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This paper is a diplomatic reflection based on a long connection with Australia and Australians and a posting to Canberra as Japanese ambassador (1998-2001). Key issues that have caused tension in the relationship and the process towards the development of mature bilateral relations are discussed. Finally, the paper argues that the bilateral relationship will continue to develop and prosper and that this is in the interests of both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the Japanese position on East Timor and highlights tension in bilateral relations between Australia and Japan on East Timor during the year 1999. The sources of tension were over leadership, appropriate policy towards indonesia and the style of diplomacy conducted by Australia. In many respects the tension over East Timor shook complacency in bilateral relations. By January 2001 tension was resolved and bilateral ties have been strengthened in the areas of security and regional cooperation. What does this episode reveal about the bilateral relationship? Quite clearly, and despite the depth of networks that have been established over the decades, there was insufficient consultation on East Timor. In pan, the extraordinary events that unfolded after the results of the ballot in East Timor were announced on 4 September 1999 and Australia's leadership role in the international Force in East Timor (INTERFET) can explain the lack of consultation. Also, a drift in relations that had been evident for several years was a significant factor. Finally, the paper argues that despite the substantial improvement in bilateral relations, policy towards Indonesia will remain a potential source of friction between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the evolving Australia--Japan bilateral relationship. Key issues discussed include the `drift' and `neglect' in bilateral relations in the 1990s, the current state of the economic relationship, the proliferation of Free Trade Agreements and future directions. A central theme is the importance of bilateral ties for both countries and that shared visions such as building regional cooperation through APEC might be compromised by the proposed Free Trade Agreement between Australia and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the impact of recent upgrades in security ties between Australia and Japan and their implications for the bilateral relationship. In particular, the development and future of the Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation (JDSC) is assessed. It is argued that former Prime Ministers Abe and Howard encouraged the enhancement of security ties to unprecedented new highs, but that the rise of China and leadership change in Japan and Australia in 2007 will make the prospects of a full security treaty unlikely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intense controversy over Japanese investment in Australia in the late 1980s continues to attract academic attention as a significant episode in Australia-Japan relations. This paper addresses two limitations of the existing literature. Firstly, it situates the controversy in the political economy of foreign investment policy liberalisation. This is important to an understanding of to what degree it was fundamentally a Japan-related or a foreign investment-related issue. How it became both provides insights into the dynamics of Australia--Japan relations in that era. Secondly, why the Australian government reaffirmed its commitment to liberal non-discriminatory policy in the face of popular disquiet is examined directly. This complements the existing rich literature on the negative reactions to Japanese investment and may help to provide a fuller picture of the domestic sources of stability in Australia--Japan relations in that period. It also highlights the historical magnitude of the Howard government's recent apparent abrogation of the non-discriminatory principle in foreign investment policy with the Australia--US Free Trade Agreement of February 2004 and the questions so raised about the Australia--Japan bilateral relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports on proceedings of the 2001 biennial conference of the Japanese Studies Association of Australia (JSAA), held in Sydney, New South Wales, from June 27 to 30, 2001. Venue of the conference; Number of delegates at the conference; Themes of keynote addresses delivered at the conference; Issues discussed by panelists; Initiatives taken by JSAA2001.

While the role of the United States in the development of Japan's post-war constitution is well documented, less is known of the role of other Allied nations. This article seeks to narrate the role of Australia in this process, giving particular focus to the debate over provisions to provide an avenue for popular expression of approval of the constitution via referendum and/or a Diet review process. This process was approved as an official Far Eastern Commission (FEC) policy, known as the `Provision for Review'. The debate over this issue, and other elements of the constitutional replacement process, help illuminate the workings of the FEC, the relationship and conflict between the various Allied powers over policy and practice, the role of US unilateralism in the Allied control bodies, and the nuances of Australian policy towards Occupied Japan. Additionally and importantly, it demonstrates the appropriation of idealistic terms, especially the expression of the `will of the people', by both sides of the Allied constitutional debate in order to further their own post-war agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the influences of postmodernism, postcolonialism and cultural studies on Japanese studies in Australia. Origins, definitions and relevance of these intellectual movements for Japan; Confusion over the appropriateness of a contemporary approach to the Japan situation; Alterative approaches in Japanese studies.

