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The three main programmes of the Geneva-registered International Baccalaureate (IB) have grown substantially worldwide over the past decade, although the programmes have found a natural ‘home’ in the United States. This paper charts the growth of the IB in the United Kingdom (UK) revealing that involvement there, mainly in England and mainly with the original pre-university Diploma Programme (IBDP), peaked at about 230 schools in 2010, but since then the IBDP has begun suddenly to decline. Yet, in no other country has there been a fall in IBDP provision. This paper offers some key explanations for this phenomenon, where a lack of funding and continued lack of university recognition in the face of Advanced Level (A-Level) reform and numerous ‘baccalaureate’ developments has led to many state-funded schools in particular dropping the IBDP. Thirdly, this paper discusses a number of implications, both for the IB itself and education in the UK in general. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Formative assessment has attracted increasing attention from both practitioners and scholars over the last decade. This paper draws on the authors' empirical research conducted over eleven years in educational situations ranging from infant schools to postgraduate education to propose a theorisation of formative assessment. Formative assessment is seen as taking place when teachers and learners seek to respond to student work, making judgements about what is good learning with a view to improving that learning. However, the theorisation emphasises formative assessment as being a discursive social practice, involving dialectical, sometimes conflictual, processes. These bring into play issues of power in which learners' and teachers' identities are implicated and what counts as legitimate knowledge is framed by institutional discourses and summative assessment demands. The paper argues that, rather than only paying attention to the content of learning, an ambition for formative assessment might be to deconstruct these contextual issues, allowing a critical consideration of learning as a wider process of becoming. The article suggests a model that might be useful to teachers and learners in achieving this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since coming to power in 2010, the UK Coalition government in power has implemented a range of reforms in relation to assessment at all stages of education in England. This paper focuses on two assessment reforms relating to children aged five and six years old, and considers their evolution from manifesto commitments to practice in classrooms. These reforms are the introduction of the Phonics Screening Check at age six, and the revised Early Years Foundation Stage Profile at age five. The main focus is on the coherence of these policies, both over time and as part of an overall government strategy on assessment in early years and primary education. It is argued that, despite claims of reducing bureaucracy, these assessment policies are driven by an agenda of increasing accountability in the first years of primary school. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It is tempting to view the Blairite legacy as a simple story of political hypocrisy: a government, swept to power after almost two decades of Conservative rule, promising much but reneging on those commitments and falling back on Thatcherite authoritarian popularism when the going got tough. But that would be too simple a story. The Blairite policy trajectory in relation to race and education reveals problems that are much more deep-rooted, and more significant, than mere political opportunism. The failure to address racism as a structural factor that shapes the assumptions of the education system (embodied in notions of selection, ability and discipline) made possible, maybe even inevitable, a situation where race equality would be sacrificed to the perceived interests and sensitivities of White people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An account is given of the development of a distinctive set of education policies in Wales after devolution of power in 1999. In contrast to policies in England that emphasised consumer choice concerning accountability, and central state 'support' of the profession, Wales chose a more 'producerist' paradigm that emphasised collaboration between educational partners. Differences between the two societies are also in evidence concerning levels of expenditure, and the role of local authorities as delivery mechanisms. Performance data do not suggest that Wales has improved more rapidly than England, although there are considerable difficulties in making these kinds of assessments. Conclusions are drawn concerning the legacy of Welsh educational change for the New Labour/Blairite paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]