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The subject of this paper is the contemporary process of reconstruction – rather than simply construction – of the Guatemalan nation-state. The paper focuses on the unifying role played by the education system within the new Guatemalan national project and will show how schools today still contribute to establishing a sense of national identity. Since the 1996 Peace Agreements there has been a redefinition of the Guatemalan national identity, giving it a multi-ethnic and multicultural dimension, and it has been the role of schools to convey that identity. An analysis of the centrepiece of the education reform initiated in 2005 – the CNB with its syllabuses and methods for primary school – will illustrate how important the school system is in the national reconstruction project. This paper will first show what features of the nation school is supposed to teach. In a second part, we will have a look at the new approach to didactics the new ideology entailed. Lastly, we will mention the possible obstacles to the implementation of such a sweeping reform which lacks adequate means and for which people are not totally prepared.

This paper proposes to make visible the Nosotras journalʼs positions disseminated about war, militarism, and peace during its existence (1902-1904). Indeed, those times witnessed a world context that already announced the great wars of the twentieth century. For this purpose, we selected different interventions referring to these topics, paying special attention to those of its director, María Abella de Ramírez. She dealt specially with the civil war in Uruguay. At the same time, the paper aspires to contribute to the characterization of this publication which, despite its importance, has been little studied in a systematical mode or as a cultural object.

This paper will present preliminary reflections of an ethnographic investigation of the judicial process called “The Cause of the Judges” (9002/03 and 300029/12), included in “Megacausa III”, by the Oral Federal Criminal Court of Santiago del Estero, Argentina. This process, which took fourteen years to complete, reached trial in 2016/17 with the indictment, for the first time in the province, of two judicial officials for crimes against humanity committed during the last dictatorship in the country (1976/1983). For this purpose we explore the concept of "technical impunity" from Wlasic (2010), that means, the implementation of measures and actions aimed at delaying, limiting or preventing the prosecution of those responsible for genocidal practices. We take as a corpus of analysis the documents of the process of this case: initial complaints, investigations, resolutions, appeals filed at various levels. In this paper, we therefore attempt to reconstruct the battery of practices that implemented the political decision to (non)judge some of the leaders of the last Argentine dictatorship in “The Cause of the Judges” and the context, or that provincial political-politico-judicial plot into which this case is inserted and which acts as a limitation on the possibility of counter-justice: of being able to exercise a judicial type of act with respect to a defendant who generally escapes justice (Foucault, 1979: 73).

With Carlos Leppe’s work, performance emerged in Chile in the middle of the 1970s in response to the representational crisis generated by the dictatorship (1973-1989). This crisis not only caused a general reorganization of Arts in Chile but it also reshaped its means of reception. In a moment where the relationship between body and violence is crucial, body art gets a notoriously contextual role and representative of this experience. At the same time that it keeps a hermetic language trying to stay away from the mimetic function of art. Trough this paradox this paper analyzes how Carlos Leppe’s work calls for the visualization of a « body in conflict » generating a particular corporal aesthetic within performative arts in Chile. Finally, trough the current reception of the performance’s images, this paper examines the intrinsic relation between body, image and memory

Decoding the nonverbal aspects of semantics of rituals is unusual in the studies of the Indian societies of Mexico. In the continuation of new anthropological research about the figurative language of rituals, this paper deals with the study of two food offerings’s figurative metaphors deposited during the ceremonies of rainy petition celebrated around a natural abyss in the central part of the State of Guerrero (Mexico). The paper focus on the analysis of the nonverbal semantic and figurative meanings that can establish a persuasive communication with the entities holders of the subsistence. Two offerings are compared : the xochimesa and the chitatli. The first one consists in displaying on the ground all of the food items which constitute the ritual deposit and the second is conformed by a ritual container made of a agave filled with food which is thrown in the abyss and has to reach the bottom without overturning. The third « culinary transfer » is made between the participants of the ritual commensality. The analysis underlines the existence of temporal metaphors expressed with the food ritual deposit and representing the agricultural cycle to come. The conclusion introduces an additional idea, the syncretism. The author distinguishes the xochimesa which can be integrated into a Catholic idea of the exchanges between God and men by the allowed commensality between the ritual actors and air nature of entities, and the chitatli based on the sacrifice, lack of human commensality and chthonian powers which refuse assimilation.

