian Autocephalous Orthodox Church. The debate and contradictions that rose between the two countries in relation to these issues cover an important part of the paper. Moreover, in the paper are examined the attempts of the Yugoslav government to retain a Serbian minority school in the town of Shkodra and the views of the Albanian government opposing such attempts. Besides the above questions, our study provides evidence from the Albanian archives on the presence of the Roma ethno-cultural minority in Albania and its social status and problems and the way they were handled by the Albanian central and local governments. In this article we will deal also with the attitude of the Albanian government and people towards Jews. There are given statistical data on the size of this community, which at the time amounted to 300 individuals, and the respective policies followed by the Albanian government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political developments of 1991 in Albania were accompanied by sharp contrasts and coexistence of new concepts such as democracy with the remnants of the previous mono-party system. A typical example was the functioning of the Political Bureau as a party and state institution even under the system of political pluralism. This paper examines the political events from December 1990 to June 1991, a period during which the institution of the ALP's Political Bureau continued to function and take decisions despite the new reality of political pluralism. Many studies and archival documents show that the Political Bureau continued to behave not like a high political organ of a party, but as a political institution leading the state, - a traditional practice throughout the communist system. Taking decisions on behalf of other state institutions, especially the People's Parliament and the Council of Ministers, was common occurrence for the Political Bureau under the mono-party system, and it continued to take place until June 1991. The Bureau kept imposing the way constitutional and executive institutions were to be run politically, maintained control over the public safety, diplomatic and defense institutions, etc. and in addition, took several constraining verdicts for the state and the constitutional organs. The existence of the Bureau during the pluralist period and its decisions despite the establishment of a new political system were representative of the fragility of the democratic concepts but also of the predominant political culture of the time, according to which the new system was controlled by the old system and the political and state structures were an accessory of the latter. In the spring of 1991 the most powerful political and state institution of the country was forcefully dismissed from the political life mainly due to citizens' pressure who disapproved the model, heritage, negative image and outcome the Bureau represented. This paper analyzes all the major decisions of the ALP's Political Bureau during the political pluralism, the curve of transition from a major decision making institution to its full disintegration, the acts which had an impact on the political and executive power, the status and the composition of the Bureau, the relations of other state institutions with it, and additional important elements in the phase of establishing new political entities and institutions in Albania, from January to June 1991. The funds of documents used were mainly obtained from the State Central Archives but also additional archival sources and memoirs were used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper are given the first results of the trail about the Ragusa noble families of Albanian origin and the presence of Albanians in Ragusa during the Middle Age. The papers presents historical data and for some of them are given the emblems. The data are mainly extracted from the published volumes and from the papers of different authors that have written about the Ragusa history and about Middle Age studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The broadening range of data available to scientific inquiry requires ever more interdisciplinary approaches for research in the historical sciences. In this paper, we have elected to concentrate on the Krasniqe and Nikaj clans of Northern Albania as two of the largest Albanian clans, from which we collected 23 samples for genetic sequencing. Y-DNA data from these clans' members' support the findings of several other lines of research from the fields of History, Ethnography and Anthropology, at the same time enriching the history of these clans in the context of the plethora of clans, brotherhoods and other groups that make up the Albanians as an ethnic group. We find that, in agreement with local legends of common ancestry, patrilineally, members of all the main brotherhoods of Krasniqe and Nikaj descend from one common male ancestor, while members of all the largest Krasniqe brotherhoods also share a more recent common ancestor which the Nikaj members do not descend from. These findings support the establishment and generational expansion of kinship-based groups as a key mechanism in the foundational stage of northern Albanian clans which endured into the 20th century. In the case of Krasniqe and Nikaj, a core cluster of closely related lineages subsequently diffused into several brotherhoods, and eventually even into two distinct clans which retained tales of kinship. On the other hand, social, economic and political factors must have played an important role in formation and evolution of collective memories and identities, as neither Krasniqe nor Nikaj claim kinship with the Gashi clan, despite sharing more a more distant common ancestor with at least some of its brotherhoods. Y-DNA haplogroup and subclade assignments for both Nikaj and Krasniqe members place their paternal ancestry in highly concentrated affinity to other Albanians, especially from the northern areas, and in more distant relation to several previously published ancient DNA results from the wider region. Utilized alongside historical facts, genetic data such as the results presented here, facilitate the historicization of poorly documented truths which would be difficult to verify through traditional historiographical methodology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ottoman Empire administered Nis and its surroundings for a very long period, more precisely from 1389 to 1878. Based on Ottoman archival sources, published works, and field studies, many cultural and social monuments of that period come to light. The number of waqf monuments that were built and registered in Serbia, Montenegro, and Sandzak (Novi Pazar) (New Yugoslavia) during the Ottoman period is 1,140. While the number of monuments that have managed to survive until today it is only 30. In Nis alone, it is mentioned that a total of 23 mosques, 2 madrasas, 4 schools, 7 tekkes, 2 public canteens (imaret), an inn, 2 hamams, 3 fountains, a castle, and a bridge have been destroyed. Therefore, the figures given in the paper do not necessarily mean to extract all the monuments of that period, because there are still many documents in different archives that researchers are expected to use in the future in order to complement the historiography, however, we hope that this study will help to fill a part of that gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1990s with its ground-breaking political events leading to the advent of political pluralism and to the end of the one-party system in Albania remains a rich source of documentary evidence and a trove of facts for historical and political analysis. The Communist regime went at great lengths and made considerable efforts to create a new image for itself without compromising the core system and its own political control over it. It firmly rejected the thesis of political pluralism by describing it as a direct result of hostile political pressure from outside and then as political pressure from various protest groups within the country. For the leadership of PLA, the process of creating some sort of formally competitive political organizations, engaging into internal party debates and party consultations with the masses was more than enough in terms of what was acceptable vis-à-vis actual political pluralism. An analysis of the narratives prevailing during this initial period, based on archival and official documents, from Albanian and foreign media reports shows that the communist elite was unaware of the country's actual situation and its challenges. The PLA failed to timely grasp the importance the process of