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How much did national competition policies converge between 1950 and 2000, and what were the forces behind this? These are the questions the paper attempts to answer, for three countries whose competition policies differed substantially at the outset: Germany, Austria and the Netherlands. The paper measures the degree of convergence of national competition policies, and concludes that there has been convergence towards the stricter EU anti-trust norms. This can be explained by neither negative ('the market') nor positive ('the state') integration, as competition policy is one of the few policy areas where the EU has never explicitly tried to harmonize national legislation. Other forces must have been at work. We investigate the role of various actors, which each play a role in three theories of European integration: institutionalism, which stresses the importance of the central European institutions; neofunctionalism, which focuses on international business; and the epistemic community approach, which highlights the importance of transnational expert communities. We find that convergence has been mainly the work of subtle 'topdown' pressure from the CEC and the ECJ ('the courts'), combined with the emergence of an epistemic 'community' of legally trained officials, which has been a channel for the exchange of information, ideas, solutions and arguments between the systems and levels of law. EU case law provided an important model, experiment and source of norms for this community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains variation in European citizens' support for common EU immigration and counter-terrorism policies? We advance extant literature that focuses on the utility versus identity debate by focusing on individuals' emotional reactions. Drawing on theories of affect, we show that citizens' emotions about immigration are integral to their preferences for EU cooperation on the dual questions of immigration and terrorism. We hypothesise that while anger about immigration is associated with opposition to cooperation on both policies, fear about immigration is associated with support for a common EU counter-terrorism strategy. Using a large-N cross-sectional survey conducted in Germany and the Netherlands, our analyses confirm our hypotheses. Our findings have implications for the progress of European integration and the scope of public approval of EU common policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do European policies affect national policy-making patterns and problem-solving capacity, and to what extent do national policy-makers seek to influence European politics? In particular, what impact does European road haulage policy have on national policy within the context of the Single Market Programme (SMP)? How can the domestic policy response of four member states - Britain, the Netherlands, Germany and Italy - be explained with respect to the national policy background, problem-solving approach, policy instruments, and patterns of interest intermediation? While the policy responses of Britain and the Netherlands reveal congruence and confirmation, those of Germany and Italy indicate respectively change and resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept underclass has become widely used to describe and analyse new conditions of poverty and marginality in the United States and increasingly in Europe as well. Yet, the concept remains ambiguous and subject to debate. This article contributes to the debate. Locating the underclass in the theory of citizenship and social class, the author examines the connections between social citizenship rights and the institutional structure of two corporatist/continental European welfare states, the Netherlands and Germany. She then examines the changing institutional context of several dimensions of social citizenship rights, in particular, unemployment benefits, social assistance and housing, to assess the degree to which these institutions may exclude economically weak populations. Although the Netherlands and Germany are representative of the continental European welfare state, the institutional structures and networks that provide the benefits of social citizenship to economically weak populations differ at the local level. These differences generate different fault lines that may become the bases for more significant exclusionary boundaries in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]