The objective of this paper is to know the image of the indigenous communities in the Venezuelan cinema (1998-2008), and the representation of these ethnics groups, through the definition of “national identity” in contemporary Venezuela, especially since the struggles of the indigenous people for their cultural and ethnic survival, their defense of their land, and their political and economic self-determination.It is important to remember that in 1968, during the first government of Rafael Caldera (1969-1974), the country began a “new indigenous policy”, in the midst of the economic desarrollista model implanted for this government, called the conquest of the South [la Conquista del Sur], which also allowed a new ethnographic and socio-anthropological approach to the indigenous communities, from different filmmakers formed in Venezuela and abroad. This paper presents a preliminary film inventory of this filmography, as a representative example of fictional films and documentaries, with indigenous theme, to know the representation of this population in the current Venezuelan “audiovisual imagery”, during this particular time.

The paper reflects on two decades of military dictatorships in Argentina and Brazil (mid-sixties to mid-eighties) and its impact on the restructuring of the labor movement in both countries. It is our belief that historical delineation is essential for the changes imposed on Argentine and Brazilian working-class traditions. From the comparative approach adopted, we consider the contributions made ​​to the academic literature in this period hinge Latin American labor struggle and we analyze the continuities and ruptures that imposed repressive context to working class traditions: peronist, class, communist and cutista (Unified Workers´ Central Brazil). In the paper we reflect on the early years of the repressive policies adopted to oppress the radical working inside and outside the factory. Also, we address the sources of trade union opposition unleashed in both scenarios, understanding them as political vertices social resistance to the dictatorships. Finally, we analyze the consequences of the state repression on the labor movement; in terms of understanding its impact on workers traditions reconfiguration that occurred in only two decades.

In the early twentieth century, the fear of cosmopolitan immigration crowd, led to a large number of Argentine intellectuals and politicians to consider the need to create a sense of belonging to the nation, to build an Argentine identity that allows to "nationalize" the immigrant conglomerate. Most of the artistic and cultural expressions of the period were functional to this project of the dominant class, including cinema, which revealed as an ideal vehicle for the configuration of this collective imaginary, excluded the social criticism and omitted the presence of the subaltern classes. But, in the decade after the Centennial of the Revolution of May of 1810, appeared a series of films that gave visibility to both the political and social problems, and the subaltern groups. This paper discusses Nobleza Gaucha, the first film in those series, emphasizing its representation of subaltern groups, immigrants and natives, which involves considering its particular reinterpretation of “criollismo” and its quest for realism, defiantly for hegemonic discourses.

Since the last decades of the past Century Spain became the country of destination for many immigrants, including Argentinians. Many of them were descendants of Spaniards who recovered their ancestors’ nationality. Therefore they were “returning” Spaniards, even though many of them had never set foot in Spain before. In this paper we analyze the caracteristics of these /returnees/, and the motivations that caused them to move to this country.

In this paper, we heed the recent call by migration and urban studies scholars to bring questions of space, locality and culture squarely into discussions of immigrant incorporation. While many urban studies scholars focus on how specific “global cities” influence and are influenced by worldwide economic restructuring, they do not pay enough attention to how migration affects these processes. In contrast, migration scholars around the world, but in the United States in particular, have produced a large body of work on new destinations and contexts of reception. Much of this work fails to consider how these contexts are embedded in larger geopolitical fields in ways that make them more or less receptive to newcomers. Moreover, this work privileges the economic characteristics of localities without paying sufficient attention to the variations in cultural resources particular sites bring to bear on processes of incorporation. More complete and compelling explanations for why certain places integrate immigrants with greater success than others need to take scale and culture into account. In this study of two small, post-industrial cities, we argue that important variations in how cities create and deploy what we call their cultural armature, including differences in urban self-presentation, the prevailing ethos toward immigrants, how culture is harnessed in service of urban renewal projects, and how history and political economy influence the available cultural apparatus explain much of the variation in our two contexts of reception.

The history of Central America, too often drowned in a global history of Latin America, has many singularities- such as the Independence, which was conquered not by the weapons of a popular upheavals but with a piece of paper covered in ink. Moreover, the Independence of Guatemala in 1821 was soon threatened by the annexation of Central America to the Mexican Empire of Iturbide, before a Federation of United Provinces was created, whose life was short but eventful. This birth raises many questions: how can one define a founding and unifying event in which the people had not taken part? How can one pass on its memory? Such are the questions guiding this study of the Independence as it is told in the late 19th century Liberal Guatemala history schoolbooks- at the time when the national history was shaped by Marure and Montufar and the compulsory, public school was founded, making the building of a common past possible.

