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This paper addresses the lack of collective political action and engagement in protests and anti-deportation campaigns (ADCs) on the part of foreign-national offenders facing deportation from the UK. Taking ADC guidelines from migrant support groups, and drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in London, I show that the circumstances of foreign-national offenders, and in particular their own understandings of their removal, appear incompatible with open political action and with the broader work of ADC support groups. The findings presented throughout this paper make the case that foreign-national offenders have conflicting notions about their deportation and their ‘right’ to protest and campaign against it, revealing how perceptions of legitimacy impact not only on how policies are lived and experienced but also on the scope for political action on the part of those who are experiencing those policies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Many immigrants in Western countries hail from countries where attitudes towards gender relations and sexual norms are considerably more conservative than in the host countries where they eventually settle. This paper assesses whether immigrants and their children acculturate in this dimension, and how migrants’ cultural practices and economic integration influence this process. Presenting a conceptual and methodological innovation, this paper treats acculturation as a process by which immigrants (and their children) shift from the attitude distribution in the origin country to the one of the host country. Using a cross-classified hierarchical regression model and data on attitudes towards homosexuality in 83 countries of origin and 23 destination countries, I model the relative influence of origin and destination contexts on the attitudes of 15,000 immigrants and children of immigrants in Europe. In line with previous work, I find considerable evidence for acculturation across and within generations, but also important variation: respondents who use the home-country language, who are religious, or who are economically marginalised, show less acculturation in attitudes, though these effects vary between immigrants and the second generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do racial and ethnic characteristics of non-immigrants play an important role in shaping attitudes toward immigrants in the U.S.? Using a 2010 survey experiment representative of the U.S. general population, this paper examines differences in opposition to immigration by the race or ethnicity of the respondent. By manipulating the amount of anonymity offered to respondents, the experiment allows explicit opposition to be distinguished from implicit opposition, which offers unique insight into the extent to which opposition is masked. Consistent with theories of in-group solidarity, we find that Hispanics, who comprise nearly half of all immigrants in the U.S., overtly express a less restrictive posture, which, relative to Black and White respondents, is not significantly masked. In contrast, White and Black respondents only overtly express more openness to immigration. When offered absolute anonymity, opposition is significantly and substantively greater. The implications are profound in that differences in the extent to which opposition is masked, rather than overtly expressed, fundamentally patterns racial and ethnic differences in opposition to immigration in the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, immigration has emerged as a highly contentious local issue in the United States, particularly in non-traditional settlement areas like new metropolitan gateways and suburban communities. This paper uses survey data from the Pew Research Center to analyse how geographic context within and across metropolitan gateways influences both perceptions of the local impacts of immigration, as well as respondents' attitudes toward immigration as a national issue. While immigrant concentration is positively associated with perceptions of immigration as a local problem, a relative absence of immigrants in a respondent's community predicts negative attitudes towards immigrants at the national level. Further, areas that respond unfavourably to immigration at the local level do not always coincide with the areas that are most opposed to immigration to the United States more generally. As such, this analysis identifies tangible differences between immigration as a local and national issue, suggesting a distinct unevenness in the multi-scalar politics of US immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper reformulates classical questions regarding the plans and strategies of Polish migrants in the UK-such as decisions to leave or remain in the host country, or be 'deliberately indeterminate' about future plans-from a sociologically situated 'rights-based' perspective. This approach considers migrant's attitudes towards specific 'civic integration' measures in a medium-term time frame, as well as in the new context created by the UK's vote to leave the EU. Based on the quantitative analysis of original survey data, we investigate the factors behind Polish migrant's migration strategies and we argue that basic socio-economic and demographic factors are inadequate, on their own terms, to explain future migration and civic integration plans. Instead, we find that aspects such as interest in and awareness of one's rights, as well as anxieties about the ability to maintain