historical transformation towards an open society in Albania. It did not understand the fundamental difference between the concept of state institution and the concept of state power and was willing to tolerate differences only up to the point where its political power could not be substantially undermined. Within PLA, its leaders failed to understand the basics of the concepts of democracy and pluralism. As a result of this, PLA and its leader Ramiz Alia made the utmost efforts to replace actual political pluralism with its fictitious form, so as to ensure the continuity of their grip on the system under the new circumstances without compromising PLA's leading role. This paper analyses the political aspect of this process, focusing on the political, official, and public discourse on democracy and pluralism, the expectations of new changes in the electoral law, and on the considerable PLA-sponsored efforts to deliver "pluralism of masses" as pluralist politics, and to impose a fictitious pluralism by planting in the political scene competing political subjects generated by its own satellite organizations. This paper analyses the internal dynamics and the internal developments affecting the first pluralist elections and their final phase. It also looks into the formation of the first pluralistic political subjects that participated in the elections held in March 1991. This paper argues that in contrast to most models of former communist countries, the process leading to Albania's democratic self-awareness came late, it was incomplete, as it its political elites were found wanting of a good level of formation with regard to democracy; hence, what followed was, an unique experiment with political subjects, faked elections and fictitious pluralism, culminating in the happenings of November 1990 as one of the most symbolically important episodes of this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The construction of big industrial works with the Chinese ads and loans during the space time 1969-1973, were beyond any doubt a big help for Albania. Nevertheless, once more, the bad management of the Chinese loans would bring economic stagnation for Albania. The investment of the overwhelming part of the Chinese loans on heavy industry, would be seriously felt at the life level of the Albanian people. Another shortcoming that Albania had in the process of its industrialization, was the total lack of experience in this field. The process of the country's industrialization had started since the close relations with the Soviet Union, but with fruitless outcome. Also from the time's communist leadership of Albania, the Soviet Union would be accused as the greatest detrimental element of the Albanian economy, when in fact during all the '50ies, had been the Soviet aids and loans that have made possible the support of the Albanian economy. The same thing would happen with the People's Republic of China. Albania through its leadership wanted to go beyond her real possibilities to be industrialized. In all the human history, the industrialization process is a very complex one that has been accomplished only when the people of specific countries have achieved the right social maturity for such a qualitative leap. As we also saw in this paper, the industrialization required big amounts of money and specialized people to the best to put at work the industrial works. Would have been impossible for Albania that only after thirty years of the Second World War's end to achieve by a finger clap the industrial level of other countries, when was very well known that the country was without any kind of experience in this field. Was not casual that for every failure or malfunction of the industrial equipments, the Albanian government always blamed the others. The same as in the case of the economic relations with the Soviet Union, also the relations with the People's Republic of China would occur the same destiny, and always the guilty were the others, never the Albanians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is related with the treatment of the main military topographic aspects of the city of Durrës during the Ottoman period. This goal we tried to achieve through combining the data taken from different sources. In relation with the city's fortifications, it's already clear that their evolution is more complicated that has thought. Also, already we have clear evidences that the investments of the Ottoman Empire on fortifications have been considerable. Unfortunately such studies and analyzes lacked and as consequence not only the constructions of this period have been totally ignored, but also have created considerable misunderstandings and misuse. From the other part, the design of the city organization within the walls, proves that has had an urban continuity from the medieval city to the Ottoman era even why on modest dimensions. After, these basic aspects of the city organization are fossilized, also imposing to the modern age, in the main lines of the city development. The clearer evidence are the roads, especially those who follow the north-south axes. Already we have clearly shown that nevertheless the evolution of fortification in the southeastern line, there has been a continuity of a superpose established since the Late Antiquity. The designed roads in the second map have as starting point the territory near this line of walls. Those for sure follow the axes of the medieval roads. Preserving the medieval urban organization, also the continuity of the Ottoman city has preserved the same development principles. Of course, were the enduring changes of the dwellings evolution, connected for many reasons, mainly with the land property. These data reject the description of Idris Bitlisi that after the occupation of Durrës, the Ottomans rebuild everything within the city. The urban continuity shows the opposite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper the focus of the research are the relations of Kastrioti family with the Republic of Ragusa. Mainly, we were focused on Scanderbeg's period, because during this time there is a greater intensity of relations, and from the other part they are better recorded, nonetheless the relations of Kastrioti family with Ragusa begin since the time of Gjon Kastrioti. On other earlier relations, we do not have any data. This research is divided in some parts, also more detailed are the diplomatic and economic-trade questions. This research is mainly based on archival documents, but except them, are also taken into consideration different studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the presence of the Albanian Catholic clergy in the Republic of Ragusa during the Middle Ages. The clerics included in this study have been classified according to their origin and listed on a chronological basis. While the cities where they served have been listed according their geographical position from north to south. As for the timeframe, my research was focused in the period from the 13th to the 15th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "The American Policy in relation to the future of Albania, 1941-1942" examines one of the most troublesome and uncertain periods of Albania's history, namely the Italian occupation of the country and its prospect at the end of the Second World War. This article deals particularly with the US government's policy towards Albania focusing on several peak moments such as: the non-recognition of the Italian occupation of Albania, the US-Albania relations after the issuing of the Atlantic Charter and the Charter of the United Nations [1 January 1942], and specifically after the Declaration of 10 December 1942, which issued the right for the re-establishment of the independent Albanian state at the end of the War. This short paper takes also under consideration the general policy of the USA and compares it to the one followed by the British government. Basically the US government's policy continued to preserve a positive and supportive attitude towards Albania and the Albanians, in contrast to the erratic attitude followed in several cases by the Great Britain's government. There are also examined the common and distinct aspects in the policies of these two countries based on the American and British archival sources. In addition, this paper will deal with the attitude of the Albanian diaspora, represented by prominent figures such as King Zog, Fan Noli and Kostandin Çekrezi, but also by simple Albanians who were highly sensitive towards the future fate of their father land. Although the American policy during this time was more appreciated than that of the British government, there was still reluctance, distrust and fear from future partition of the Albanian territories in favor of neighboring countries, in particular Greece. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper constitutes an effort to address the problem of Albania's borders after the Second World War, in the perspective of the three great allies, namely the USA; UK and the USSR. Specialized institutions of these countries prepared several studies concerning Albania's borders and its international status during the WWII. Their purpose was to aid their respective governments in the process of decision making and policy drafting for specific issues regarding Albania after the end of the war. However, the studies prepared by these institutions cannot be considered official policies since this was an exclusive attribute of their governments. In the article one can easily note the differences between British and American studies regarding the northern and southern borders of Albania, stemming from their different policies. Without doubt, we can state that studies of the State Department are more realistic than the British ones, but not nearly enough to encompass Albanians aspirations in the Balkans. The second part of the article includes summaries of a few British and American studies on the northern and southern borders of Albania, which contain all possible hypothetical variants, without taking into account if they were in favor or in disfavor to Albania. For writing this paper, I have used documents form the British, American and to a lesser extent from Russian archives. Unfortunately the Russian stance on Albania's borders is not complete due lack of sources, while the stances of the other two allies are much more comprehensive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to focus on some historical aspects of the role and impact of Austro-Hungarian occupation among Albanians during the second half of the "Great War" period. In addition to the severe consequences that Albania experienced during World War I, the Austro-Hungarian presence in Albania in these years had also a positive impact in several key directions, such as: establishing an efficient centralized administration, setting up a national educational and cultural system, which was reflected in the establishment of Albanian schools, publications of books and newspapers in Albanian language, sending dozens of Albanian young people to study at the Austrian universities, the establishment of the Language commission, which laid the marks of the Albanian standard language, the construction of roads, bridges, building a narrow railway network, post-telegraph offices, the realization of population's census. The implementation of the Western model by the local administration under the Austro-Hungarian control helped the Albanians in their efforts to rebuild the national state in later years. From 1916 onwards in Albania, a new financial structure was created, consisting of Albanian employees, who implemented the modern financial management practices. During this period, all books of financial accounts, tithing and profit tax regulations, and various commands of this field were translated into Albanian language. During the years 1916-1917, the investments made by the Austro-Hungarian government in the occupied territory of Albania amounted to 62 million Kronen. In August 1918, a regular autonomous budget for the occupied territory of Albania was launched, which was an integral part of the War Ministry budget. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a continuation of a previous paper published in the "Historical Studies" journal, no. 1-4, 2018, entitled "The financial administration reform in Albania between 1925 and 1928". It focuses on the measures taken by the Albanian government for the reorganization of the revenue and customs duties system in Albania. The tax system inherited from the Ottoman period continued to be in use in Albania, with minor changes, even after the establishment of the Albanian independent state. Moreover, the collection and administration of tax revenues was a poorly organized and problematic process. In order to improve the situation of the direct tax revenues system the government undertook several reforms which aimed at restructuring the old system in use. To this end attempts were made to replace the tithe with a land property tax while the cattle tax (xhelep) was modified. This article deals with the difficulties and obstacles encountered in implementing these reforms, such as the lack of financial resources to collect new taxes, issues with the land registration data, the reaction of the tithe collectors and state officials related to them, etc. The objective and subjective problems faced in reforming the direct tax revenue system made the government intervene for the first time in reorganizing the indirect tax system according to the experience of more developed European countries, adding a variety of such taxes and raising the existing ones. This brought an increase in the total income of the state budget from 10.3 million gold franks in 1925-1926 to 15 million gold franks in 1928-1929. This article deals also with the reforms in the customs duties system which aimed at improving its structure and operation by establishing new custom houses and increasing the cooperation between the border patrol police and the customs officials, assigning clear cut responsibilities and rights to each party. A particular attention is given to the measures taken in fighting smuggling through the customs. Based on documentary evidence there have been cases of administrative and penal punishments for several customs' officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bulgarian speaking Macedonian minority is a community with a fascinating history of co-existence while developing and fostering its national identity within the framework of the Albanian state. This paper provides thorough evidence, researched in the Albanian and foreign archives, on the extent of this minority, the development of education in their mother tongue, the attitude of the Albanian government towards the process of their identity building, the relations with the Bulgarian government concerning this question, etc. Another interesting topic dealt with in the article is the Bulgarian nationalists' activity in the areas populated by this minority, the Albanian authorities' attitude towards them and the concern raised by the activities of the Macedonian committees in Albanian territory, especially the impact they had on the Albania's relations with its neighbors, Yugoslavia and Greece and the reaction of the western diplomats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a short introduction to studies on relations between Albanians and the Republic of Ragusa during the Ottoman period. It deals with papers published by various authors who have a special importance for the history of relations between the Republic of Ragusa and Albanians during the XVI-XVIII centuries. The article presents some preliminary results regarding the search. Here are presented some important authors for this study topic. Most of these scholars are Slavs, mainly Croats. Among them we can mention Josip Luetić, Vuk Vinovar, Bogomil Hrabak, Vinko Ivančević, etc. The article aims to give the main approaches the authors in question make to this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of governing in Albania in 1920-1924 came across serious challenges but in the mean time it was also the institution that marked the most outstanding achievements. Eyres and other British diplomats blamed the diplomatic system for such a big failure, as it was really totally inappropriate for the circumstances Albania was in at the time. On the other hand this viewpoint which is fully defended, be it in this paper, or in other studies and sources, presents a full set of focus of the analysis from the ideological class target, that a great part of our historiography has had, to that of the state-constructing and institutional one which was the main national priority of Albanians in that pretty hard time of the beginnings of a state life. In the titanic confrontation with the heavy crisis of 1921-1923 Zogu would come to the realistic conclusion that under the circumstances of Albania at that time the application of the parliamentary and pluralistic system of governing was very difficult. He definitely started to think since then about a more authoritaristic way of governing and setting up of institutions, what in fact was a deviation