The illegal immigration of Mexicans in the 1980s from the Huasteca Region of Puebla to the U.S. represents a new phase of the historic cycle of migrations that started with the Bracero Migratrion Program in the decade of the 1940s. Contrasting the latter with the ‘new’ migration in the municipality of Pahuatlán, Puebla, is one of the purposes of this paper. We will document the change of lifestyle centered in production oriented to supply the regional and national demand, towards a different type of production, developed in the context of the expansion of global capitalism and the consolidation of a transnationalized market. The analysis is based on ethnographic work and in-depth interviews. The analysis deals with the perceptions and the meanings which participants attribute to practices and events lived from unequal positions in the scheme of relationships of social class, ethniticy and gender, which make them subjects, and at the same time they contribute to the shape of these schemes.

Since the end of the 19th century, in its will to assimilate the Amerindian Mapuche populations to its republican ideology of liberal tradition, the Argentinean state led to their invisibilisation more than their disappearance. Thus, in a context where « the Argentinean national identity » had to present an ethnic, linguistic and religious unity, the idea emerged that in Argentina: « there are no more indigenous people ». However, in the two last decades, the organizations defending the rights of the indigenous populations have proposed new forms of citizenship and have been negotiating alternative modes of social and political organization with the state.« Blanchie » in the title of my paper has a double meaning in French and refers – perhaps in a somewhat impertinent way – not only to the process of assimilation of the indigenous people in the Argentinean Nation (here it would be « whitening ») but also to the negation of the various attempts (not only military but also political, social, cultural, legal, etc) aiming at making disappear the indigenous cultures which are (almost) never regarded as reprehensible actions (here it would be « bleaching »).

The central objective of this paper is analyze the patriotic speech associated to Simon Bolívar –Venezuelan General of early part of XIX Century that was the principal political and military leader of independents process of his country- like as key element in the constitution of nationalist discourse in Venezuela. For a better argumentative construction, we are going to divide the text in three sections. First, «Bolivar and Bolivarian tradition in Venezuela» consider how has been constructed the Venezuelan national identity throughout the image of Bolivar : it’s the historical position of processes, analyzed in long term. Therefore, «Bolivar like as reference of Nation according to Bolivarian Revolution», we are going to consider the production of nationalist discourse in a more restricted and contemporary temporal horizon, that is to say the political processes after 1992, constituted like government since 1999. Finally, trying to answer the question «Can be criticized the Bolivarian Reason?», We are going to articulate the elements that have to be consider to understand how people consider that position like a real natural order of things. In this way, We are trying to analyzed the position occupied by Bolivar in the processes of identitive construction in Venezuela.

The making of the State, the Nation and the Nation-State in Bolivia has been an endless quest since the foundation of the Republic in 1825. However there are two stages of significant importance: the first one, during the 50’s, when the National Revolutionary Movement (MNR) allows the transition from modernization to modernity with the universal suffrage, the agrarian reform and several nationalizations without recognizing the radical otherness of the Indian; the second stage, during the 90’s, when the successive governments vote a «pluriethnical» Constitution as well as laws of popular participation. This process comes to a climax with the election of the Indian President Evo Morales in December 2005. Among issues discussed in this paper: How can we define national identity–ies? What is the significance of the «pluri-multi» concept? What do we mean by «ethnical availability»? What is the impact of the «rebellious cycle»? What new patterns of economic development? What alternative models of territorial organization? What relationship between social movements, political parties and the State? How can avoid the threat of bipolarization?

Integration demands a redefinition of the identity of those that migrate as well as of those who stay. In this paper we argue that in the case of Mexican migrants to the United States religious practices play an important role in redefining their identity. Two main aspects are analyzed: the importance of religious practice in the socialization process of newcomers as well as the use of old traditional rites, such as celebrating Patron Saints, in the redefinition of ties with the home community.

During the second half of the XX° century military regimes took over the political structures of many Latin American countries sending into exile thousands of persons. Mexico was one of the many countries that received them. This paper analyses from a general perspective some of the characteristics of the Latin American exile, their integration as well as their participation in the host society and how they have contributed to a better understanding of the specific problems related to migration and exile during the period under consideration.

