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The article presents the cover as well as the list of editorial board members and the table of contents for the issue.

The article presents several announcements, as of July 2021, including the Association for the Study of Nationalities' call for its members to renew membership for 2022, the deadline for the 4th "Nationalities Papers" photo contest and how to subscribe to the periodical "Nationalities Papers."

The article presents information on the cover which features Croatian national football team fans singing the national anthem at the 2016 UEFA European Championships in France, subscription information and table of contents for the issue.

The author reflects on the 50th anniversary of the periodical "Nationalities Papers" in 2022. The anniversary will be celebrated by the Association for the Study of Nationalities at the Annual World Convention. He cites the commitment of the periodical to publish research related to contemporary debates and social scientific fields. He expresses his gratitude to Katrina Swartz for her contribution to the periodical as content manager and welcomes Kayla Riddleberger as her successor.

The article responds to the article "Multiculturalism, Memory, and Ritualization: Ukrainian Nationalist Monuments in Edmonton, Alberta" by Per A. Rudling in volume 39, issue 5 of the periodical. The author claims that Rudling unfairly portrays Ukrainian Canadians as nationalistic, anti-Semitic, and supportive of participants in the Holocaust. Topics include allegations of Ukrainian collaboration with Nazi occupiers during World War II, the relations among different groups of Ukrainian immigrants, and the nature of Canadian multiculturalism.

This article focuses on the journal "Nationalities Papers." This issue is dedicated to the research and analysis of a number of scholars whose work continues to illuminate issues related to the disintegration of Yugoslavia at the end of the twentieth century. Amid all of the bitter debates about the Yugoslav conflicts, few would deny the pivotal role that history has played in shaping people's minds in the region. Understandably, but unfortunately, each national group has tended to employ its own array of facts, many of which are either distorted or blatantly untrue.

Lists the annotated bibliography in the March 2002 issue of the 'Nationalities Papers' journal.

Lists index to subject fields and topics published in the March 2002 issue of the 'Nationalities Papers' journal. Subject fields employed in the index.

An expanding literature on money and identity is built around the assumption that political elites deliberately use currency design to foster national identities. However, the empirical evidence in favor of this assumption has been fragmentary. Drawing on detailed primary sources we demonstrate nationalist intentions of political elites involved in currency design. We also examine how political elites use banknotes as official pronouncements on who is and who is not part of the nation and what the official attitude toward foreigners is. By tracing changes in the inclusive and exclusive messages directed at an intra-state or international audience we document that there is no connection between ingroup (national) love and outgroup (foreigners, minorities, opposition) hate. The amount of exclusive messages to outgroups culminated in conditions of perceived threat when political leaders tried to mobilize pre-existing identities to secure or maintain political power. In contrast, the officials deliberately tried to broaden ingroup boundaries in order to build international communities. Finally, we document that in the case of limited support for the new conception of identity, officials tried to depict the old and the new identity as complementary, embedding the new identity in existing discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers notes from the editor-in-chief regarding the first issue of "Nationalities Papers," the flagship journal of the Association for the Study of Nationalities in partnership with Cambridge University Press (CUP).

The political landscape of the radical right has long been a major discussion point in the political and social sciences. By considering the variety of radical right organizations (movement parties and non-parliamentary organizations) and the particular national and transnational political and discursive opportunity structures, the paper aims at a comparative analysis of the main discursive frames present in political programs and manifestoes of radical right social movement organizations and movement parties in Poland (Konfederacja Wolność i Niepodległość and Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny) and Germany (Alternative für Deutschland and Identitäre Bewegung Deutschland). Moreover, based on approaches developed by Cas Mudde and Jens Rydgren, this article analyses how the features presumed essential to the radical right (nativism, authoritarianism and populism) are reflected and interconnected in the official discourses of the selected radical right organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article announces the annual photo contest launched by the journal "Nationalities Papers" wherein the photos submitted by the scholars will be judged based on their content, synthesis and visually compelling insights about nationalism, ethnicity or migration.

