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After the subjugation operated by the military campaigns of 1878-1885, the native population of northern Patagonia (Mapuche-tehuelche) suffered forced relocation, the breakdown of socio-political and family units, the erasure of the identity of hundreds of minors and the declamation of the extinction of the indigenous cultural and social world. From this genocidal process, the agency of indigenous individuals and collectives was conditioned within the framework of the construction of a new society that was defined as "without Indians". From then on, this became a condition for their possibilities of accessing land, as well as a principle of stigmatization and social differentiation. This paper focuses in addressing a particular instance of the agency of this population: the National Aboriginal Association. This organization stood out for its self-recognition as aboriginal and for its supra-community, trans-territorial and national structure. The ANA was active in a key period defining a political strategy that defended the indigenous producer, encouraged processes of communalization and articulation of the agency of the original peoples with other political actors, both in northern Patagonia and in the national context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to address some consequences of immigration in relation to the exercise of motherhood between 1900 and 1930 in Buenos Aires. Through a case study we explore the experiences of a migrant mother who decided, under particular circumstances, to place her children in children's homes. Far from being an exception, this case expresses the experiences of other women who were diagnosed with various mental illnesses in which a deviation in "affectivity" and behavior towards the family nucleus with emphasis on the children appears as a symptom. Through the interweaving of sources that include medical records of the Asilo de Alienadas de Lomas de Zamora and files of minors of the Sociedad de Beneficencia, this article proposes to account for both the emotional prescriptions within the medical discourse in relation to the exercise of motherhood, as well as the emotional experiences of women who went through the path of medicalization and confinement. In the children's files it is possible to trace evidence of their experiences but also the agency, the motivations and the meaning of motherhood and care that a mother deployed in a context of vulnerability produced by migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends to analyze an episode in the life of Ignatian cult objects that had been used to house churches and schools of the order in the River Plate territory. Our protagonists will be images and objects of worship that once had a special significance due to their centrality in composing the liturgy and their proximity to the sacred. Despite their heterogeneity, all these objects, made of rich metals, had formed a River Plate Jesuitical material culture that had exalted the identity of the order. From a perspective focused on material culture, we will analyze how, once the process of managing temporalities began, these objects traveled an unsuspected path that altered their biographies, their symbolic meanings, and their valuations as sacred goods. From then on, desacralized and defunctionalized, these pieces went through processes of embargoes, commodification and disputes over their possession until their subsequent disappearance. Recomposing these paths will allow us to demonstrate the importance that these objects had in composing worship and liturgy followed by historical processes that led to one of the largest looting and diasporas of artistic heritage in the 18th century within the framework of its growing desecration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the mechanization of agriculture in the rural regions of the Rio de la Plata during the First Globalization (1880-1916). Uruguay and Argentina developed an important growth and diversification of their agricultural production during this period. This growth accompanied the great livestock dynamism that both economies had achieved since the first decades of the 19th century. We analyze the process by dispensing national approaches. A geo-referenced database is constructed at a micro-regional level to identify the location of the main agricultural production areas and to trace their evolution throughout the period. A clustering analysis is also carried out to explore the spatial heterogeneity that characterized the River Plate agriculture and provide elements for its interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Statistics and Peronism are in a combinatory way a key point to observe the technical autonomy from both state and politics as an explanatory variable, so it is possible to understand official's political actions. The 50th anniversary of the creation of the National Institute of Statistics and Census (1968-2018) is a first-rate chance of rethinking the ways in which official data have contributed to the conformation of national state in Argentina during the 20th Century. Hence, this paper reconstructs the case of a centralised statistical bureaucracy that produced the necessary information to make a planning for the "Nueva Argentina." Thus, this presents the both bureaucratic and institutional trajectories of three government agents who managed national census bodies: Accountant Juan Miguel Vaccaro (1944-1945), Engineer Enrique Catarineu Grau (1946-1949) and Lawyer José María Rivera (1950-1955). The paper wants to study three different management styles as a way of thinking statistical agencies in Argentina, between 1944 and 1955, analysing the relationships between specialised bureaucracy and their military and