This paper analyses the political conflicts in three Central American countries: Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala as well as the migratory process that was created as a result of the politically forced displacement of populations and how it affects two countries, Mexico and the United States. Through the years the structural form of this migration has been modified inducing a change in the immigration laws and the aid given to refugees. Undocumented migrants, a majority of the displaced population, are more likely to be deported from the countries where they hope to find refuge.

This essay analyzes five texts — a short story and four essays — that contribute to the political debates happening during the U.S invasion in the Dominican Republic, and which were published in Spanish newspapers (La Vanguardia and Hojas Selectas) as well as the Dominican paper (La Conquista) between 1918 y 1921. This essay reads these articles through an affective lens to analyze how does Abigail Mejía employ her writing to generate affects and how she manages the affects produced by the American invasion.

This paper analyzes the strategies carried out by a group of men and women upon their return to Ecuador after a migratory period of over a decade in Spain. These returning migrants are beneficiaries of the Cucayo subsidy provided by the Ecuadorian state in order to facilitate their self-employment. This public policy, managed by the National Secretary of Migration between 2008 and 2012, must be understood in the context of economic crisis in Spain and political economic and social institutional reforms in Ecuador. A qualitative study based on interviews with members from families in both countries, analyzed from gender and generational perspectives, puts into question the central role of entrepreneurship in return processes. The promoted strategy of starting a business can only be understood when considered in conjunction with other individual and family aspects of migrants’ experiences. These include affective ties, the organization of care, daughters and sons’ education and other employment opportunities. The dynamic articulation of these elements in migration processes must take into account class, gender and age differences, as well as the composition of the family unit.

The aim of this paper is to show how changes in the marriages have resulted in residential retreats and economic arrangements. They have created - or recreated - power relationships, subordination and gender inequality for women in their households. But these power relationships, subordination and gender inequalities emanate not only from the relations between couples in marital homes. Trends, such as the non-formation or dissolution of unions have shifted relationships, imbalances, tensions, conflicts, traditional gender violence, from the relationship of the spouse and his family -as was traditional in Mexico- to the original domestic group of the women. That is where new imbalances and gender subordination have emerged, framing the lives of women today. The new phase of the Mexico-US migration has tended to exacerbate these demographic trends and domestic tensions within the original domestic group of the women.

Projects and programs of international cooperation are diverse and cover multiple fields of action. The international development cooperation (IDC) is a tool to which is given lots of attention since it pretends to include, in equal proportion, donors and recipients of international aid. However, the evaluation of these projects has long been discussed and there is still no consensus on the “good practices” to adopt. This is an issue for the evaluation and execution of development projects. This study fits in the actual IDC panorama where this difficulty remains, even 60 years after the beginning of its history. As Edgar Morin said in 1995: « La connaissance est une navigation dans un océan d’incertitudes à travers des archipels de certitudes »”. This paper focuses on the principle of reciprocity, based on six inter-connected elements of reciprocity that are considered as fundamental for cooperation to work for all actors involved. The six elements are communication, trust, fairness, we-identity, reputation and enforcement. Through a bibliometric analysis of published productions on this specific topic, I will demonstrate that there is a gap in the literature when using those principles for IDC analysis. Meta-analysis variables are used to this end, such as co-authorship, geographic distribution of authors' institutions of affiliation or citations.

This paper examines the evolution of the study of international migrations from Latin American feminist perspectives. Its goal is to demonstrate that debates in this field have not only gendered our understanding of international migration, but also become strategic sites to rethink other areas such as globalization and family. First, I examine the turn taken by studies of migrant women and domestic work toward a focus on care in order to analyze how women’s migration generated new reflections on social reproduction and the family in the context of globalization. Second, I look at how the migration experience of women provides us with the means to rethink the migrant family by engaging with the concepts of the transnational family and the circularity of care. In both cases, I look at how these discussions about the organization of care and transnational families lead to questions about citizenship and rights beyond the nation state.