one's rights in the future are stronger determinants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the migratory strategies of highly skilled French migrants in London's business and financial sectors. Drawing on qualitative data with 37 participants from this under-researched group, we contribute to the growing interest in micro-level analysis of the motivations, experiences and trajectories of highly skilled migrants. Unlike other studies which either focus on Intra-Company Transfers (ICTs) or exclude them entirely, we capture the complexity and fluidity of migrants' trajectories by including people on expatriate contracts as well as spontaneous movers. In so doing, we interrogate several key dimensions of highly skilled migration. Firstly, we examine the varied expectations and motivations of the French highly skilled moving to London. In particular, we highlight the fluidity of career trajectories as migrants transform their contractual position over time. Secondly, we examine how migrants negotiate the balance between mobility and career and personal emplacement, and how family considerations inform that process. Finally, we consider the extent to which these migrants may be described as ‘Eurostars’ or ‘super-movers’, and question whether these ideal types herald new forms of migration or a particular life-stage. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper evaluates Japan's multicultural policy, introduced as an extension of the internationalisation scheme under the banner of tabunka kyōsei (multicultural coexistence). I first review the framework of tabunka kyōsei as it is expressed in the policy documents, highlighting its apolitical ideas of coexistence, and then explore its local reception, impact and practice, drawing from the narratives of people involved in multicultural programmes. The delivery of Japanese language classes by volunteers in the Aichi Prefecture is used as a case study. The participants' accounts reveal that the multicultural policy is evaluated by the public as poor, and its intent is questioned. For volunteers, the framework has had both positive and negative impacts on the work they perform. Their practices, although limited and localised, demonstrate independent engagement with the local authorities and expose the current multicultural framework as both ambiguous and ambivalent in its concern for the social and political rights of migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Comparative European research has established that public opposition to immigration is widespread and politically important. However, most existing research has suffered from a serious methodological shortcoming: it employs aggregate measures of attitudes to immigrants, which do not distinguish between different migrant groups. This paper corrects this shortcoming by examining disaggregated British attitudes to migration from seven different regions. I find evidence for a consistent hierarchy of preferences between immigrant groups, with white and culturally more proximate immigrant groups less opposed than non-white and culturally more distinct immigrants. The differences in attitudes to the various migrant groups are very large, calling into question the reliability of analyses which employ aggregate measures of attitudes to immigration. Both total opposition to migration and discrimination between migrant groups decline during the period examined. This is the result of large generational differences in attitudes to immigrants, which are in turn the consequence of cohort differences in education levels, ethnic diversity and, in particular, value orientations. Younger Britons, who are on average less authoritarian and ethnocentric, oppose immigration less and regard different immigrant groups more equally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The socio-economic conditions of native populations and axioms derived from ethnic competition theory have often been used to account for xenophobic attitudes. By contrast, much less research has been conducted on the impact of ideological structures on the formation of attitudes towards immigration. This paper aims to fill this gap by suggesting that broad ideological structures in terms of left-right self-placements are important cognitive determinants of attitudes towards migrants when the direct experience of competition for scarce resources is lower. It shows that political preferences structure attitudes when the socio-economic vulnerability of citizens and geographical contexts are low enough for migrants not to be framed as a direct threat. Economic vulnerability is thus theorised to overcome the resistance of ideological predispositions. The findings are obtained through hierarchical linear models using the 2002-03 European Social Survey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I consider the applicability of liberal, ethno-national and post-national perspectives of citizenship to the concept of membership in Israeli society. I examine attitudes of Jews regarding the allocation of social rights to new immigrants arriving under the Law of Return, Israeli Arabs, and labour migrants. Analysis shows that the framework that guides access to the goods of citizenship displays a hierarchical mode that reflects two main membership discourses. The first is the liberal discourse, which differentiates between citizens (Jewish immigrants and Arabs) and non-citizens (labour migrants) in entitlement to rights. The second is the ethno-national discourse which discriminates between Jewish and