political mentors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Movimiento Nacionalista Tacuara was the most relevant organisation of the nationalist right in the 1960s in Argentina. Its members defended radical nationalism and developed an anti-leftist and anti-Semitic repertoire of action. In addition, they formed a hybrid ideological corpus, which fused local elements with others from Europe. Interwar fascisms were fundamental in this process. In this paper, I address the appropriations of Falangism made by the Tacuara activism. In general, the existing studies about Tacuara recognize the centrality of Falangism, corporatism and the notions of 'National Syndicalist State' and 'hispanidad'. However, the appropriations they made of these elements and the way in which they were re-signified in the light of local contexts have not yet been tackled. To shed light on the circulation of ideas between Argentina and Spain, I adopt a transnational perspective. I use as sources various Tacuara and Guardia Restauradora Nacionalista bulletins, reports produced by the intelligence services of the province of Buenos Aires, and oral history interviews conducted with former activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents and analyzes politics in the context of its independence declared in 1820. It considers the local and regional dimension as spaces of action and projection of La Rioja's elite and identifies the influence of its political construction as an explanatory element. This path of analysis helps to understand the centrality that Facundo Quiroga acquires in the construction of the province, with regard to the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the conceptions about national socialism and Peronism that different referents of the Peronist left presented in a round table cycle held in September 1972. An approach close to the theoretical-methodological proposal elaborated by Reinhart Koselleck for the study of political concepts is tested to allow to recover the contingent and changing dimension of the political ideas that predominated in the debates of the Peronist left at the beginning of the 1970s, and that makes it possible to inquire about the connections between Peronism and socialism that occurred during the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper identifies and characterizes a corporate network based on Argentinian-Spanish business (Catalan mainly) that was built around a dozen companies all located in Buenos Aires, in the first half of 20th century. Studying the board of directors of the company Providencia Compañía Argentina de Seguros, it finds meeting points in which different groups are involved and it analyzes what corporate strategies they applied. It also determines whether any political compromise was acquired by the members of the network, both in Spain and Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Right-winged Argentine nationalism underwent a series of transformations in the mid 20th Century. These changes were registered in the biographies of many Nationalist intellectuals. Thus, the aim of this paper is to examine the case study of Marcelo Sánchez Sorondo. The work of this well-known nationalist intellectual covers over seventy years and influenced many generations of nationalist militants. In analysing his discourse on democracy and political leadership, this paper tracks the long-term changing process of his political and ideological discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at increasing the knowledge related with specialized historiography on the field of migration and tuberculosis in the early decades of the twentieth century, within the context of the internal migration that arrived to the province and the city of Córdoba. Technical literature and testimonies of the time are used as sources. The article is organized in two main sections. On the one hand, it analyses the type of migration that arrived to the city in the context of a healthcare system regarding tuberculosis’ treatment under construction. On the other, it analyses the discourses and concepts that emerged from local power sectors in a scenario characterized by low-income immigrants and a weak healthcare system regarding tuberculosis’ treatment. The paper identifies the existence of concepts and discourses that tended to make the immigrant responsible for spreading the diseases to “healthy” residents and “invading” the city of Cordoba with sick people as well as to bring the collapse of the healthcare system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The citizens settled in the National Territories could not participate in national elections for almost the whole history of these spaces. A conventional approach has taken this situation as the sign of a deprivation of political citizenship that would reflect the restrictive nature of the political order imposed on the Territories. Nothing would have changed with the passing of the Sáenz Peña Law, which would have kept the settlers of the Territories excluded from citizenship. However, Sáenz Peña's electoral reform did include the Territories and their inhabitants. Even if they remained without the possibility of voting in federal elections, it was not due to any attribution of political incapacity but to the legal status of such spaces. By studying published and unpublished documents, this paper not only questions that traditional interpretation but also aims to depict the way the principle of popular sovereignty was mediated by the federal frame of the representative regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the trajectory of two indigenous communities from Neuquen through one century, focusing on the paths followed to access and remain in their territories, as well as the highs and lows in