and violation of democracy, but it was the only way, at least for a certain period of time, to eliminate the heavy disintegrating crises of state institutions. In his electoral program of 1923 he displayed openly the necessity of creation of a party with military discipline, so he propagated party authoritarianism but keeping the parliamentary form of governing and accepting legal institutionalized opposition, whereas the uprising of June 1924 would move him irreversibly to efforts of establishing an authoritarian regime without opposition which he made become a reality after coming back to power in December of the same year. Still, the essence of this comeback and of the regime he established was the respect of legal and constitutional forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we will try to give a general overview on the history of Dukagjinis which consisted of some families seemingly belonging to the same tribe and were part of the Albanian nobles in the Middle Ages. Dukagjinis show up many a time in documents and they were an important factor in the occurrences taking place in Albania in the Middle Ages, especially during Skanderbeg's period. Besides the expansion of their prevalence in North Albanian regions and their distribution into some European countries after the Ottoman occupation they result to be present even among noble Albanian families with the highest duration until they died out in the 17th century. In this paper besides the historical data about them in Albanian territories you will also find information on their presence in Italy, Istria and Ottoman Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Albanian uprising of 1912 represents the culmination of the Albanian autonomist movement and final stage of the efforts of Albanian nationalism and this nation under the Ottoman Empire. The main factor that prompted Albanians to undertake the uprising of 1912 was the difficult situation in which they were after the victory of the Young Turk Revolution. The Ottoman ideology and centralizing policy taken by the Young Turks was the main factor for the aggravation of relations between two sides. The plan for the organization of the uprising adopted during a meeting of some key Albanian personalities in Taksim (Istanbul, Turkey) presented some weaknesses in itself because the participants did not analyze and presented possible scenarios of the upcoming uprising. On the other hand, some of the organizers of the uprising, as soon as arrived in Albania became more interested on the providing themselves as deputies in the Ottoman parliament and "forgot" the meeting's decisions taken in Taksim. Unlike expected Austro-Hungary was against the Albanian uprising. It was to maintain the "status quo" of the Ottoman Empire. The Serbian government came about and tried to stay near to the leaders of the Albanian uprising in Kosova in order to incite against the Ottoman state and to prepare suitable ground for the invasion of these regions by her. From the meeting of Junik (Kosova) emerged two main currents of thought. The first current, maintained that the Albanians had to enlarge the insurrection for announcing the autonomy. Another current comprised of representatives, who were against the Albanian uprising or at least had joined the insurgency just to remove from the power the Young Turk government. The wording of the Albanians claims at the meeting of Junik to the Ottoman government was conducted in a more synthetic, with a clearer and more straightforward language compared to the text of the Memorandum of Greçe (Upper Shkodra). In our view, the cooperation of the Albanians with the Ottoman officers' movement went through two stages. In the second stage, from the second half of July to August 1912, the cooperation of Albanians with Ottoman army officers went more in favor of the latter. The uprising extended from Presheva, Gjilan Mitrovica in the north to Korça, Kolonja and Chameria region in the south, but a greater intensity of Albanian uprising of 1912 remained in parts of Kosova. There were two main currents among the leaders of the uprising throughout the negotiations with the Ottoman government commission. The first current was composed of autonomy's representatives; the second one consisted of reformists, who required putting aside the essential points of Albanian demands. On August 9, 1912, due to internal and external pressure, Hasan Prishtina gave a memorandum on behalf of the Albanians to Ibrahim Pasha, the head of the Ottoman commission which contained 14 requests. From the way how was formulated this platform, it seems that there is a tactical retreat by the Albanian nationalists. The contention of requests marks the transition from the idea of autonomy expressed in the paper, towards a practical and pragmatic action to achieve this status for Albanians. But, at the same time, it proves that Albanian nationalism was still weak because it lacked a unique attitude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidences on the presence and role of Albanians in northern European countries, especially the Netherlands and England can be traced from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Especially during the fifteenth century the Albanians are documented as sailors and rowers, mostly on board of Venetian ships. In the sixteenth century the Albanian presence in Northern Europe will continue to be important, but now not as sailors and rowers, but primarily as combatants, or stratiotes. Although the stratiotes are mentioned since the beginning of the fifteenth century in Greece, their involvement in Italy begins in the late fifteenth century. It can be said that the golden century of presence and importance of stratiotes as well as the culmination of their geographical presence was in the sixteenth century. Their commitment was important not only during conflicts, but also as peacekeepers in peacetime. Despite the fact that in the sixteenth century they can be found in the farthest corners of Europe, from Italy and Spain to the distant Scotland, the gate of entry into Europe was undoubtedly through Italy, especially Venice and the Spanish possessions of Southern Italy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with some issues regarding the stage of Albanian organized resistance against the Italian invaders. It analyzes the Albanian Communist Party's difficulties and the challenges to organize its inner structures; to gain the support of different groups of Albanians society and to find a way to unify the majority of Albanians into a national liberation front against the invaders. In this process, communist chiefs pursued the Comintern directives and Yugoslav model that were provided to them by the Yugoslav emissaries. Balli Kombëtar (National Front) is the other organization taken into consideration in this article. The program of the organization, its composition and all the challenges Balli has to cope with are broadly analyzed. Relations between the Fronti Nacionalçlirimtar (National Liberation Front) and Balli Kombëtar occupied a large place in the paper. The main efforts of these organizations were to ensure the Albanians support for their own political purposes. In this process, both sides have their advantages and disadvantages. Resistance against the invaders was one of the topics of the program that should bring together both organizations, but in reality the situation was more complex. Both groups agreed to be engaged in the resistance against invaders. However, there were differences about forms and methods for such a resistance. In spring 1943, the National Liberation Front and National Front reached an agreement on mutual cooperation at local level. These agreements resulted nothing but problematic. Both organization lacked trust. They both sought to gain control by undermining the other. The article treats the relationship between Fronti Nacionalçlirimtar dhe Balli Kombëtar as a process, trying to analyze the reasons why these rival organizations were transformed into sworn enemies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A part of the press through their published aritcles have expressed great disbelief and even high notes of pesimism regarding the Balkanic Conference. These newspapers, refering the conditions in which the conferenc was organised didn't hide their disbelief regarding the results. These attidutes were reasoned since the early origin of the unsolved events from other organisations like the League of Nations. The issues that the press expressed his disbelief were the minorities issue and dhe issue of keeping the integrality