Arab citizens. Although the distinction between Jewish and non-Jewish citizens is evident, the impact of 'citizenship status' on discriminatory attitudes to out-group members is stronger than the impact of 'ethnic origin' (i.e. Arab) migrants in Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the 1990s the interaction between adolescents from migrant backgrounds and those from the German host society has again become widely discussed, and not only among social scientists. Thus this study will help to explain inter-ethnic attitudes (acceptance/rejection of out-groups) and inter-ethnic personal contact between German, Turkish and Resettler adolescents. The paper argues that aspects of in-group favouritism, although important (as many studies have shown), are not sufficient to explain the attitudes and encounters. As adolescents from two groups with migration experiences are involved, acculturation preferences are also of central relevance. Hence, in-group favouritism and acculturation preferences are analysed for their effects on interethnic attitudes and contact. In addition, since the study is carried out in the context of immigration, two social factors, namely trust in the judicial system and the perception of societal support, are built into the explanatory model, In-group favouritism has substantial effects on inter-ethnic attitudes and behaviour, leading as expected to more out-group rejection and to decreasing contact with out-group members. The effects of acculturation preferences differ across the groups. For the German adolescents they are particularly strong. The influences of trust in the judicial system and perceived societal support consistently enhance acceptance of the out-groups. In comparison the effects are stronger for immigrant groups than for German adolescents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines gender role attitudes of native and migrant adolescents in Germany and attempts to explain why adolescents of Turkish, former Yugoslavian, and Eastern European origin tend to have more traditional attitudes than their native peers. In order to do so, it combines a migrant-native comparative approach that highlights the impact of religiosity and host society integration with an intergenerational transmission perspective that emphasises the continuity of gender role attitudes across generations. The empirical analysis relies on dyadic parent-adolescent data (N = 2744) from the first wave of the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Survey in Four European Countries. It demonstrates the importance of incorporating intergenerational transmission processes to fully understand attitude differences between natives and migrants: a substantial part of native-migrant gaps in gender role attitudes can be attributed to migrant parents’ more traditional attitudes and a strong transmission of attitudes across generations. Once intergenerational transmission and the influence of religiosity and integration have been accounted for, the remaining differences between gender role attitudes of native and migrant adolescents are small. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People who routinely cross borders for their jobs are often cast as beneficiaries of globalisation. But in a world of economic downturns, un-or underemployment as well as political unrest access to an increasingly global market becomes the personal and organisational solution to a host of unwanted happenings. In these circumstances, it therefore becomes less clear whether the heightened mobility of transnational workers is a benefit or indeed a choice. This article examines the onus placed on employees to be geographically mobile for their jobs. Relocation enables organisations to operate in expanding transnational markets and fields; it is therefore a prerequisite of jobs in an increasing number of sectors. Through systematic comparison of the attitudes to mobility of highly skilled employees in a 'market' (corporate) and a 'moral' (UN) case-study organisation, this article makes a contribution to our understanding of work orientations in transnational institutions. It interrogates the myth of choice of highly skilled movers and identifies the aspirations, contradictions and dilemmas that are associated with relocating for their jobs. Analysis of biographical interviews in tandem with online survey data elucidates the complex ways that the competing repertoires of choice and compliance are woven into transnational narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relying on a quantitative survey (n= 1497) and semi-structured interviews (n= 30) conducted in the U.K., we explore British nationals’, Romanian and Turkish migrants’ attitudes of tolerance and the factors influencing them in the current socio-political context in the U.K. The quantitative data reveal the role of younger age, diverse networks, higher education, attachment to city/region and supranational identifications in more open attitudes towards diversity. The qualitative findings illustrate how diverse these three groups’ attitudes of tolerance can be and how they are affected by their position and status in the U.K. The British’ attitudes show their tolerance can reflect diverse forms of acceptance of ethnic and cultural differences but can also draw lines in terms of civic values opposing ‘those who contribute to society’ versus those who ‘live as parasites’. The Turks are in favour of diversity with the expectation of receiving more civic rights and facing less prejudice. The Romanians tend