relation to their persistence as mapuche communities. The main goal was to explain how they achieved their current state of community reconstitution, and their relationship with politics at a provincial level, specifically in the context of the development of a new political line within the Confederación Mapuche de Neuquén at the beginning of this century. The article studied the factors that, from the genocide to the native peoples on, conditioned their possibilities of staying cohesive in a context of struggle with dominant territorialities: public policies on access to land, designed by the National State first, and then by the province, the actions of different agents in office, the mapuche political praxis and the bond they established with their supracommunal organizations. The heterogeneity of situations in the space of Neuquen led to define two cases to develop the analysis: Paicil Antriao, in the southern Andes area, and Campo Maripe, in the central eastern plateau zone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the constitution of Casa de España (House of Spain), an entity that operated in the city of Buenos Aires between 1940 and 1942 with the purpose of providing a new institutional framework to the Falange Española Tradicionalista and the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista in Argentina and bringing together different supporters of Francoist regime existing in the city after the end of the Civil War in Spain. Resistance and oppositions generated by this associative project imposed from Spain are analyzed in the nucleus of the Spanish immigration community of Buenos Aires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pluralitas non est ponenda sine necessitate -"plurality should not be posed without necessity"- states the famous dictum. In a curious case of metabasis, it seems to apply nowhere best than in contemporary health care: the approach that unfolded as an offshoot of modern science in the West became so pervasive that is now globally known as 'conventional' medicine. This seems to be also the perception of scholars -historians, social medicine experts, among many others- who have stressed the global spread of Western medicine, while allowing for some footnotes on the 'arrival' of other approaches, which nonetheless remain 'alternative' or, in the best of cases, 'complementary' to mainstream health care. Integration of cultural traditions, however, is increasingly gaining territory and visibility. One striking example is provided by endeavors to make the various health care traditions communicate, no longer within a relationship of subordination, but as equally contributing to the general goals of promoting, maintaining and helping recover physical, mental and social health. In this paper I address the effort to create a common conceptual and methodological frame within the World Health Organization (WHO) initiative to develop a classification to enable the involved actors understand global and local trends. My particular focus is on the recent (May 2019) inclusion of Traditional Medicine conditions in the International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems, 11th revision- ICD-11, effective starting 1 January 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the failed military coup led by Benjamín Menéndez in September 1951, Perón sanctioned the state of internal war, which was not a legal figure included in the Constitution reformed two years ago. This law, in force until the fall of the government in 1955, was justified by the ruling party against the destabilization attempts made by the opposition parties. However, for the anti-Peronist camp, which had been experiencing a process of political radicalization, this figure summarized the growing governmental restrictions of the previous years and consolidated the breakdown of the rule of law. This paper analyzes how the opposition parties to the Peronist government understood the state of war and how their rejection was inscribed in the belligerent political climate that prevailed during the second presidency of Perón. The main hypothesis suggests that the sanction of this law by the Executive Power was decisive for the construction of an anti-Peronist discourse that declared the definitive rupture of democracy. This deepened the preference of opposition groups for extra-institutional strategies to confront the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decades, the irruption of Mapuche and Pehuenche indigenous groups in the public scene of the south of the province of Mendoza (Argentina), related to specific political and cultural demands, has provoked state, academic and media debates that are far from settled. Understanding that social classifications are historical and changing ways of circumscribing alterities, the article analyzes the relational field in which identitary categories with which subordinate groups represent themselves and are represented by others are homologated, cross-linked or contrasted, according to the contexts in which they are deployed and the correlates that they demand. Based on ethnographic work in urban and rural areas of the departments of Malargüe and San Rafael, firstly, we explore the ways in which available socio-ethnic labels, political-legal recognitions of indigenous status and state sponsored spaces for the participation of Mapuche and Pehuenche representatives interact with each other. Secondly, from instruments in tension (popular and hegemonic narratives, intercultural approaches), this paper addresses the margins of choice and action enabled for actors that, positioned from a historical-cultural distinctiveness, dispute in reconfigured fields for the instrumentation of ways of life of their own. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work traces an overview of recent advances in the knowledge about the appropriation and uses of writing by the indigenous population of Pampa, Patagonia and Araucanía between the 18th and the 21st centuries. The contributions to the identification and analysis of diverse corpus produced by indigenous people are stressed, since they allowed to achieve a more complex knowledge on the political relations between the indigenous leaders and state agents, highlighting the appropriation of the writing as a tool in the frontier diplomacy and as an expression of the commercial, parental and military networks that connected these regions. Also, this text introduces the papers in this special issue. The question about the formats, specificity and features of indigenous archives is the axis for this integrating reading of the articles to be presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nineteenth century ranqueles letters contain a social story also shows fluctuations between confrontation and diplomacy, a profound interplay ethnic conflict and civil strife had in Argentina. This paper offers a summary of the letters ranqueles exchanged with different political, military and religious authorities between 1840 and 1879, located in two state archives and one religious. Reviewing our own travel research is the starting point for a review on the progress made in the declassification, constitution and study of this corpus which necessarily should be considered in dialogue with pieces written by the "Christian" partners the ranqueles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the evolution of the inflation of the prices of goods that occurred in Buenos Aires after the war between the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata and Brazil, and of political crisis during the period between 1825 and 1835. The article explores and analyzes in general and in particular the different and ongoing changes in the prices of imported goods, exports and local consumption during a critical cycle of the economy of the Río de la Plata. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we analyze the university policies taken place throughout the coup d'etat of 1966 under Onganía's (1966-1970) and Levingston's (1970-1971) presidencies. Accordingly, we reconstruct the strategies that were implemented during these years in order to build a dialogue with the university youth. We argue that these actions took place after the repression failed. For this purpose, we worked with primary and secondary sources, among which newspapers, journals and presidential speeches stand out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emotions had long been marginalized from the historical enterprise. However, since the beginning of the 21st century, emotion not only turned into an analytic category and an autonomous object of research, but also contributed to shape a flourishing and rapidly expanding research domain. On the one hand, this paper outlines the process of shaping of the field of history of emotions which was prompted by a transdisciplinary perspective and a theoretical and methodological dialogue with the humanities and the social sciences, as well as, with the biomedical sciences and the neurosciences. And, on the other, it introduces current debates and sketches some of the future directions the field might take. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the editorial position of the Peronist magazine Línea in the face of the formation of the Multipartidaria between 1981 and 1982, during the Argentine military dictatorship (1976-1983). The Multipartidaria brought together the main Argentine political parties and functioned as a tool to pressure the military government of the time to lay the foundations of the transition to democracy. However, it featured a more "moderate" sector, inclined to the agreement with the dictatorship, and a "harder" one, not inclined to agreement with the dictatorship. The paper studies how Línea evaluated the emergence of this new political space, what position it should adopt in the face of the dictatorship and how the Peronism that integrated it was to be handled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the incorporation process of the so-called "argentine emigration", in war forces and political circles of Montevideo and its rural hinterland between 1838 and 1846. This phenomenon, full of tensions, had a strong impact on the reconfiguration of local identities and "parties". Starting from a quantitative analysis about the volume of the military "emigration" this paper postulates that the construction of two officers' groups in the Río de la Plata region - "Argentine" and "Oriental"- was in fact a slow and conflictive process and was still far from complete in the middle of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the forms of political action of subaltern people in a particular space of peripheral Argentina: Neuquenian municipalities of the first half of the 20th Century. Even when national territories were excluded from the federal political system, the recreation in these spaces of some of the so called creole politics provides an opportunity to explore the complexity of political clientelism in those decades of Argentinian history. Furthermore, this paper pays attention to interactions between local elites and the inferior members of the clientships, observing the ways in which the latter were represented, thus shaping the relationships that both sectors kept between them. Albeit subaltern sectors of territorial Neuquen did not consolidate themselves as an autonomous political actor, it is interesting to call attention over the negotiations they were capable to maintain with local political elites. It is suggested in this paper that clientelistic