Image and reputation are key factors in how nations are perceived by global audiences. Current and historical issues can pose as challenges to a nation's reputation prompting the need to save face. The Armenian genocide is one of the most critical issues the Republic of Turkey has had to manage in terms of its global image and reputation. While the vast body of literature on the subject borrows from history and political science focusing on the mechanism of denial, this paper offers a communication framework to understand the rhetoric of Turkey's image repair. Turkey's crisis communication strategies vis-à-vis the centennial of the Armenian genocide are analyzed by employing Benoit's image repair theory through a content analysis of official statements and declarations by the heads of state given in 2014 and 2015. In response to the emerging political crisis, the Turkish government primarily employed image repair strategies of evading responsibility and reducing offensiveness with the aim to appeal to international audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previews articles about ethnic survival published in the March 2001 issue of the journal 'Nationalities Papers.' Authors who represent Russia's Finno-Ugrians; Introduction to the lives of eastern Finno-Ugrians; Eastern Finno-Ugrians' shared historical experiences within Russia; Positive and adverse developments concerning Finno-Ugrians in the 1990s.

The article examines the political and cultural processes of nation-building over thirty years of independence in Belarus. It argues that in becoming a nation-state Belarus has faced challenges similar to the other post-Soviet nations but has proved an exception in the choice of strategies it used to address them. The paper examines how, on the eve of independence, the nationalist elites devised policies aimed at consolidating statehood around the national revival in opposition to the Soviet past. It explores the role played by linguistic policy and historical memory as the two main arenas for implementing their visions of Belarusian identity. The paper then maps a shift in this trajectory from Lukashenka's rise to power to a national project based on reappropriation of Soviet legacy. Up until 2020, the state effectively navigated a geopolitical environment and adjusted its sociocultural parameters to preempt the society's shifting expectations. Finally, the paper reflects on how protests in 2020 demonstrated both the lack of support for Lukashenka and his reliance on the violent repression and external support for remaining in power. The war in Ukraine revealed limits of Belarus's sovereignty, while the society's ability to consolidate for its defense has been seriously undermined by the repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the changing paradigms in the official politics of memory as linked to the rise of populism and authoritarian democracy in Serbia, focusing on the appropriation of the People's Liberation Movement and the victory against fascism in the Second World War. The article places the memory of the Second World War in the framework of anticommunism and ethnicization as dominant prisms of historical interpretation within state-sanctioned memory politics in contemporary Serbia. Understanding the populist memory politics in Serbia as based on the dichotomy of heroism and victimhood, this article focuses on the heroic aspect of the dominant narratives as exemplified in the notion of Serbia's liberation wars. The Victory Day and Day of Liberation of Belgrade are in focus as the most prominent commemorative events that illuminate the tendency of memory appropriation. After theoretical consideration about authoritarianism in Serbia, populism and memory politics and a brief background on the notion of liberation wars, the article moves on to the analysis of memory politics. The study is based on media discourses, state papers and observation of official commemorations and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The section offers a look at the back cover of the "Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity" and some information about membership for the Association for the Study of Nationalities and its table of contents.

The section offers a look at the front cover and some information about the editorial staff and content of issue 3 of "Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity."

The present article critically evaluates the contribution of the Shevchenko Scientific Society, USA, and the founder of the Association for the Study of Nationalities (ASN), Stepan Horak, to the genesis and development of the ASN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers updates on the journal "Nationalities Papers," including its more direct engagement with current events and its readership, the increased interest received by its special issue on Russia's war on Ukraine, and the significance of its peer review process.

Presents an essay and list of books and pamphlets published in the March 2002 issue of the 'Nationalities Papers' journal. Basic core of the Annotated Bibliography; 'Devolution in Central Asia, 1990-2000.'

Lists the contributors to the March 2002 issue of the 'Nationalities Papers' journal. Annette Bohr; Yuri Bregel; Erika Dailey.

Suggests how to use the annotated bibliography published in the March 2002 issue of the 'Nationalities Papers' journal.