to have a more ambiguous relation to diversity given their position of stigmatised migrants in the U.K. Our analysis reveal how inclusive or exclusive people’s (sub- and supra-)national identities can be and how these frame their attitudes of tolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines how different conceptions of national identity can be linked to attitudes towards cultural pluralism. The tensions between more culturally pluralistic societies and sustained support for nationalism represent an important political issue in modern western European politics. Such tensions are of particular relevance for stateless nationalist and regionalist parties (SNRPs) for whom national/regional identity is a major political driver. This article empirically tests the relationship between different conceptions of national identity and attitudes towards cultural pluralism in two SNRPs—the Scottish National Party and the Frisian National Party. The article draws upon evidence from two unique full party membership studies and is supported with evidence from documentary analysis. A key finding is that the manner in which members conceptualise national identity has significant implications for their attitudes towards cultural pluralism, which has the potential of becoming a source of tension within SNRPs. A key implication of the article is that there is evidence that attitudes of general members and officially stated party positions and narratives diverge on issues relating to cultural pluralism and national identity. These tensions could potentially be harmful for the party's overall civic image. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Ethnic residential segregation is often explained with the claim that ‘immigrants don’t want to integrate—they prefer to stick together with co-ethnics’. By contrast, mixed neighbourhoods are seen as crucial for achieving social cohesion. In line with spatial assimilation theory there is a normative assumption that people interact with those living nearby. From interviews on neighbourhood qualities and locations valued by Oslo residents of Turkish, Somali and Polish backgrounds, we raise questions about the validity of two assumptions: that most immigrants want to live in the same neighbourhoods as co-ethnics; and that they want to live close to co-ethnics because they do not want to integrate. For reasons of socialisation, main preferences were for mixed neighbourhoods that included ethnic Norwegians. Whereas the preference for people of other immigrant backgrounds was linked to possibilities for socialisation, the preference for ethnic Norwegians in the neighbourhood was linked to possibilities for social integration. Co-ethnic networks could be maintained on the city level. Importantly, housing moves tended to be guided by other factors than population composition in the area. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study investigates the effects of city context on the levels and predictors of perceived group discrimination (GD) among Turkish and Moroccan second-generation immigrants in Belgium. Based on the Integration of the European Second-generation (TIES) data, we address two main questions: (1) Are there significant differences in the levels of perceived GD between the two cities in Belgium (Antwerp and Brussels) within each immigrant group? (2) Who perceives more GD within each city? To answer these questions, possible composition effects should be controlled. Accordingly, we use propensity-score matching to make second-generation immigrant samples from the two cities reasonably comparable with respect to socio-demographic characteristics. Concerning the first research question, we find that after propensity-score matching, the Turkish second-generation perceive more GD in Antwerp than in Brussels. For the Moroccan group, however, the city differences in perceived GD are no longer significant after matching. With regards to the second research question, we find that those who are more socio-economically integrated and those who perceive more threat in their city are more likely to perceive GD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 1990s, South Korea has experienced growing public debate about migrants, minorities and related government policies. Much of this ‘multicultural’ discourse occurs in the internet-based cyber-media, which offer space for various producers, including mainstream media professionals, netizens and resident foreigners. A prevailing discourse of victimhood is associated with small, ideologically homogeneous groups of media producers (mainstream media and nativist websites); in contrast, mixed and nuanced discourses are more common in large and heterogeneous online communities, where users interact with a variety of viewpoints. Moreover, actors who are framed in non-negative terms—as neither xenophobes nor corrupt elites—serve as more effective brokers and bridges across various media. Most foreign-origin netizens are passive consumers of media discourse; but a few, active foreigners communicate effectively with both mainstream media and netizens and help to diversify the prevailing discourse. We find supportive evidence from a content analysis of 15 websites, supplemented with informant interviews and observations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Despite the importance of adequately measuring ethnicity to keep track of ethnic disparities in important outcomes, there is little consensus on how this is best achieved. Different countries apply widely differing