The high level of feminization in the international migration in major cities, both from the North and the South, challenges us to study gender, labor and migration relationships in middle- sized cities in the context of globalization, from the perspective of the geography of gender. Comodoro Rivadavia, a Patagonian city linked to the global economy through the oil and fishing industries, is growing rapidly as well as it attracts the new flows, especially the Bolivians. It consists of a familiar migration featured by a gender- labor division, with evidences of female empowerment. The agency ability as regards the Bolivian women entry into the market, which shows the differences and the passage from subordination to empowerment positions, is explained in this paper, taking into account their migration paths, analyzed through qualitative techniques. This article deals with, in the first place, the women migration and particularly those of Bolivians, in the Comodoro Rivadavia's migration diversity. Secondly, the three types of women occupation, salaried and precarious as well as workers in fishing industries and in the domestic sector and other merely business entrepreneurs are examined. Finally, the impact of these gender and labor relationships through appropriation of space and everyday mobility within the urban space are questioned in this article.

This paper presents the main results of a research which objective was to analyze the intergenerational social mobility strategies of Argentine youngsters and their families settled in the Autonomous Community of Galicia, in Spain, at the beginning of this century. An ethnographical methodology using a multisided approach has guided a large field work with ten family groups, which members were settled between Galicia, in Spain, and the Province of Buenos Aires, in Argentina. The measurements in educational and professional categories have taken into account the generation of the parents and that of that of children, that’s to say, from an intergenerational point of view. Results have shown upward educational mobility between generations but poor results in regard to young migrants’ professional insertion.

Bolivian women migrate within Bolivia as well as to foreign countries, mostly to Argentina and Spain. Those migrations became an increasing economic resource for the country. Many of these women take jobs as domestic workers. In Spain, working class migrants and middle class migrants share similar experiences and work conditions. In the meantime, in Bolivia a law on domestic workers status was adopted in 2003 and since 2005 Evo Morales’ governments adopted symbolic measures in favor of the domestic workers : domestic workers’ status thus improved. This paper questions the potential relations between the increasing and very diverse women work migrations and the discriminations domestic workers still suffer in Bolivia.

Taking into consideration the works of two women visual artists who we interviewed, this paper aims to explain the episodic and ambiguous interactions that these artists had with feminist ideas during the 1970s. This was a pivotal period for Colombia in three ways: the government opted for repression, guerrillas controlled the urban areas, and feminist groups spread to the country’s main cities. They did not have an important impact on the local art scene: in fact, most of the women visual artists considered these groups too radical. When they appeared, drawing was revitalized, artists tested news materials and the body took on new meanings. In a context of artistic renaissance and sexual liberation, the question of the female body progressively conquered the local artistic production. Whether examined by activists or by sceptics, this question and its generalization reveal the scope of the feminist ideas.

This paper will, from reflections on issues of racial geographies and black women in the African Diaspora, emphasize the performance of black girls' feminism and community activism in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil through a martial art arena, boxing. Gender and race relations will be discussed intertwined with issues of peripheral feminisms, sports politics and activism, since these black women are boxers and active in their communities through their professions as athletes. The plot is made through daily situations involving these boxers and their ways of producing communities, bodies, and feminist political projects in the peripheries.

The city of El Alto, currently the second largest city in Bolivia after Santa Cruz, was a suburb of the city of La Paz until March 6 of 1985. It then became the capital city of the fourth section of the province of Murillo, and later in independent city in September 1988.The government reports and newspapers in those years indicate that this transformation of El Alto was the result of the thrust of its organized neighbors, mostly based at the Frente de Unidad y Renovación Independiente de El Alto.Surprisingly the literature misses to connect the process of city formation with a 16 days general strike led by the COB and the mine workers in March 1985. The strike centered in the city of La Paz and had the support of the Federation of Housewives, college students, factory workers and farmers. The main economic demand was to have higher minimum wage with regular pay raises, challenging the neoliberal policies of President Siles Suazo to address hyperinflationary times.The strike was ended by the leadership of the COB despite the willingness of grassroots groups of workers and housewives pushing to continue with the strike action. This decision gave priority to the trade union leadership at the expense of developing democratic decision making processes among workers sectors. Without an alternative path when the strike ended, the action of the miners was powerless and ended up defeated, and the ruling class found a way out of the crisis through the early elections of July 1985. This election allowed the rise of Paz Estenssoro's MNR, who issued Decree N° 21 060 in August 1985. This decree condenses the program of neoliberal reforms in Bolivia. The workers responded with a general strike in September of that year, but it was crushed under a state of siege. The cycle of resistance ended with the defeat of the Marcha por la Vida y la Dignidad in August 1986 with the military siege in Calamarca.Thus, neoliberal restructuring implemented after defeating the labor movement had an impact on socio-territorial level, as the mass migration of miners mainly relocated to El Alto. This massive migration (among other factors) led to the formation of a city that was recognized as such by the Congreso Nacional in 1988.This paper analyzes the connections between the defeated general strike and the emergence of the city of El Alto from the perspective of critical historical sociology. This perspective understands that the dynamics of urban transformations are closely related to the outcomes of class struggle. Data comes from the analysis of articles published on the topic in the national newspaper Presencia during the month of March of 1985. This was the only national newspaper at the time publishing news about El Alto. The critical analysis of newspaper articles will allow us to understand the connection between the defeat of the general strike and the emergence of the city of El Alto.