practices, as the explanations constructed on them did so, contributed to shape some of the features of the Argentinian political culture of that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the arguments regarding the regulation of freedom of the press in Corrientes during the second half of 19th century. In the first section I describe the main features of Corrientes' newspapers and the political context in which these discussions were held. Later, I analyze the participation of Agustín Justo, Miguel Morel and Santiago Baibiene in newspapers from Entre Ríos and Buenos Aires. The links between the debates about the freedom of press and the performance of the journalists in exile shows that these controversies revolved around three issues: the moral duties attributed to the press for the consolidation of a republican system; the limitations regarding the legitimacy of political dissent, and the role of the press in the trajectories of political elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the press control practices used by the provincial political powers of Entre Ríos between 1862 and 1870. This period was characterized by an increasing political dispute and the deepening of public debate. An indication of this process is the increase in the number of newspapers and the diversity of their political positions. Most of the newspapers were Federalists and supporters of Urquiza, but they maintained a space of discursive autonomy and what was published did not always go along the lines of the caudillo's interest. Also, there were Unitary and dissident Federal newspapers which were very critical of the provincial government and the figure of Urquiza. Respect for press freedom as a legitimating principle of the exercise of power prevented the development of legislation restricting that freedom and discouraged the practice of filing law suits for libel against publishers or journalist among provincial officials. Hence, the way in which political power managed to limit opinion was dominated by informal practices of political control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the conflictive implementation of freedom of the press in Buenos Aires, after the fall of Rosas' regime. It examines norms and the initiatives to reform them, some trials, government actions, and the debates within the legislature and the press. The study discusses the traditional interpretation according to which, in the province of Buenos Aires, those years were characterized by a wide freedom of expression. It also argues that the difficulties to implement freedom of the press in the 19th century are explained by the tension between the consideration of the press as a pillar of civilized, republican societies and, at the same time, as a corrosive agent of the social and political order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of social and economic growth and the distribution of wealth has acquired new importance in the state, political social and scientific agenda since the last decade of the 20th century. There is an increasing interest in social sciences and humanities scholars in the study of those topics and in the processes leading to change in social and economic development and a fairer distribution of wealth in order to get a closer understanding of the present and to help design future social policies. This paper aims at studying the above referred issues from a historiographical point of view and will try to enlighten the complex process of building a social state in Argentina. It will mainly focus on the study on the workings of non-state institutions, either secular or religious, which invested money to help unemployed poor people during the modern liberal period. It evaluates the role of the non-state social aid and its impact on the political, cultural and social life of the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to study the activities of rural extension conducted between 1973 and 1983 by one of the main Argentinean state agencies: the National Agricultural Technology Institute (INTA). Regarding this period, which starts and ends with a democratic transition, an analysis has been made on the content and perspective of the organization's rural extension agenda in relation to the transformations seen in matters of sectoral policies, socioeconomic changes in the rural area, and in the implementation of repressive mechanisms. There has been an evaluation on the operation of INTA's state bureaucracy throughout its processes of institutional reconfiguration: one in 1973 alongside that year's democratic transition and the other in 1976 in hand with Argentina's last dictatorship. In light of documentary sources and interviews, a review has been drafted on institutional directives, nationwide coordination of agricultural policies, and the experiences of the INTA extension workers, primarily located in the Buenos Aires province. Additionally, we have identified the existence of various practices during the previous years of the last dictatorship involving direct contact with rural populations different from those of a more traditional approach, and its limitations have also been highlighted. Finally, we have analyzed the reorientation of the institution rural extension tasks as it underwent a military intervention between 1976 and 1983. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper examines the policies carried out by Minister of Social Welfare, Francisco Manrique throughout the de facto presidencies of Generals Roberto Levingston (1970-1971) and Alejandro Lanusse (1971-1973). I argue that the social policies and strategies implemented by Manrique aimed at building the consensus needed in view of the government's forthcoming political openness, and at the same time were leaded by his veiled intention of launching his presidential candidacy for the elections that would take place in 1973. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the early 20th century, the Salesians carried out an educational work of strong social content, dedicated to professional and moral formation of children and youth at risk, which were considered one of the most pressing social issues. Through analysis of the student group formed in the classrooms and workshops of the Salesian School of Arts and Crafts, this paper discusses the experience of this group of children, with the intention to approach different situations of vulnerability experienced by a significant portion of children in Córdoba, during the liberal modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we study the internal dynamic about the regiments and battalions of the National Guard of Buenos Aires province countryside. We analyse the conformation of the body of officers and the negotiation that commandants started with the inhabitants of the districts assigned to them at the moment of making recruitment registers and designating members of the contingents. We prove that although the National Guard was created from provisions of the National and provincial state, the consolidation and effective operation of the institution in the countryside and the frontier were produced from the activities that commanders developed within the jurisdictions they were in charge of. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we will analyze, firstly, the ideas on totalitarianism held by a group of Catholic traditionalists who served between the decades of 1960 and 1980 and who recognized themselves as experts in educational and University issues. Secondly, we will describe what kind of school they defended and who were considered the main adversaries to the model proposed. We will depart from the study of the book by Antonio Caponnetto called Pedagogía y Educación published during the last dictatorship (1981) and we will show how Caponnetto and other traditionalists criticized the main topics about the new pedagogy, the educator Paulo Freire, the referents of UNESCO and the psychology of Jean Piaget. In the last part of this paper, we will present the diagnosis they made about education and more specifically about the elementary level and the teaching of courses in high school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the deployment of social networks of pastoral aborigen in the Argentinean Chaco region between 1970 and 1985. It describes the structuring process of these networks and analyzes the relations that pastoral aborigen agents held with anthropologists and anthropological knowledge. The analysis is based on files -which the author has had access to- located in what functioned as a regional training center. The paper suggests that, being Development an hegemonic paradigm in the 1960s, it created conditions of possibility for the deployment of these networks. Furthermore, the article argues that ethnic markings on populations in which the pastoral agents were involved with were mediated by an incorporation of different anthropological knowledge. In this regard, people first assumed as "the poorest of the poor" gradually became named as "communities" and pueblos aborígenes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the influence that different political actors in the province of Cordoba had in changing the electoral system starting from the application of Sáenz Peña Law in the province context. In Córdoba, liberal democracy ideas echoed throughout the social fabric: Radical Civic Union, local press, and a liberal faction of the ruling class that since 1890 juarismo crisis had stayed away from the power. This pressure for changes on the provincial government of Felix Garzón, responding to a clerical faction of conservatism Cordoba, resulted in the conventional meeting to reform the provincial Constitution. In this context, conventional discourses are analyzed, highlighting similarities and differences within the provincial conservatism and paying special attention to proposals concerning the ideas of democratization of the political-institutional system of the province. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we address the positions taken by two Catholic magazines, Criterio and Esquiú, referring to the review of past and the prosecution of human rights violations between 1981 and 1985. In their interventions is possible to trace political perspectives, interpretations of specific events and different conceptions of the link between religion and politics in the post-dictatorship scenario. In this sense, and bearing in mind that these were Catholic magazines we wonder up to what extent their interventions were permeated by a widespread reconciliatory speech that invoked the hierarchy of the Church and bishops, politicians and military leaders used to claim political decision to close the review of past. We understand that Catholic publications, apart from responding to business logics and cultivating certain links with the readers, are immersed in a power configuration that includes the Catholic hierarchy, and this "hermeneutic pole" should be considered when analyzing their positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the interpretations of the mobilizations and shaping of Catholic crowds in Argentina during the first half of the twentieth century. First, the text identifies the performative effects of the "classical paradigm" of secularization. Secondly, the article proposes relocating the contributions of the political approach, conceived in the context of the 1980s, in a broader explanatory framework, open to recent contributions of social and cultural history. To this end, the paper proposes a model based on the