What keeps learners of Japanese going in formal study? In Australia, few continue to an advanced level of the language, despite large numbers of learners. This study found that compared to discontinuers, continuers showed much higher levels of motivation and integrative orientation, and their attitudes towards learning were much more positive. They showed greater autonomous learning, and engaged in more self-initiated activities outside the classroom. In interviews, advanced learners explained the paths that enabled them to continue, yet indicated that university policies affect continuation through timetable and study program restrictions. The predominant reason to continue was the hope to travel to Japan, but an interest in Japanese culture and in Japanese popular culture (J-pop) products (e.g., anime, manga) also was prominent. The enjoyment of J-pop was implicated at least partially in both retention and attrition in Japanese. It provides the motivation to learn Japanese, and in a cyclical fashion, the learning of Japanese itself is consumed so as to further consume J-pop. It may also be the case that once appetites for language consumption are satisfied, some learners could abandon formal study of Japanese at a relatively early stage. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article illustrates the contemporary characteristics of the Japanese community in South-East Queensland, Australia. Although traditional migration studies reveal a common tendency for immigrants to congregate and form their own ethnic niche in cities, the contemporary Japanese settlement in South-East Queensland has unique features, as well as theoretical implications for migration study. This ethnic community can be characterized by the absence of a geographic point, what we could call a ‘psychological centre’. Using a term developed by Appadurai and García Canclini, the article describes it as a ‘de-territorialized community’ where migrant networks are established and maintained on an individual basis rather than through the construction of a centralized ethnic urban space and traditional ethnic Japanese community organization. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 1953, the Australian government repatriated convicted Japanese war criminals. These were the last war criminals held by the wartime allies to be returned to Japan. The Australian government's decision to repatriate war criminals was made after a complex series of negotiations with other wartime allies and within the government itself. At play was the need to balance domestic opinion and the interests of the Australian government with a desire to have similar policies on war criminals to those of key allies such as the United States. Moreover, after 1952, Japan and Australia entered a new era of diplomatic and economic relations, far removed from the immediate postwar years. Official sources reveal that the Australian government aimed to strike a balance between maintaining a tough stance on Japanese war criminals and not hampering the emerging new era of foreign relations with Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Australia-Japan Working Holiday Agreement of 1980 represented a leap of faith on the part of both governments in their own people. Unprecedented for Japan, and breaking with Anglophone cultural stereotypes for Australia, neither government could have objectively predicted the enormous success of the agreement, or that it would become a model for many more such agreements. Both governments counted on recognition developing of the cultural benefits of the agreement. Neither could have foreseen that the agreement would eventually have significant labour market effects, mainly positive, though different, in Australia and Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agricultural trade policy is a branch of Japanese trade policy where domestic political considerations have traditionally held sway. Recent trends, however, suggest that Japanese policy on Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), including the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Australia, is being directly influenced by the government's foreign policy goals. Despite Australia's standing as a major agricultural exporter that potentially threatens Japan's highly protected agricultural sector, the Koizumi and Abe administrations attached higher priority to several important foreign policy ambitions in agreeing to begin negotiations on an FTA with Australia. These goals were: exercising economic and trade leadership and influence in the Asia-Pacific region, enhancing political relations with long-standing trade partners, and ensuring energy and resource security. Sino-Japanese competition figured as a significant factor in shaping all these objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The argument of this article is that the Basic Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation between Australia and Japan (signed in 1976) and the negotiating process that led up to its signing deserve closer attention than they have generally been accorded. Historically, the negotiations represent an important stage in a developing relationship and, particularly at government-to-government level, contributed to a significant learning process on both sides. The very fact that the two sides started from different premises and that each was forced to confront a contrasting set of assumptions and demands on the part of the other led to a painful but thorough re-examination of basic assumptions. Even though the treaty at the time of its signature did not prescribe substantially different standards of conduct from those obtaining previously, it formalised and provided a stable framework for a continuing relationship, especially in matters relating to investment, as well as entry and stay. The fact that negotiations were begun under Whitlam and concluded under Fraser lent a bipartisan edge to the Australian commitment, while in Japan continuity appears to be assured by the fact that the party in power on its own in 1976 is still in power, as the leading party of a coalition government, in 2004. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the second half of the 1980s, Japan was at the height of its economic power, a `rich nation' again, with the `bubble' yet to burst. Trade issues loomed large in the Australia-Japan relationship, which at that time also included a developing security dialogue, investment schemes of different kinds, proposals for managed migration of elderly Japanese to Australia and MITI's proposal for a `Multi-Function Polis' (MFP)--all made more touchy in Australia by a perceived wave of Japanese property acquisitions. As Japan seeks to finally emerge from its post-bubble slump, and to lay the foundations to cope with its declining population, Australia and Japan face three common issues of great concern--the role of Free Trade Agreements in global trade liberalisation; security matters, including terrorism, North Korea and Japan `s `peace constitution'; and relations with a more radical and active United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the ways in which dominant cultural values in Japan influence interpretations of specific events or issues relating to Australia. Selected examples of representations of Australia in the newspaper 'Asahi Shimbun'; Comparison between key Japanese and Australian values; Relations between Japanese representations and Japanese perceptions of Australia.

Evaluates the state of Japanese studies in Australia. Problems in preservation and regeneration of the base of knowledge and expertise on Asian studies; Reduction of academic staff in Japanese studies; Contributions by individual academics to raise the profile of Japanese studies scholarship in Australia.