Switzerland is widely known for its successful integration of linguistic and religious minorities. At the same time, a prolonged absence from the collegial, seven-member central government can give rise to feelings of political exclusion. This begs the question whether inclusion really has the desired, let any alone any effect on political behavior. This paper makes use of the frequent use of referendums in Switzerland to assess the extent to which citizens vote differently when somebody from their canton of residence sits in the central government. Studied are all the 670 nationwide referendums held between 1848 and February 2022. Analyzed are cantonal turnout, approval rates, likelihood to vote as the federal government recommends, and chances of being overruled by the state-wide majority. The three main findings are that 1) government inclusion is indeed significantly associated with some of the positive effects theorized, 2) on average, these effects are very small, but also that 3) there are some stark cross-cantonal differences, which are due mostly to national minority languages. In short, including minorities matters more than including majorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to the journal is presented on topics including nationality and ethnicity; history of ethnic; and nationalism.

Since the end of the second Chechen campaign, the North Caucasus counterinsurgency has experienced the shift from military involvement toward prevalence of law enforcement instruments. This paper discusses the composition of repressive tactics that the Russian state developed as a result of the two decades long evolution of a counter strategy designed to eliminate illegal armed groups operating in the North Caucasus. It is focused on the late stages of conflict (2007-2014) when the violence that had spread across the region started in the early 2000s had symbolically culminated in 2007 with the proclamation of the Caucasian Emirate. This paper advances a reconceptualization of the Russian counterinsurgency by devising an analysis of indiscriminate and discriminate repressive tactics. It demonstrates that security agencies incorporated more selective uses of violence into their tactics, thereby reducing the number of indiscriminate violent actions to an insignificant level. Moreover, along with selective violence, security institutions reinforced their effort by conducting preventive work such as the detection of secret caches of weapons, seizures, and arrests. Findings regarding the current composition of repressive tactics are illustrated by means of new disaggregated media-based data that were especially collected and analyzed to form the basis of this research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the role of Russian print media and government in forming and publicizing nationalist sentiment through a content analysis of newspaper coverage of ethnic conflict in Stavropol in 2007. It shows that though the government officially pursues an inclusive multicultural approach (which I call associative nationalism), newspapers owned by Kremlin-loyal business holdings printed quite nationalist and sensationalist versions of the events in question. I argue that this is a passive promotion of a dissociative type of nationalism on the part of the Kremlin, which works against its stated purposes of bringing together all those in the Russian territory into a united national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares politics in two cities, Mariupol and Kramatorsk, located near the frontline between Ukraine-controlled Donetsk Oblast and the Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR). The DPR controlled these cities in the spring of 2014, but Ukraine recaptured them. Both cities are company towns, in which owners/managers of dominant factories, nicknamed job-givers, have a decisive voice in the city’s decision-making. This paper compares how leaders of the two cities reacted to the expansion of Rinat Akhmetov’s business empire before the Donbas War, and to DPR paramilitaries during the war. The two cities diverged decisively in the post-war reconstruction because Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko succeeded in splitting two major companies and making one of them pro-presidential in Kramatorsk. As a result, electoral politics in Kramatorsk became highly competitive, while one-party dominance of the Opposition Bloc (former Party of Regions) continues in Mariupol. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Russian migration and citizenship regime as encountered by forced migrants from Ukraine who fled to Russia during the period of 2014-2016. Based on legal and other official documents, media articles, and interviews, it gives an account of these migrants’ reception in Russia in theory and practice. Russia made great efforts to accommodate them, and in Russian media they were often spoken of as an easily integrated labor resource and as potential citizens. In 2015-2016, around 165,000 Ukrainians acquired Russian citizenship. While ethno-cultural similarity does privilege Ukrainian migrants in Russia, full asylum has been granted sparingly, and citizenship is not unconditionally granted. As this paper shows, Russian authorities have rather tried to control and distribute these forced migrants for the benefit of the state, according to principles of selectivity and economic interests - giving privileged access to permanent residency and citizenship to working-age people willing to settle in regions where population growth and more workers are deemed necessary. However, permanent residency and citizenship are also available to those able to circumvent or pay their way through the obstacles encountered - taking advantage of the flexibility inherent in a system that is not totally consistent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]