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Nikolay Gudalov holds a PhD in Political Science and is an Associate Professor at Saint-Petersburg State University (SPbSU). Her research interests include historical sociology, world-systems analysis, political economy, and social identity in historical policing. His areas of teaching and research interests include international migration, South Asian diaspora, transnationalism, and religion. [Extracted from the article]

Nikolay Gudalov holds a PhD in Political Science and is an Associate Professor at Saint-Petersburg State University (SPbSU). Her research interests include historical sociology, world-systems analysis, political economy, and social identity in historical policing. His areas of teaching and research interests include international migration, South Asian diaspora, transnationalism, and religion. [Extracted from the article]

Dr. Sicelo L. Makapela holds a M.A. in Sociology from the University of Connecticut, USA and a PhD in Sociology from the University of Fort Hare, South Africa. Dr. Sicelo L. Makapela holds a M.A. in Sociology from the University of Connecticut, USA and a PhD in Sociology from the University of Fort Hare, South Africa. His major research interests are the international political economy; African political economy; globalization; and socio-economic rights. [Extracted from the article]

With the shift of the world growth gravity from the industrialized countries to the emerging economies, the China-Latin American relationship has greater political and economic implications in the current international power transition. The energy ties between China and Latin America have been significantly strengthened in the oil sector and the China-Venezuela oil cooperation model is a unique example that might explain the dynamics of China's energy interaction with Latin American resource countries. This oil cooperation model is a plural collaboration pattern with the oil sector as the cooperation axis and is extended to the infrastructure, high-tech, agriculture and other sectors under the intergovernmental institutionalized cooperative framework, which is supported by Chinese financial credit. China and Venezuela have high complementarities of energy interest in terms of the oil trade, finance and infrastructure building, based on the two countries' relative economic advantages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intellectual property right (IPR) negotiations during the Uruguay Round (UR) negotiations were characterized by significant disagreement between developed and developing countries. For developing countries, the WTO system might have gone too far on patents. It is particularly true for essential medicines critical to human life and health. The Agreement on Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) of the WTO includes a few provisions on special and differential treatment (SDT) of developing countries. However, these do not specifically mention pharmaceutical products. Patentability of pharmaceutical products may be analysed in light of fairness. From the viewpoint of distributional fairness, this article derives several policy suggestions for pharmaceutical products in fair international economic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following rapid economic development, China's dependence on imported petroleum has been increasing at a pace. In order to prevent an energy shortage that would impede economic development, the Chinese government has come up with a strategy of NOCS 'going out'; this is as an important measure for securing energy safety at the beginning of twenty-first century. However, at a time when nationalization has become widespread among resource-rich countries, the only opportunities for Chinese nocs to implement the 'going out' policy are in politically fragile states. Against this background, Iran and Iraq became important 'going out' destinations of Chinese NOCS. However, the contracts that Chinese NOCS have signed with Iran and Iraq are service contracts. That is to say, by signing this kind of contract, the huge investments made by Chinese NOCS in Iran and Iraq are not equal to their oil or gas interests and the Chinese NOCS are also incapable of ensuring the oil and gas that they produce in both these resource-rich countries are exported to China. As a result, and due to the fact that the needs of the Chinese government with respect to securing stable energy imports, Chinese NOCS' decisions towards investing in Iran and Iraq, as well as the way they manage their projects in these two countries are driven purely by commercial considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]