concept of crowd with the aim of discussing different dimensions of the phenomenon, highlighting its multifaceted nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From its origins, at the end of the 19th century, the representations on San Carlos de Bariloche were linked to European issues. The "Argentinian Switzerland" and the land of "European pioneers" became images that constituted hegemonic discourses about the city. These narratives constructed an identity of "barilochenses" that silenced the relevancy in the city of the flow of Latin-American migrants, integrated historically by Chileans and from the seventies by Bolivians and Paraguayans, among others. In this context, communities of migrants carried through a multiplicity of strategies, among which those related to their religious practices standed out, since they intended to achieve recognition and visibility in the city. In this paper we analyze the characteristics of the hegemonic discourse and its interpellation between 1970 and 2000. In the first case we will trace the devices that operated, during these years, to reinforce the imaginary one of an "European" Bariloche, where Latin-American communities are excluded from this construction. Secondly, we will analyze the strategies linked with religiousness implemented by these communities, in its relationship with Rio Negro church, to interpellate this discourse within the public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The human resource training and knowledge generation adapted to the operating conditions of the various regional productions in Argentina, occupied the attention of experts from the Department of Agriculture, agrarian entities, political and educational sectors, since the early twentieth century. It did not escape this interest a concern about women and farm home. The aim of this paper is to analyze, in this context, the first decades of the "Ramón Santamarina" Farm School of Tandil, an establishment with a rich institutional history that housed the first school of farm home, soon transformed into a farm school and specialized in dairy industry. The transit to the farm household to the preparation of cheese masters, under productivist orientation of schools in the educational proposal of the Department of Agriculture, the social subjects involved, specialization in dairy and its results, are some of the issues discussed, as part of an educational agrarian project not only as a source of labor associated with specific agricultural industries, but also --and perhaps more than anything-- as irradiators of that kind of teaching towards the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the 19th century, in the context of setting up the new republican order, the humanization of physical punishments was promoted. As part of a cultural climate affected by the individualization of the body, modern educational trends questioned the excessive punishment of children. This paper discusses the reviews of such disciplinary practices in Buenos Aires elementary schools and its countryside, with the aim of reflecting on how this "civilized awareness" process struggled for a punishment economy to design--at the end of the century--a new ethical code of honor and virtue based on self-discipline as the kind of behavior that should be adopted by future citizens of the republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present paper we analyze the emergence of political-union identities, and its search for new forms of organization, in the final period of the dictatorship called "Revolución Argentina". To do so we reconstruct the different strategies of the new peronist unionism, from 1970 until 1973, by portraying their relations with previous combative experiences, and their opposition to the national CGT led by Rucci, to the dictatorship and to Lanusse's political exit. The empirical work will be analyzed in the frame of the question about the relationship between institutions and political identities, specifically the organizations (unions and unions groupings) with the workers and popular identities, and the dispute over their representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to analyze primary education policy during the administration of the self-proclaimed "Liberating Revolution". The few studies that have examined this issue state that the Liberating Revolution government erased the traces that Peronism had left in the education system. Our interest is to review this process. To do this, we analyze the conflicts within the government, the institutional design of education governance and internal organization of schools. We ask whether despite the ideological and political ruptures, it is possible to find elements of continuity with the previous period. Our empirical observation area is the province of Buenos Aires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last decades of the nineteenth-century, new products that were traditionally not considered for export, appeared -wheat, corn, linseed, frozen beef and lamb-. As a result, goods that were sold abroad after the Independence started a declination process. Nevertheless, we must point out to that some of them declined in absolute terms -salt meat, tallow and other cattle products-, while another group diminished it participation relatively in the whole export value -wool and hides-. In this paper, we propose the reconstruction of the trajectory of the dirty wool and different types of hides between 1890 and 1913. For such a purpose, we used a new trade series created by us, based on the correction of the official value. For the first time in the historiography the products are related to the destinies. Besides, as a complement, we work with unpublished diplomatic sources as Serie Diplomática y Consular from the