The literature agrees that after 2002 occurred a process of revival of trade union linked to the recovery of certain rights accompanied by a growing demand for political participation. How to explain the process that repositioned articulators unions as workers' demands and demands for political intervention ? What is the analytical productivity of the notion of union revitalization ? The purpose of this paper is to investigate the process from transformations in the labor movement that allowed the emergence of labor-based political organizations like the Juventud Sindical, collective adherent to Corriente Nacional del Sindicalismo Peronista, headed by Hugo Moyano. The argument is that the revival was a process oriented bounded restitution corporate bargaining power. However, as shown in the case of the Juventud Sindical, the organizations were not only workers' demands, but hoped to regain their status as political subjects. At this juncture it is possible to understand the dynamics of trade unionism in the history recent.

The paper aims to account for the most relevant aspects of the attempt to establish a union in the state-owned steel Sociedad Mixta Siderurgia Argentina (SOMISA) from the mid-sixties and the early years of the next decade. This proposal was intended to dissociate the activity of the steelworks metallurgical branch. Its emergence and development came under a special period in the history of Argentina, distinguishable in at least two aspects. At first term, in the context of boosting of heavy industrial activity. At its second edition, it was into a background of crisis of major unions and a widespread climate of rank and file rebellion. That’s when, in rejecting of the representation of the Unión Obrera Metalúrgica –union of the industry-, the project was accompanied both leftists as large swathes of workers unhappy with their union representation.

In contrast with the 90´s decade characterized by neoliberal reforms and the loss of union power, since 2003, in a context of recovery of state intervention, labor institutions, production and employment, there is a union movement recovery that some authors call “renewal” indicated by the increase of three indicators: labor disputes, unionization and collective bargaining. This paper proposes a first reflection on the meaning of “renewal” in this debate, both in the international and national literature. Next we analyze the scope of the revitalization in the automotive sector by focussing especially on to collective bargaining indicator. The data cover the period 2003-2012 and were systematized by the Ministry of Labour, Employment and Social Security (Ministerio de Trabajo, Empleo y Seguridad Social, MTEySS).

The independentist discourse in Chile has got a deeply sanctimonius nature that is reflected by the Chilean legislation. This paper aims at studying the way the laws has the integrated the person of the worker in the public sector - as well the civil servant as the soldier - and also the worker in the private sector. If you just have a look on the Chilean laws, you will notice that if on one way, the civil servant was abundantly regulated, on the other way, the worker of the private sector was not directly part of Chilean laws in the 19th century. Thus, we will show the precocious creation of a “civil service” in Chile and we will show that the worker of the private sector even though he was not directly the object of particuliar laws is not excluded of the Chilean Law that indirectly regulates his person.

The paper focuses on the analysis of extensive control practices in the field of coal mining in Southern Chile. The article examine the transformations of these strategy, particularly those recognized under the concept of patronage and paternalism industrial, and how the latter is characterized by the intensity of control and sense of it all-encompassing. Finally we examine like industry paternalism built a utopian horizon in industrial coal communities Lota and Coronel and influenced indeed in shaping the lives of hundreds of workers and their families.