of territories and institutions. The articles in these papers were not polemic, on the contrary they have the same logic reasoning. Newspapres like "Arbenia" or "Vullneti i popullit" and afterwards "Demokracia" treated this argument when the Coference began and not sooner. All this time the analiysis on the minority issue followed the same line, the line of disbelief regarding the solving of this issue. There is another fact which the press almost ignores or speaks very little of, the treatment of Albania as an ally of Italy. This damaged the image of Albania, but the press didn't use this fact to justify the lack of effectivity of the Conference. Considering that the press was highly influenced by the politic of King Zog, it is noted the treatment of this issue from another angle. In general the most common articles are the ones who evidence the great difficulties of this panbalkanic cooperation. Another aspect that shows disbelief in the press is the non official colorment dedicated to the delegation and the Conference itself. Often in the press, when the expectations were in complete match with the acomplishments, it was uses the term "non official" to relief delegats and the goverment from their obligations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of the German occupation of Albania was crystallized right before the invasion and it took place on September 1943. According to this concept Albania theoretically would be a neutral and independent country run by a national government, under the rule of the German Wehrmacht. In this framework the German Wehrmacht would organize the defense of territory against a possible deployment of the British and American Allies at the Albanian coast. So, the German Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop hoped to gain the support of the most of Albanians, to isolate the popular liberation movement, and to keep occupied Albania with the least military strength possible. Most of the Albanians did not agree with such policy. They were organized in the National Liberation Movement and fought against the German occupiers. In this context one of the greatest operations of the partisan army during Second World War was the 'Battle of Tirana'. This battle lasted 19 days and ended on November 17th, 1944. It was characterized by considerable losses from both sides. In the light of new documents for the German archive sources we find out detailed data and new evidences which allow us to have a full picture of this battle and draw right conclusions. In the second part of this paper it is discussed withdraw of Wehrmacht from Shkodra which was conditioned by the reconstruction of the strategic bridge of Bioče (Montenegro). This bridge was build by German troops on November 28th, 1944. Thus the concentrated German troops were blocked longer in the city of Shkodra and its suburbs. In the evening of November 28th, after receiving the information on the reconstruction of the Bioče Bridge, Germans started to release the positions in the suburbs of Shkodra and on November 29th, 1944 the German troops left officially the last big city of Albania. Meanwhile the withdraw of the German troops from Albania marked the beginning of a new epoque for Albania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The opposition and oppositarism were crucial institutional components of the political system in Albania during 1921-1924. The Albanian opposition left its trace in all the political, social and cultural developments of the country during this period. It was also the beginning and a historical apical limit in the process of constitution of a democratic state and society in Albania. In this study paper, broadly based on Albanian, British and Italian Archival sources, as well as on a wide range of Albanian and foreign historiography bibliography several important scientific problems have been treated and new analyses have been carried out on them: - The set up of the opposition, the way it was set up and its run and reorganization during 1920-1924. - The social-political constitution of the opposition, its consisting groups, its inner organizational, political, ideological and social cohesion. - The relations of the opposition to the national question. - The relations of the opposition to the government and the way of governing. - The political activity of the opposition within the frame of the constitutional institutions of the country - The military unconstitutional activity of some oppositional groupings, its political and juridical reasons and consequences. Thus several problems have been treated and new conclusions have been drawn having in the basis of these analyses the nature, the qualities and the outlines of the political activity of a normal opposition in a democratic system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Slavery compounds a world historic phenomenon that has affected all the continents, sometimes at the same time or one after another. The slavery sources in the antiquity and in the Middle Ages were a lot, but was overwhelming the slavery as consequence of different conflicts and wars. The question of slavery among the Illyrians has occupied little space in the papers of the different authors within the ancient Albanian territories, nonetheless the slavery in antiquity has been one of the most important social structures of the time directly connected with the production relations. Usually the slavery drastically and forever changed the people's life, but the bad luck chased the slaves even after winning so much dreamed freedom. Also the freedom had the proper difficulties, especially about the integration of the liberated slaves in the society. Thus, in Rome, the liberated slaves were seen with disbelief and contempt. They after being liberated never became free men, but liberated. The hard conditions of slavery, and the low social status of the slaves, made that many of them dream and try to escape to achieve the freedom not only through liberation from their owners, but even through escape or organized rebellions. The development and other dimensions carried the slavery phenomenon with the invasion of the peoples living outside the borders of the Roman Empire, directly influencing in the situation of the population that after that would face the age of the early Middle Ages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The national education and identity of the national minorities have been important problems in the Balkans and Eastern Europe during the past century. The different governments, nonetheless obliged by the Treaties of the League of Nations to respect them, have had the tendency to assimilate these minorities with different means and ways. The Albanian state because of some specific circumstances and also because its weakness within and in the international arena, the lack of extreme nationalism or chauvinism and the existence of many Albanian populations in the neighboring countries followed a correct policy towards the minorities. This policy was also demonstrated towards the Greek minority, who was the main minority within Albania. The Greek national education and its identity came consolidating. But, from the other side, between the Albanian state and the Greek minority existed a series of controversies which would be treated in this paper. Concretely, the minority violated the international legal obligation in such issues as the financing of the minority schools; the teaching texts and programs; the lack of teaching of the official language, the political propaganda in the schools etc. The Albanian state was dissatisfied from this activity and tried to discipline the activity of these schools in accordance with its goal to integrate these population, but didn't succeed at the right measure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this paper is Albanian education from 1925 to 1928 and it gives an overview of the country's educational system and the issues related to it. Some of the main difficulties that the education system faced were a limited network of schools, a lack of teachers or teachers with a low professional and educational training, a low budget issued to education, a high level of illiteracy in general and in rural areas in particular, etc. Although the education system was facing such hardships, A. Zogu took measures to fire the teachers that had been part of or had supported the movement that took place in June 1924 against him. However, later on, due to the need that the education system had, these measures were softened and many teachers who had been fired were hired again. This paper