Foreign Relations Ministry Archive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the participation of the members of three catholic workers association -Círculo de Obreros de Córdoba, Asociación Artesanos de San José and Sociedad Católica Popular Italiana- to choose their authorities in Córdoba, Argentina during the first decades of the 20th Century. The study allows us to know that, besides, the indirect electoral system applied in the three cases, there are important differences which contributed in different ways to the appropriation of the concept and practice of political citizenship inaugurated in 1912. A diversity of electoral procedures can be found: from a very restricted political position more interested in religion and catholic rituals to one which granted all members the right to choose and be chosen. In the same way, the more "democratic" associations corresponded, as could be expected, to those where internal debate was more regular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legal protection of accumulated and transgenerational developed knowledge by indigenous peoples and local communities, especially those associated with the properties, uses and characteristics of biological diversity, raises some issues and uncertainties. The Intellectual Property Legal Regimen in force, which establishes the basis for the protection of an individual author's work, and the Patent System are not able to protect collective traditional knowledge. The aim of this paper is to discuss not only the limitations that exist in the Argentine legal system to protect them adequately, but also the challenges involved, including from practical problems of registration to deeper issues related to the nature of traditional knowledge and the difficulties to design effective mechanisms to respect the worldview, culture and customary law of the peoples involved and able to prevent their use for commercial applications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the problem of the professionalization of the military forces of the River Plate state in the first half of the 19th century, analyzing the attempts to establish a particular type of discipline and bureaucratic procedures in combat units that had emerged from a very intense popular mobilization. This problem is studied in two times. The regulations governing the administration of the armies and the kind of administrative tasks that were demanded from each officer will first be analyzed. Then this ideal administrative model imported from Europe will be confronted with the realities of its application, through the study of a particular case: the traumatic attempt to transform the Freedom Dragoons -a unit born from the Banda Oriental rural uprising of 1825- into a Line Cavalry Regiment within the Republican Army which was about to open the war against the Brazil. This modest episode, explored through the memoirs of the officer in charge of the reform, will enable us to shed light on the specific constraints encountered by those officials who spoke on behalf of the State and intended to discipline the forces of a people in arms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we analyze the creation of new regulatory institutions, social practices and legal description of the crime in the State of Entre Ríos province, considering the context of the significant changes taking place in society Argentina during the second half of nineteenth century. As is known, in that period the first successful attempts to launch new institutional relationships and socio-economic gained momentum. From the Entre Ríos case study we analyze, first, the institutional changes of the province concerning land laws, tax structure and laws of discipline, as well as the powers of the control of political leaders and justice practices. Secondly, we explore changes in social practices, specifically within the environment of rural production and the labor market. Finally, we focus on the responses of actors to the new regulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Return to the polls and electoral triumph of Peronism in 1973 closed a stage characterized by a deep legitimacy crisis, which had been opened with Perón overthrow in 1955. The political reorganization of the "movement" in the province of Mendoza showed an intermittent tension between those who adhered to the "verticalist peronism" and a group of leaders who built new political parties called "neo-Peronist", whose rise found an end in 1966 gubernatorial elections. Rehabilitation of political activity in 1971 revived the internal fighting among the various Peronist factions, looking for a place in the nominations process for the 1973 elections. Despite the unification of some sectors, the conflict within the party did not end after the victory at the polls, but surfaced soon after the start of the Government of Alberto Martinez Baca. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the decomposition process that Peronism of Mendoza suffered after the overthrow of Perón in 1955, its subsequent reorganization to face the general elections of 1973 and the results of the elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the official proposal for recent history teaching. For such purpose, we draw on national education laws (1993 and 2006), the curricula approved from 1995 to present for the secondary level (at the national level and at the Province of Buenos Aires) and regulations of the commemorations--especially March 24th and September 16th--. This analysis will be made in relation to the representations of memory and the progress of historiography about recent past, to consider up to what extent school contents have witnessed an impact due to changes in these narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]