standards, seemingly guided by convenience more than conviction. We employ unique data on 3035 15-year-olds living in England to investigate inconsistencies when two different measures are used: (i) ethnic group self-identification by respondents and (ii) information on parents' birth country. The former is currently standard in England and Wales and the latter in many European countries. After having aligned our country-of-origin-based measure to the ethnic categories currently in use in England and Wales, we are able to show substantial agreement across measures, and estimates of disparities in language proficiency and delinquency appear little affected by the choice of measure. We conclude that comparative research using secondary data need not be badly biased due to inconsistent measures if sufficient care is taken in harmonisation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Do Asian Americans view a path to citizenship for illegal immigrants in the USA as related to perceptions of shared interests with other ethnoracial groups? I utilise the National Asian American Survey to test this possibility. Ordinal logistic regressions reveal that higher levels of perceived political commonality with Latinos relate to increased support for the provision of a citizenship path. Similarly, higher perceived political commonality with blacks is positively related to support for a citizenship pathway, suggesting that a civil rights frame, rather than a group competition frame, links immigration reform and black political interests in the minds of Asian Americans. On the other hand, higher levels of perceived political commonality with whites relate to increased opposition to such a pathway. These results indicate that Asian Americans' racial attitudes, in particular their perceptions of political commonality with other racial groups, relate to their opinions on a path to citizenship for illegal immigrants in the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Deportability, or a threat of deportation, can be viewed as a technique of discipline employed to make migrant workers efficient and compliant. Under the threat of deportation, migrants accept dangerous, dirty, degrading and difficult jobs for low pay. Deportability also prevents them from challenging their working and living conditions either individually or collectively. Most of the literature on deportability applies to unauthorised migrants. Yet, as illustrated in this article, migrants employed legally on temporary contracts are also disciplined through a threat of deportation. While for unauthorised migrants, it is the receiving state that is the most important actor (re)creating the regime of deportability, for legally employed migrants, other actors––such as employers, the sending states, recruiters and international organisations––assume a more important role in employing the threat of deportation as a disciplinary technique. In this article, we explore how power is reproduced in this disciplinary regime of deportability. We examine migrants' responses to the techniques of discipline that subjugate them. We argue that when migrants adopt calculative and reflexive practices to avoid deportation and secure their own employment, they often end up reproducing the disciplinary power of the deportation regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most studies of relationships encompassing Muslim minorities and Western societies examine Muslim and non-Muslim orientations separately. Here we investigate the patterns of similarity and difference involving Muslims and non-Muslims in Australia in terms of how they conceptualise the situation of Muslims in a secular society. We deploy Q methodology to study selected Muslims and non-Muslims in the same terms. Our results reveal three substantial positions. The first, ‘Assertive Islamic Belonging’, is mostly (but not exclusively) found among our Muslim subjects. The second, ‘Exasperated Monoculturalism’, is mostly (again not exclusively) associated with non-Muslims. The third, ‘Reciprocal Engagement’, has considerable presence in both sorts of communities. These results shed new light on the content of polarisation stressed in previous studies. They can also be deployed in the interests of productive dialogue across undeniable difference. The ‘Reciprocal Engagement’ position can act as a kind of discursive bridge, and the content of the two more polarised positions shows neither is beyond the reach of dialogue. We explore implications for dialogue across difference in a democracy and show how our findings can inform a deliberative democratic approach to multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This is a study of the values of migrants. We examine processes of selection—how values affect migration—and adaptation—how migration influences value changes. Empirical analyses use a unique collection of data that combines detailed information on values from a representative sample of non-migrants in Nepal with a representative sample of Nepali migrants living in the Persian Gulf. Results suggest that migrants were selected from those who were more materialistic, less committed to religion and more family-oriented. In terms of adaptation, our results are consistent with the idea that migrants become more religious, less committed to historical Nepali values, and change ideas about family-orientation in mixed ways. Thus, we find that value adaptations of migrants are complex processes that could have immense impacts on ideational diffusion