The objective of this paper is to present the origins of segregation in Brazil, particularly the segregation of the black population. The approach follows the historic route of the years 1890 to 1930, marked by major changes in the Brazilian and Latin American scene: in 1888, the abolition of slavery, the following year the proclamation of the Republic and more precisely in the first decades of the twentieth century, the metamorphosis of industrial urban society, focusing in Salvador, Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. We believe that racial segregation is structural and institutional therefore from 1870 until 1930 and, especially, in the course of the twentieth century and the present moment, the black population is in places of socio-economic and spatial inferiority. The Brazilian cities during the passage of the slave labor society to the free labor society, reproduces the logic of domination of the power of capital and inequality. In addition to the socioeconomic contradictions, is the body of the city that streamline places of racism that reflects the over-representation of black people in all spaces, places and territories.

The beautification and sanitation of cities of the early twentieth century in Latin America not only sought to liberate them from epidemics that plagued most of the European and Latin American capitals, but such interventions materialized the aura of progress, positioning the cities at international competitive standards as well as stressing the supremacy of knowledge. The participation of Miguel Angel de Quevedo, developer, engineer and environmentalist who developed a series of visionary proposals to conserve, improve and enhance the environmental quality of the city proposals are analyzed. We argue that emerging metropolis became one of the main tools of modernization using international standards where Quevedo sought to establish environmental planning as a discipline in Mexico. The paper concludes that despite a period of intense social and political turmoil, Quevedo stands out as one of the leading environmentalist shaping the modernization of Mexico City in collaboration with different groups of power, while demonstrating the successful transfer of urban planning ideas worldwide.

This paper is based on the analysis of interviews conducted among senior high schools students in Santiago, Chile (September 2011 and 2012). Drawing from the categories used by the young interviewees themselves to account for their struggle, this article aims at analyzing the major student movement taking place in Chile at the moment. It focuses on the following themes: “loss of fear”, a fight for equality between human beings that goes beyond mere students claims, the significance of the notion of “person” eliding that of “citizen”. The question of the possible emergence of new collectives subjects, forty years after the fall of the Popular Unity goverment, is thus raised.

This paper analyze the political, economic and social proposals of business corporations representing the interests of the agricultural and industrial bourgeoisie in the Argentina in the 1960s and 1970s. We will focus on two organizations that have been little-studied: Consejo Empresario Argentino and Comisión de Enlace. Through a comparative analysis of representative documents and testimonies of both groups, we seek to detect the points at which its proposals agreed and those which diverged. This analysis will show that, against the dominant interpretations, these groups have no ideological coincidence around liberal ideas. In this way, we seek to demonstrate that the confluence of both sectors in supporting dictatorial regimes stage, does not respond to the existence of a common platform.

This paper intends to review the nationalist, fascist and catholic groups in favor of the corporatist doctrine in its state and anti-state version in Argentina and Chile between 1930 and 1970. At the end of World War II corporatism was discredited, however did not disappear from the political scene, but it adapted to different contexts and lasted for a long time. Our hypothesis is that survival because by 1950, it ceased to be an exclusive partner of nationalism and was incorporated by other political traditions.

This papers aims to identify the place held by the party Propuesta Republicana (PRO), which has obtained the presidency in 2015, in the history of Argentine right-wing parties. The meaningful organizational and ideological differences with previous rightist traditions, which were key for PRO to obtain electoral triumph will be shown. In the first section the main features of Argentine right-wing organizations in the 20th century such as electoral weakness and ability/skill to include their followers in several cabinets are presented. The second section refers to PRO’s leadership style, voters´ background and ideological profile. The third section compares the historical features of Argentine right-wing parties and PRO’s features. Our conclusions show that PRO has been successful for three main reasons: a) it was built as a willing-to-win party, which implied to resign to be an ideology-centered party and embrace pragmatism, b) leader and cadres recruitment without ideological criteria, which allowed to seduce die hard Peronist voters; c) a territorial expansion process combined with tactics and practices typical of professional-electoral political parties.

In this interview, the Mapuche leader fundamentally refers to a balance of three years of the Centros Culturales Mapuches’s activities, Centers funded in 1978. The interviewed outline the paper of the international solidarity and the perspectives of this organization.

This paper explores the role of emotions and feelings in the family strategies of the Spanish migrants who went to Latin America all along the twentieth century. It is part of the historiographical current that studies the social and cultural construction of emotions. This current analyzes the contextual imprint of emotions, the language used for its demonstration and the emotional expected patterns, bearable or questionable in a particular time, place and culture, as well as the hallmarks of class, gender and age, among other things, in emotional experience. Both, the decision of leaving and the return strategies of migrants, influence the family decisions to protect the family unit, the economic support of it or maintenance of communication. All this involve a high emotional content shared through letters, testimonies, autobiographical writings and interviews, all of them are essential sources in this study.