deals with the endeavors done for the opening of new schools, the improvement of the conditions in the existing ones, the engagement of the government and the education directorate to organize courses for the training and improvement of the teachers and the implementation of the reform in education which aimed at building a unified national education system. In order to fulfill the education reform there were prepared, discussed and approved two new education laws and there were made serious attempts to implement them. The law on classifying the teachers was approved in 1926. It defined the educational and professional requirements a teacher should fulfill in order to be hired. This legal requirement obliged the teachers to attempt their educational and professional enhancement and at the same time forced the teachers who did not fulfill the requirements leave the education system. The law also set the teachers wages based on the requirements they fulfilled. This measure motivated the teachers to continuously want to further their professional skills and achieve high results at work. On the same year was drafted and approved the law on the structure of the education system. This law clearly defined the organization of the education institutions and the way the education system was to be administered in the whole country. According to it, education started with the elementary schools which were obligatory for all boys and girls up to 12 years old, continued with the civic or intermediary schools, and later on, the general training middle schools or the vocational ones such as pedagogical, agricultural, etc. Considering the serious lack of teachers, the law promoted the pedagogical education and especially its attendance by girls. Another issue covered by this law was the curricula that would be used in schools across the country. The whole education system would implement unified programs which aimed at providing the pupils with long lasting knowledge in the scientific and social subjects and at the same time raising their national awareness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper gives an overview of the most important families of the medieval town of Drisht, analyzing some of them. There were numerous noble families in Drisht of which we find evidence in different documents. However, similar to other aspects of Drisht's history, the research on the activity of these families in the political and economical life, inside the town or abroad can not be exhaustive as there are only a few and incomplete sources available. The story of these families after the Ottoman invasion of Drisht, some of which emigrate, will not be dealt with as this is not the focus of our research. In this paper will be taken in consideration two groups of families. The first is composed of the main families which are found often in different documents and have played an important part in the history of Drisht, such as, Engjelli, Shpani, etc. while the second is composed of families of a lesser importance, the nobility of which has been put in doubt. Some of the latter are, Skepudar, Svinji, Zogi, etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As has been demonstrated in this article, the political and ideological engagement, including the military cooperation between Albania and China, was based on utilitarian motives on both sides. The analysis of military relations, the aid provided and the involvement strategy, focusing on defense and security, shows that the Chinese government used the Tirana regime in the clash with the Soviet Union, which was mostly related to its ideological and military interests, with a view to becoming a nuclear power. On the other hand, the Albanian government factored this position by obtaining the largest amount of combat weapons received throughout the communist period. The militarization of the society, although undertaken due to the assistance offered by China, never convinced Beijing to join in the "psychosis" of the war that threatened Albania, according to the Albanian communist regime and the military circles that were in line with the then state politics. Just as the alliance appears to have been politically and economically unequal, the same conclusion can be reached about military relations. While Tirana did not find it difficult to embrace Beijing's politics, seeking to secure a defense treaty, for Chinese diplomacy the red line was clear when it came to initiatives that could undermine its security policies. The principle of deterrence against the Albanian government, without using force as happened with Moscow, became the mainstay of military diplomacy. The scheme applied in the military relations between Albania and China remains an open object of study, because while it served the conflicts within the bloc, it did not result in shifting the military balance of any of the countries, which was not to be perceived, to China's credit, as a threat either to the region or to the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows that the main drivers of mental shifts in the interwar period were the competing elites, who through various projects that suit their political calculations dictate the expansionary/contractionary maps of the Albanian nation, always in conjuntion with the other determinating factor, the external constraints and foreign pressures. As it is shown here, the first political demands for full sovereignty started around the end of 1911, beginning of 1912 and the best causal explanation based on empirical analysis, leads to the argument of competing elites in order to secure political power, when geopolitical pressures allowed for it. The 'external' elites, which included 'overseas' diasporas who were mostly individuals that were serving Ottoman Empire in high levels of power (including such positions as foreign minister, governors or deputes of the Parliament), saw the existing structures of power suddenly collapsing and tried to embark into a new venture project, which was the leading of the process of nation-building that culminated with the new Albanian state. These efforts paid off since they succeeded in securing their former positions, albeit in a different context. Thus it seems that achieving political power through mapping of nation and borders that would facilitate such goal, has been the main drive of rhetoric and actions of the elite in maximizing the maneuvring room allowed by international actors as it is argued here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evidences presented in this paper are part of a broader study about the presence of the Albanians in England during the Middle Ages. Our goal here is that in general terms to give an overview about the presence of Albanians in England in the Middle Ages, and at the same time to serve as a modest contribution to correctly identify many persons, who in the worksofsome scholars, are presented without proper argumentation as Italians, Dalmatians, Slavs, Greeks and even as Spanish, Portuguese, French, or as unidentified. The evidences about the presence and the role of the Albanians in northern European countries, especially the Low Countries and England in the 14th and 15th centuries, though few in number, are important because they shed light on little known or unknown aspects ofthe history of the Albaniansin this period. The way and the means of arrival of these Albanians in northern Europe were nautical, on board of Italian merchant vessels, mostly Venetian, in their journeys of the Flanders fleet. The Flanders galleys constituted the most remarkable trading fleet of the Venetian Republic, because their journey was the most dangerous and difficult, in the geography of the maritime history of the medieval Venice. Their itinerary involved an intermediate trade with the principal ports of Sicily, Balearic Islands, Southern Spain and Portugal. The employment of the Albanians as oarsmen in the Flanders galleyscan be traced even earlier than the inclusion of the Albanian coastal cities in the Venetian territorial extension. Although being part of a sea-going proletariat recruited from the eastern shores of the Adriatic, many Albanian oarsmen and sailors acted also as small scale entrepreneurs, carrying with them in these long voyages a limited number of wares and products, which they traded in the portcities of Northern Europe, namely, London, Southampton and Bruges. Most part of the Albanians employed in these galleys, came from the Shkodrabasin (Scutari, Drivasto, Dagno and thevillages on the shores of Shkodra Lake), Lezha (Alessio) and Durrazzo. The Albanians like the other sailors, shared not only the profits of this trade, but also the inherent dangers and difficulties that facedthese galleys. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Regnum Albaniae was officially declared exactly 750 years ago, on February 21, 1272, its real significance started to be displayed in the second decade of the fourteenth century, long after the physical body of its king that had perished. The other body, according to Kantorowitz, the political body of the Regnum Albaniae, was used by the Holy See to create a union of all the Catholic-interested parties in the Western Balkans, in order to empower a political and religious stronghold in the Balkans, which would not allow the Eastern Rite of the “schismatics” take hold of the whole Balkans. This union was even more organic and long-lasting, when the Albanians understood it as an expression of their own identity and by combining their desire to be free from the Serbian kings with their desire to be recognised as an independent political power, they embraced the idea of being the representatives of the Regnum Albaniae in the international political and religious arena of the time. This led to long-lasting identity of the Albanians as the Catholics of the Balkans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collective memory of a society or a nation is basically the reconstruction of its past. Scholars of sociology argue that the present, influences in creating a selective perception of the past. The way a society approaches its past and the objectives its puts in studying it, define to a considerable degree the level of its emancipation. An objective approach towards historical events and figures, analyzing their controversies and putting them in historical context, would be signs of a satisfactory level of social emancipation and liberty. In this case the present would learn from the past and this is a prerequisite for development. On the contrary, using the historical events and figures for political purposes or reviewing history because of the political interests of certain groups would hold society hostage of the past and would prevent from judging the past objectively. Making history an instrument in the hands of politics is one of the distinct features of the dictatorial or totalitarian regimes and this could alter or even destroy the collective identity of a nation as it produces a distorted image for itself and the others. The Albanian society has gone through such experience in the past. This paper aims to make a modest contribution to this topic by focusing on three main issues. First, the reasons that made the communist leadership undertake a crusade for the distortion of the Albanians' collective memory. Second, the methodology used by the communist leaders to install a new memory, based on the Marxist Leninist doctrine and communist ideology. Last, the legacy of this distorted memory in present day Albanian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The beginning of 1999 marked a turning point in the history of the Liberation War in Kosovo. The capture of a Yugoslav Army squadron by members of the Shala Operational Zone in the village of Bare influenced the internationalization of the Kosovo Liberation Army, as it entered into an international agreement to exchange eight Yugoslav soldiers with nine KLA soldiers, who were arrested in December 1998 by Serbian military forces on the Kosovo-Albania border. Undoubtedly, this represented a diplomatic, political and military victory for the KLA and Kosovo. Certainly, such an event put the Shala Operational Zone on the Yugoslav revenge agenda, while on the other hand it had given will and confidence to the KLA units of this area in the fight for freedom. Thus, during the end of February until the middle of March 1999, in the territories of the Operational Zone of Shala, fierce fighting took place with the Serbian military / police forces, which resulted in the martyrdom of a number of KLA soldiers in this area. The success of the KLA in the Shala Operational Zone and the NATO military intervention, led the Yugoslav military circles to design large-scale military projects. The Yugoslav military projects "Grom-3" and the "Bajgora" had a special purpose in Shala area, so, starting from the end of March 1999, a combined Yugoslav military-policereserve force attacked this area, and bomber aviation was used in addition to artillery. Fighting in the Shala Operational Zone during March-May 1999 was extremely fierce. During this period alone, more than 28 martyrs fell from the ranks of the KLA. One of the main goals of Yugoslav politics was the extermination and expulsion of Albanians from their territories, therefore following this goal a number of massacres of various sizes were carried out in Kosovo. Only in the Shala Operational Zone, during the first half of 1999, several massacres against civilians took place: Studime Massacre - 99 civilians killed; Vushtrri Massacre - 68 killed; Massacre against the Gerxhaliu family, etc. In addition to the above arguments, as a conclusion we can say that the Operational Zone of Shala of the Kosovo Liberation Army played an important role in the liberation war, a role which was imposed not only by geographical circumstances, but also the tradition of patriotism cultivated through generations, which was manifested with the involvement in the Liberation Army and its unconditional support from all the inhabitants of this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Operational Zone of Shala (further: ZOSH) covered the northwest region of Kosova and was bordered with: the Operational Zone of Llap on the northeast, Serbia on the north and northwest and Operational Zone of Drenica on the south. The ZOSH headquarter was located at the village Ashlan. The ZOSH consisted of two brigades: Brigade 141 and Brigade 142. The first Kosovo Liberation Army (further: KLA) unit, consisting of eight soldiers, appeared publicly in Shala region, respectively in Zabergja village in the spring 1998. The commander of ZOSH was Rahman Rama. In addition to mentioned brigades the ZOSH had its Special Unit and a Unit of Military Police. The ZOSH Brigades, within its area of responsibility, as a tactical formation, was structured in following line: battalions-companies-platoon-teams, etc. There were several lines of weapon supply to this Zone. Weapons came mostly from Bosnia, later from Albania, but even from Serbian military stores during the fighting or raids. The KLA of ZOSH was financially supported by Albanian western diaspora, by local people, political subjects, associations, etc. The KLA in Shala of Bajgora was a structured formation, but was also restructured. The restructuring was made in compliance to the decision No. 442-7/662, issued by KLA General Headquarters on 19.11.1998 in Prishtina. The intensity of military actions against the Serbian occupying forces during the years 1998-1999 prevailed in several broad frontal lines in the ZOSH. The most distinguished actions to be mentioned were: fighting in the villages Pantina and Frasher, the Battle at Mazhiq village, the Battles at Majdan, Melenica, Ashlan and Vaganica village; the fighting along the frontal line: Rahove-Cenaj-Majdan-Melenice-Trepcali-Mazhiq-Rashan-Pasoma; fighting in Skroma-Ceceli-Dumnice-Samadrexha; fighting along Qiqavica village: Bukosh, Liqe, Balinc, Dolak, Pantina and Gurebardh village; fighting in Druar, Salq, Reznik, etc. The fierce fighting along the ZOSH lines resulted with over than 100 martyrs and 200 wounded KLA soldiers. According to Serbian sources, the Serbian forces suffered major losses combating directly with KLA. The ZOSH was also an important diplomatic site in addition to the military. On the 8 January 1999 seven soldiers and a Sergeant of Yugoslavian Army have been captured within the area of responsibility of this Zone. Those soldiers have been released in exchange to nine KLA soldiers, who had been captured on the night of 13-14 December 1998 at the borderline between Kosovo and Albania. This event transformed not only the ZOSH, but the entire KLA into a powerful political factor. The Serbian forces committed serious crimes in the ZOSH. The most known massacres were: in Studime - 2 May 1999; in city of Vushtrri - 22 May 1999; murder of eight females on 24 May. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with an important and controversial question of the WWII, namely the Antifascist National Liberation Committee [functioning as a Provisory Government] and the Provisory Democratic Government, established respectively in the Congress of Permet and the Convention of Berat, and the American government's attitude towards them. The period from May to November 1944 marks a peculiar stage in the relations of the Antifascist National Liberation Front (ANLF) with the Allies. During this period the military assignments for the liberation of the country mingle with political aims. Firstly, the establishment of the Antifascist National Liberation Committee in the Congress of Permet, which functioned as a Provisory Government and the Provisory Democratic Government set up in the Convention of Berat were not recognized by the Allies; secondly, the two western Allies in the meeting of Bari [July-August 1944] recognized the Antifascist Liberation Movement (ALM) as the only resistance movement in Albania. After this decision, with the initiative of the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, on 5 October 1944 the Allies withdrew their support for Balli Kombetar and Legaliteti; lastly, the three Allies took respective decisions to send to Albania their missions which would collect information on the situation in the country and later proceed with the formal recognition of the new regime. The American government sent to Albania a nonofficial civil mission, headed by the experienced diplomat Joseph E. Jacobs, while the British and Soviet governments assigned military missions. In preparing this article I have made extensive use of various sources, most notably American and Albanian archival documents and several published books and articles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The projects of different nationalities for liberation from Ottoman rule cannot be perceived separated from the measures taken by the imperial government against potential rebellions and uprisings. For the Ottomans, as for every political rule, self-preservation and continuity were of major concern. The attempts to undermine the stability of the central power were dealt with great attention. The challenge to Ottoman rule came at times from the imperial state structures as well as from within the Ottoman ruling class itself. As in other similar cases, the rule's structure and negotiation in Albanian territories evolved through the centuries we are referring to in this study, due to several factors. Firstly, the evolvement of the central power contributed to such a change; secondly, the dynamics of social development in Albanian territories; and thirdly, the shift in international balance of power. Thus, the dynamics and frequency of anti-Ottoman endeavours in general was closely related with the international situation and its influence in the Albanian territories. The uncertainty to rely on a firm support from the Spanish or the Venetians, and later on from the Austrians and Russians, made the local population aware that foreign backing was temporary and shaky. This was one of the reasons that made the secular and religious leaders to act cautiously and avoid becoming part of adventurous local enterprises or ambiguous foreign projects. In contrast to Venice which was interested in maintaining peace with the Ottomans rather than fighting them, Spain as the centre of the Habsburg dynasty, was clearly positioned as the Ottomans' foe. However, although a perpetual adversary of the Ottomans, Spain was situated very far away to threaten the Ottoman rule, at least in the Balkans. This is a central element in understanding the history and dynamics of the Albanians' anti-Ottoman attempts and plans for liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stalin's death was followed by changes in the Soviet leadership and policy which were applied immediately by the other socialist countries of Eastern Europe, including Albania. This article dwells exactly on these developments and the influence of the new Soviet policy in Albania compared to other Soviet satellite states. In Albania just like in the other countries Moscow policy was transmitted by direct messages or imitation spirit of what was happening in Moscow without direct intervention of the Soviets. Still, despite the changes, one thing remained constant for the whole camp: The leading role of the Soviet Union. The leaders of the satellite states were summoned to Moscow when they reported on the situation of their countries and took advice which was in fact orders. This article deals specifically with the question of economy, the new attitude toward Yugoslavia and the de-Stalinization. In some of the other countries during this period changes took place in the parties' leadership, a movement which effected a lot the application of Moscow orders by the leaders of the Party of Labor of Albania. The main concern of the Albanian leaders remained how to keep their personal power and this approach shaped all the political developments in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though Albania was not partner of any country, during the First World War, it found itself in a very difficult situation at the Peace Conference (1919-1920), which was about to jeopardize the country's existence. It was out of discussion that the injustices of a not so far past had any chance to be erased. These injustices were committed lately, at the Conference of Ambassadors in London (1912-1913) and further others written in the Secret Treaty of London (26th of April 1915) signed by the Antanta Powers and Italy, in order to convince the latter to join the group, risking to extinguish the fragile Albanian state created just a few years prior. From the fulfillment of this Treaty, and from other similar ones, that could get the approval of the "Great Four" (G. Clemanceau, L. George, W. Wilson, V. Orlando), benefitted the Albanian neighbors, Greece and the State of Serbs Croats and Slovenians (Yugoslavia) and of course Italy. No matter how contrary the circumstances, Albanians had a little luck. The lack of unity inside the Yugoslav delegation, respectively the different interests of the Prime Minister, Nicola Pashic, leader of the delegation at the Conference and of the Foreign Minister, the Croatian, Ante Trumbic, came to surface when the discussion was if rather to insist about Shkodra or Rijeka. On the other hand, the primary goal of the Yugoslavs was to see Italy on the west coast of Otranto, that is why they preferred to preserve in theory Albania's independence. Also, Italy's delegation had fluctuations in the presentation of its demands during the first months of the Conference, January-March 1919. Later on, there were divergencies between the USA on one side and the Great Britain and France on the other, on the matters of the Albanian sovereignty and borders. All the dysfuntions above, were in favor of the Albanians, so that they could earn some more time and gather all their forces to fight and avoid the worst case scenario concerning the future of the country and of the state. Supported by bibliographic material and documents published through the years, also reinforced with the latest information, this article tries to enlight through a different approach and perspective the attitudes of Yugoslavia and Italy towards the Albanian cause in the first months of the Conference (January-March 1919). These attitudes confirm from the beginning that the options chosen by our neighbors, also rivals between them in the domination of the South-Eastern Adriatic coast and of the North-Eastern Ioanian coast, in all the cases, never took into consideration the interests of Albania and of the Albanians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we bring evidence about the historical relationship between the Albanians and the sea. This is illustrated from their contribution to the Great Geographical Discoveries, through their active participation in the maritime history of the Mediterranean as well as of the Atlantic and of the Indian Ocean. Tracing the life at sea of four great sea admirals of Albanian origin, we bring to light their role in the maritime life of their age. In the case studies presented in this article we analyse their role in the framework of the French Monarchy and of the Ottoman State. It is not by accident that the role of the Albanians in the maritime history of the Mediterranean and beyond, increased from the very start of the 16th century. This was due to the fact that the influence of Venice in the Adriatic and the Ionian Sea decreased, bringing to an end the Venetian hegemony in these seas. The geography of the presence of Albanian seamen stretched in these two centuries from the Canary Islands in the Atlantic to the Western Mediterranean and the Red Sea, and even to the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]