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How do leaders of social movements leverage resonance and radicalism to achieve movement goals? As eugenics gained prominence from the end of the 19th century through World War II, feminist leaders of contraceptive access movements pushed for the acceptance of birth control simultaneously as a right for women and as a tool to further racist, ableist and ethnonationalist eugenic interventions. This paper analyzes the trajectories of two feminist birth control activists in the United States and Germany to trace the development and divergence of their movements alongside eugenics through three general framings over the first half of the 20th century: advocating the individual, advancing humanity, and augmenting the state. This research uses personal papers and social movement records to show that these cases present a kind of double resonance through which movement leaders could reframe reproductive control as a solution not only to the problems of their audiences, but also legitimize their politics and identities. By contextualizing eugenics alongside neo‐Malthusianism, birth control, abortion, and reproductive governance, this analysis helps to map reproductive control as a device historically wielded by white feminists to organize broader political support to fit varying and contradictory ideological projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a debate on why Bourdieusian scholars have never fully embraced the "Introduction/Literature review/Data & methods/Results/Discussion" (ILDRD) article format which is mainstream in North American Sociological publications. This paper attempts to argue that Pierre Bourdieu, Jean‐Claude Chamboredon, and Jean‐Claude Passeron developed a different writing format – inspired by Gaston Bachelard's "applied rationalism" ‐‐ and which became more influential among French scholars. The Bourdieu inspired different writing patterns and reasoning, I argue, can be traced in the flagship journal Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales. This paper invites further debate on the differences in approaching article formats in the social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interdisciplinarity continues to be a focus and method for complex social and environmental challenges. This paper explores how the School of Environmental Sciences (ENV) at the University of East Anglia (UEA) which was founded through the idea of scientific interdisciplinarity operated in practice to create new knowledge about a new object of concern, the 'environment'. Using the 'trading zone' concept, the social and epistemic processes behind making scientific interdisciplinarity a material and institutional reality are uncovered, and to what extent interdisciplinary knowledge was actually produced. This paper concludes that interdisciplinary processes can be effective in dealing with complex challenges but often rely on the institutional and social dynamics of the researchers involved. Historicising interdisciplinarity in knowledge‐making settings can go some way in supporting new interdisciplinary endeavours associated with environmental and climate research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since slavery, racism and discrimination have continued to impact the social outcomes of Blacks despite efforts and laws put into place to alleviate the disadvantages. A contemporary project developed by Nikole Hannah‐Jones and the New York Times called for the re‐examination of the legacy of slavery. With re‐examining the consequence of slavery, the lens has been widened, resulting in a more robust interpretation of racism. Social issues have historic roots and thus require a multilayered approach to map out and examine the culminated effects of phenomenon. In this paper, the author uses Beckert and Rockman's DNA analogy (2016) to merge biology, history, and sociology to provide a critical overview of theories of racism that have emerged since slavery, and to detail the phenomenon of contemporary racism. By connecting past eras of racism using something familiar, racial discourse can potentially move beyond the frustration of racism being a permanent entity in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how a structure of Weberian rational domination has been built and consolidated in Spain since 1959, the year when the so‐called Economic Stabilization Plan was approved. This sort of economic constitution represents one of the most important foundations of a technocratic regime that survived the death of a dictator (General Francisco Franco), not only transcending the traditional differentiations between autocratic and democratic regimes but also offering a different perspective to the debate about the degree of continuity and rupture attained by the Spanish political transition in the 1970s. We analyze the institutions, leadership, most influential networks, political discourse, and historical myths through a theory of power and elites to examine the Spanish case. With this remarkable example of structural transformation and institutional resilience over decades, we also propose a more complex and multidimensional approach that could be fruitful to understanding some of the problems of political representation that current democracies are undergoing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to illustrate how several emotional mechanisms very probably played some causal and presumably significant role during the revolution that took place in Catalonia between July 1936 and May 1937 within the framework of the Spanish Civil War. Beyond this specific case study, the article contributes to the discussion on the role of emotions in large‐scale collective action and the concept of enthusiasm. In this regard, it is argued that the analyzed case suggests hatred could be an emotional antecedent of enthusiasm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the socio‐spatial entanglement of West Indian anti‐colonial knowledge production in the mid‐20th century existing between London and the Caribbean. This is interpreted as a case of