This paper examines some symbolic dimensions of “Pinochetismo” during the Chilean post-dictatorship period by analysing the social practices and representations built around the figure of Augusto Pinochet that have made possible for some sectors of the Chilean society to build and legitimize a heroic memory of the dictatorship. This thesis aims to explore some answers to these questions from the perspectives of the New Cultural History and Steve Stern´s (2006) approach to the subject of Heroic Memory of dictatorship in Chile.

This article aims to show the role played by popular print, specifically Valparaíso songbooks, in the so-called reading training. The spatialization of the printing centers that produced them will make it possible to account for their centrality in the commercial circuit of Valparaíso and the cultural pole exercised by the theater. Its contents will also give an account of a hybrid culture, whose popularity was not determined by belonging to a social stratum, but they come to put on paper that musical taste of the port was a melting pot of mixtures that, like “el plan”, contained all its inhabitants.

In this article, ritual food is analyzed in the context of an annual offering to the vulture, during the “rain petition” ceremony in the Alto Balsas Nahua region, México. Using the “multispecies ethnography” perspective, the author underlines how the relations between human beings and the vulture are connected to food and empathy, and how the bird, as cleaner of the world, is involved in the complex network of relations framed by the basic Nahua concepts of working, feeding and loving. The human-vulture relationship culminates in the annual offering, which concentrates in an impressive ritual those concepts and the paper of the bird in the agricultural cycle from which Nahua people were traditionally dependent.

The twenties were decisive in the configuration of the Hispanic-Chilean relationships. In the economic part, from the First World War the commercial scale was favourable to Chile and especially to the sales of his nitrate on the Spanish market, crucial moment for the discovery of much cheaper synthetic saltpeters. Nevertheless, in the decade of 1920 the income of the saltpeter experienced a very significant growth with regard to the previous years, due to the good consideration of this natural product between the Spanish farmers. The goods of the commercial exchange were on Chilean part principally the saltpeter. On Spanish part there is a major diversification, being the most out-standing the textiles of cotton and wool, food conserves, olive oil and cigarettes paper. In the political area, the relationships went through different phases according to the circumstances of each country. During mandates Alessandri's and Figueroa's mandates, connections focused on mutual support in the ratings of the League of Nations. However, the closest and most intense period between both nations ocurred during the Government of Ibáñez of the Field. In this period, two commercial agreements were signed by Spain, one of commercial character (in 1928), in that customs advantages were established for certain products of each country and other one (in 1930) on the internment of saltpeter in Spain. In this climate of understanding there was signed an Agreement of Arbitration (1927), there rose up to the range of embassies and the respective legations (1928) and it continued the bilateral support in the ratings of the League of Nations.

The paper traces a profound process of educational reform and simultaneous processes of social mobilization, catalyzed by the nitrate era. It follows a group of teachers and officers -who are understood as "transitional personalities" (Lerner)- who conducted a nationalist literary work of social protest and awareness. Formed in scientific rationality and humanistic values they would be part of a "coalition of discourse" (Hajer) in denouncing the crisis of the prevailing political-economic system, and demanding a process of national self-determination through industrialization.

This paper addresses critical elements regarding contemporary art museums located in the city of San Luis Potosí, Mexico, in which the practices of curation of plastic and non-object works are applied in virtual media, which are evidencing the need to generate curatorial works carried out with greater professional and intellectual quality of a digital nature. The foregoing will be directly visible on the various virtual platforms currently offered, since this event marks a turning point in the Mexican artistic field. This problem calls into question the seriousness of carrying out curatorial practices within Mexican museums, since, at the time of publicizing emerging expressive currents and national artists with potential, they cause a certain critical impact or impression on the viewing public, the which does not come to have a broad opinion of this curatorial practice, but at the same time affects the artistic quality. The foregoing will be observed from the new curatorial practices that mark the reactivation of the museums of the capital of Potosí after the 2020-2021 health contingency, resuming the autumn celebration of Xantolo or Day of the Dead, one of the festivals with the greatest impact in the region and an event that marks a before and after in the new curatorial practices in that city.