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This article focuses on the democratic nationality. In Europe the idea of national polity is most nearly approached in the British Constitution; where, though the forms of royalty are still maintained, Parliament is omnipotent; and the voice of the. Commons, swollen by the voice of popular assemblies outside of Parliament, makes the nation felt as a power, though the people are still limited in suffrage, and though land, office, and social consideration are largely monopolized by the nobility. In Germany the full realization of nationality is still hindered by vicious and cumbersome political divisions, making the states a pasture ground for petty princes; while France vibrates from the extreme of popular sovereignty to that of imperial absolutism. Nevertheless the tendency of the modern period of society with which we stand connected is toward nationalization, and against either a feudal federation or a despotic centralization.

The struggle between fascism and communism in Europe has raised the question whether the democracies should passively view this struggle from the sidelines or meet the challenge of aggressive dictatorships even at the risk of war. Spain's experience proves that a policy of non-intervention, unless strictly enforced, plays into the hands of potential war-makers. The pacific nations in their desire to avoid war observe the restrictions, while the dictatorships disregard them. France and Great Britain have sought to justify this policy on the ground that the non-intervention agreement, with all its loopholes, has so far prevented the war from spreading beyond the confines of Spain.

The article focuses on crisis of legitimacy faced by Europe. Topics discussed include the issues of disintegration also faced by the continent, proposed programs for all European countries, a European New Deal (END) proposed by the Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25) and reasons for saving the European Union.

Presents several letters to the editor, on political conditions of the U.S. Role of U.S. President Woodrow Wilson, in restoring democracy at Princeton, New Jersey; Views of Europe, on political conditions of the U.S.

This article presents information regarding the political situation in Eastern Europe. With Boris Yeltsin triumphantly defying the establishment in Moscow, Lech Walesa guiding the Polish opposition into Parliament and Imre Pozsgay, a member of the Hungarian Politburo, arguing in Budapest that his party should drop its "dogmatic wing" and strike an alliance with the country's social democrats, it can be said that the era of Communist Party rule by divine right is over in Eastern Europe. The three countries setting the pace on this journey toward democracy are not following exactly the same road or advancing at quite the same speed.

The unexpected and decisive victory for woman suffrage in New York is reason for the most heartfelt rejoicing. Democracy has taken a great step forward, all the more gratifying because it has occurred in war time. The Empire State, it was felt, would be the last to surrender. Conservatism, plus the German-American vote, plus the influence wielded by the liquor interests, would, it was believed, make this the last State north of Mason and Dixon's Line to accept this notable reform. But the victory is here, stunning in its surprise, far-reaching in its influence, for it breaks the backbone of the Northern opposition and will have a tremendous effect not only throughout the U.S., but in Europe as well.

This article focuses on the political developments in various parts of the world. There are signs that Labor is beginning to realize its interest in the question of a national expansion which would bring within the limits of the United States millions of people of inferior Asiatic races, at a time when many are insisting that the country already suffers from too large an infusion of the inferior races of Europe, and when there are rigorous laws against the admission of the Chinese. The most striking feature of the very impressive meeting of the New York bar in Carnegie Hall last Friday was the speech of Bourke Cockran, with its graphic picture of what bossism is and what it means in a democracy.

This article discusses the books "Plot and Counterplot in Central Europe," by M.W. Fodor, and "I Knew Hitler. The Story of a Nazi Who Escaped the Blood-Purge," by Kurt G.W. Lüdecke. It is significant that what emerges from Fodor's book is the picture of a new Europe in the making rather than of a dying, suicidal Europe. These plots and counter-plots seem to be the action and pains of rebirth. The antagonism, fascism versus democracy, is not decisive, since both are only different political forms and methods of the same economic order.

This article focuses on the impact of Hitlerism in Germany as well as in rest of Europe. In Central Europe, the old heart of the storm, the old international pivot Hitlerism has produced its most suggestive results so far. There is confusion amounting almost to chaos in the politics of the Danube basin since the advent of Adolf Hitler. Germans in Hungary are Nazis when they are not Jews. Even the Swabians in Rumania and the semi-Germans in Bukovina feel the Swastika itch. Austria is, of course, quivering on the brink, but of Austria more anon. Hitlerism has served to impair democracy almost everywhere and to grease the elbows of the dictators.

This article focuses on the an article by Joyce Cary published in the March issue of the journal "Harper's," on the belief that one of the end-products of modern industrial democratic society is and must be the mass mind. He subscribed to this belief himself, he says, until he went to administer the affairs of a primitive tribe in Africa-and found that the tribal mind was much more truly a mass mind than anything I had known in Europe. He takes, one by one, the arguments usually invoked to prove that individuality is vanishing from the Western world and shows that they are actually evidences of the opposite tendency.

The facts indicate that the Swedes have turned the coldest of cold shoulders to every invitation to join the "Nordic circle" and have found a way, in the field of the arts, to give an overwhelming vote of confidence to democracy. The German Ministry of Propaganda has spared neither effort nor money to crowd out the cultural influence of the Western democracies. A veritable horde of cultural emissaries---officials, writers, movie stars, university professors--has descended upon Sweden. The atrocities Committed by the Nazis in occupied Europe, especially in neighboring Norway, are publicly condemned from all Swedish pulpits, and congregations are exhorted to pray for their tortured brethren of Israel's tribe.

This article presents information on the law and order situation in Siberia under the democratic leadership of admiral Aleksandr Kolchak. It is opined that by recognizing Kolchak's government, Europe will make an irreparable blunder and do immeasurable wrong to the whole Soviet democracy, which is suffering hunger and losing blood, but which will finally survive and not succumb under the heavy trials of the day. One of the reason which is being given for not recognizing Kolchak's said democratic government is: the government was not formed by any responsible groups but was born only after the elimination by force of the committee of members of the all-Russian Constituent Assembly.

The article examines Pacifists' opinion in England related to the future reconstruction of Europe. The recent manifesto of the National Peace Council may, perhaps, be taken as an epitome of the general desires of the more rigidly pacifist reconstructionists. This aims at a permanent Congress of Nations, organized on a popular basis, and lays great stress on open diplomacy and the democratic control of foreign relations. It is, apparently, silent as to sanction and as to the handling of recalcitrants.

The first-duty of world citizenship in the years to come is to preserve democracy against the efforts of fascism to survive military defeat. It will not be an easy task, because we shall arrive at the end of the European war victorious but under the handicap of the lack of a democratic policy in the conduct of the war. Collective democratic security is the pledge of the most alert liberal elements in every country to strike down any single fascist regime, which tries to survive the military defeat of the Axis powers. The author denies entirely that there is a possibility of peace, of freedom in Europe or in the world so long as a single fascist regime is allowed to survive.