around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study empirically explores the link between national feelings and attitudes towards immigrants, as expressed by American citizens. Based on symbolic politics theory, I argue that a person's symbolic concerns toward the nation are an important predictor of immigration attitudes. Employing the 2004 General Social Survey, I use the structural equation model and expose the multidimensional nature of national feelings. Focusing on three types of national feeling—nationalism, national identity and national pride—I find that each has differing impacts on attitudes toward immigrants. Nationalism provokes anti-immigrant sentiment, while national pride leads to pro-immigrant sentiment. On the other hand, national identity has no positive or negative impact on immigration attitudes. The results imply that American citizens' attitudes toward immigrants can be traced to their attitude toward the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study we examine the time-, context- and outcome-specificity of the effects of acculturation attitudes on immigrant psychological and socio-economic adaptation. The participants were 172 immigrants from Russia and the former Soviet Union residing in Finland and Israel, and the mean time since their arrival was approximately six years. Each of the three acculturation attitudes (separation, assimilation and integration) was positively related to immigrant adaptation, either directly or moderated by the length or by the country of residence. A main effect was obtained only for integration attitude positively predicting psychological adaptation. There was also clear evidence of context-specificity in the effect of the separation attitude on both psychological and socio-economic adaptation. The impact of integration and assimilation attitudes on socio-economic adaptation was also time-specific; these attitudes showed adaptive value only at earlier stages of the acculturation process in the culturally diverse context. These results were interpreted in terms of the different social and economic needs salient at different stages of immigrant acculturation, and of the differences in the opportunities for immigrants to meet these needs in culturally diverse and non-diverse acculturative contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses long-standing normative claims that liberalism-understood as the priority of economic and political liberty, neutrality in the public sphere, the universal application of human rights, and the requirement to treat all subjects equally-is inadequate in the context of deep, migration-driven diversity. Beginning with the assumption that liberalism-as-an-integration-paradigm must be evaluated empirically, the article examines the immigration experience of two liberal states: France and the United States. Evidence from these important countries of immigration demonstrates that universal, difference-blind policies that are suspicious of claims to difference in the public sphere reduce prejudice and promote positive intra-community attitudes (France), while limited income support and dynamic labour markets promote economic integration (the United States). Far from being an inadequate relic of a simpler age, liberalism is the best framework for accommodating diverse societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines whether support for multiculturalism is compatible with an ethno-national identity in Japan. Multiculturalism discourses have centred on the issue of how to treat cultural diversity within a society. In Japan, the concept of multiculturalism has become popular over the past decade. However, some researchers think that the Japanese maintain their privileged position by essentialising cultural differences in the name of multiculturalism. My study therefore investigates the relationship between ethno-national identity, the endorsement of multiculturalism and supportive attitudes toward the equal rights of ethnic minorities by employing Japanese data from an international public-opinion survey. It was found that ethno-national identity has positive effects on the endorsement of multiculturalism, while having negative effects on the endorsement of equal rights between ethnic majorities and ethnic minorities. This means that the Japanese do not regard multiculturalism as antithetical to the maintenance of ethnic homogeneity within a 'nation'; rather, the endorsement of multiculturalism stems from belief in the uniqueness of 'Japaneseness'. The theoretical and political implications of this study's results are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a long history dominated by out-migration, Denmark, Norway and Sweden have, in the past 50 years, become immigration societies. This article compares how these Scandinavian welfare societies have sought to incorporate immigrants and refugees into their national communities. It suggests that, while the countries have adopted disparate policies and ideologies, differences in the actual treatment of and attitudes towards immigrants and refugees in everyday life are less clear, due to parallel integration programmes based on strong similarities in the welfare systems and in cultural notions of equality in the three societies. Finally, it shows that family relations play a central role in immigrants' and refugees' establishment of a new life in the receiving societies, even though the welfare society takes on many of the social and economic functions of the family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]