the paradoxical politics of academic knowledge production in that British imperial policies that were constraining knowledge production in the West Indies were also seen as facilitating anti‐colonial awareness and work in London by West Indian actors. Research demonstrating the importance of the metropole as a meeting place for global anti‐colonial actors is complemented by shifting the focus to the entangled space between London and the West Indies. This article comparatively analyses the academic politics of the British Colonial Office – a spatial dislocation of knowledge production away from the West Indies – and its perception and challenge by Caribbean intellectuals who were temporarily based in London. The analysis builds on contributions by C.L.R. James and S. Wynter and their reflections on the institutionalisation of research in the West Indies and their experiences in London. Overall, I emphasise a relational and symmetrising analysis of knowledge production in imperial contexts that accounts for the entanglement of imperial politics in the metropole and the colonies, and the perception and potential use of these political entanglements by actors in and from colonial contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the making of a documentary film about children's learning cultures in West Africa to show that it is possible to escape the melodramatic gaze through deploying specific shooting, editorial and screening choices that represent children as active, knowledgeable subjects situated in a specific cultural milieu. It also discusses the legacy of ethnographic film, especially in relation to Africa, which in its aim at cultural translation presumes a non‐local spectator and deploys what has been called an entomological gaze; glossed here as 'national geographic' and proposes that key to disavowing that legacy is making film for African audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes why child film star series produced by major French production companies (Pathé, Gaumont, Eclectic, and Éclair) in the early 1900s (Bébé, Bout‐de‐Zan, Willy, and the Maria Fromet series) were received with such interest by global audiences. This period, prior to World War I, was a brief era when French cinema held significant hegemony worldwide, before Hollywood's dominance began. There are ideas suggesting that child film stars emerged with American cinema. Contrary to this, however, French producers competed fiercely in the 10 years following 1906, producing series featuring child film stars. Substantial budgets were allocated for the marketing of these series, ultimately gaining a considerable fan base not only in Europe but also in America. When examining these film stars from the early 20th century within their historical context, they emerge as the first international child stars with international fame and financial success, unlike child musicians, vaudeville artists, and theater actors from the 18th and 19th centuries. Inspired by the field analysis of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, this article aims to establish a connection between the struggles within the field and the symbolic needs of the audience as reflected in the content of child star films. The films were viewed at the Eye Film Museum archive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pierre Bourdieu's concepts of capital, field and habitus were originally used to understand inequalities in education in the 1970's. Today they are readily applied in other disciplines and contexts. This paper firstly explores the author's understanding of the concepts of capital, field and habitus as a depiction as a set of lenses, and suggests the application of this framework to further understand the experiences and trajectories of pre‐registration nursing students to contribute to improvements in policy and service provision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a national survey funded by the TÜBİTAK SOBAG Program, conducted with 1,957 respondents in 12 cities during 2013‐2014, this article examines the political memory of the 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997 coups by describing the memories and accompanying emotions of Turkish adults. It then explains how differences in remembering and not remembering the coups are related to demographic, socio‐cultural, political identity, and fear variables. The data reveals diverse, multidirectional, and contesting coup memory patterns. While religiosity was associated with the memories of the 1960 and 1997 coups, self‐declared conservatism, modernity, political identity, political fears differed across the republican/secular and conservative/Islamist divides. The multidirectional and polarized remembering is largely a reflection of the current political context of a polarized memory regime instilled by the ruling Justice and Development Party from the basis of the 1990s′ memory landscape, which was filled with diverse and competing narratives that challenged early republican political memories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers a new interpretation of the terms ẓāhir and bāṭin in Al‐Muqaddima based on Ibn Khaldun's philosophy of language and rhetorical style. It shows that the figurative phrase fī bāṭinihi, followed by the term naẓar, implies that bāṭin is where historians should look to verify their information. On this reading, bāṭin denotes human association and its "essential conditions". The terms also imply that there is reason in the bāṭin of history. Polities are at the core of history and its study, and politics requires reason to conduct. In this context, bāṭin is the content and substance of history, which refers to political organization and the range of rational actions required for the management of society. The ẓāhir of history, on the other hand, refers to the expression where the conditions of speech need to conform to the conditions in human association. This interpretation underscores the role of choice in Al‐Muqaddima and challenges the determinism prevalent in the secondary literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]