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There are estimated to be more than 10,000 children in Japan that are without the legal identity usually afforded through household registration. These children are placed in an extremely vulnerable position with diminished security and inadequate access to fundamental services provided by the state. In many cases, this situation continues into adulthood where a lifetime of difficulties awaits. In this article, I survey the recent context to provide insight into the complex legislative environment and a glimpse into the lives of the unregistered. Further, I argue that Japan's problem of unregistered children (mukosekiji) has been a matter of legislation that favours patriarchy and normative notions of family, which, combined with systemic inadequacies, has failed to sufficiently address the situation. I further argue that, the specific conditions of Article 772 of Japan's Civil Code that creates this type of statelessness reveals the indiscriminate and random effects within the exercise of state power that run counter to the intended outcomes of population governance, social control and legal status in Japan. This research is particularly relevant given Japan's demographic decline and resistance to progressive immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food replicas (shokuhin sanpuru) line the show windows of cafes and restaurants in cities, towns, and villages throughout Japan. They are usually found artfully arranged in restaurant show windows or cases, facing and visible from the street, corridor, hall, etc., on which the restaurant is located. Building on consumers' familiarity with foods, ingredients, and cooking techniques, these replicas visually evoke other senses – taste, scent, texture, and mouthfeel – instantly providing massive amounts of information. As a ubiquitous visual marketing tool, sanpuru have contributed to the creation and maintenance of Japan's hybrid national culinary culture, especially the pervasive 'middlebrow' echelon of mainstream, everyday consumer culture. In particular, it is argued in this article that, as an inevitable, almost transparently naturalized part of the visual landscape of food and consumer culture, samples have played a crucial but underappreciated role in the establishment and dissemination of the much-remarked-on visual aesthetic of Japanese culinary culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction provides a brief overview of some of the ways the Meiji Restoration is being commemorated at home and around the world in this sesquicentennial year. Doing so demonstrates the complexity of this history and current remembrances of the event and the new era it launched. It also serves to introduce the six essays in this volume, and the ways they problematize the Meiji national paradigm to reveal inherent tensions between the development of Japanese nation-building and nationalism and the country's engagement with globalizing forces. Focusing on the idea of "Global Meiji" highlights the era as both national and global. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan's new treaties with the Western powers came into force in the summer of 1899. These signified Japan's recognition as a modern state, but also opened the whole of Japan to residence and commerce for the nationals of the Western powers. This article examines Japan's legislative response to this new era of both political equality and expanded foreign intercourse and exchange. This comprised two new laws, Japan's first nationality law and new entry restrictions, both of which defined the boundaries of Japanese identity. The West played a paramount role in the crafting of these laws, but often forgotten is the role played by China. By examining the international contexts and the debates that attended the passage of these laws, this article shows that each law enacted a form of exclusion: the former sought to mitigate Western influence, while the latter sought to minimize Chinese immigration. Together, they reflected Japan's international position between two others: China and the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A widely accepted view of the Matsukata financial reform of 1881-1885 is that, by privatizing the state's non-military factories and shipyards as well as mines, the reform produced a dramatic change in industrial policy away from direct government intervention in the economy, in keeping with classical European economic liberalism. In addition, the sale of state enterprises is seen as having played an integral role in Matsukata's program of financial stabilization, which some have claimed resembled IMF-style neoliberal reforms of the late twentieth century. In this article, I argue that these understandings require considerable qualification. For one thing, government spending on industry actually rose during the Matsukata reform compared with the previous four years, and the privatization of state enterprises contributed little to the reform itself. While the government adopted the divestiture program a year before Matsukata became finance minister, most of the sales, including the biggest ones of the 1880s, took place in the latter half of that decade, after the currency deflation had run its course. Matsukata's 'Smithian' rhetoric would seem to back the generally held view, but in actuality his policies were more in line with the Listian tradition and the contemporary global practice of nationalist economics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines opinions concerning fūfubessei (a married couple retaining their birth surnames) posted on an online forum. Recently, the topic of fūfubessei has once again come under a spotlight, since the Japanese Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the Civil Code Article 750, which stipulates that a married couple must choose either the husband's or wife's surname upon marriage registration. Owing to the large number of women forfeiting their surnames, the fūfubessei issue has often been researched from feminist perspectives, which may have hindered the voices of others. This article analyzes, using text mining (quantitative analysis) and discourse analysis (qualitative analysis), a large number of opinions from people of various cultural backgrounds. The results of this study reveal a diversity of beliefs and attitudes towards Article 750, reflecting the complexity of the issue. In general, proponents of reform claim the law violates equality, rights and liberty. From opponents there was a strong push to conform rather than to recognize a need for individual choice. Moreover, the many personal narratives provided insight into issues on the ground and revealed how many in Japanese society have dealt with the law, social pressure and social expectations and why they have followed the path they have chosen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We assert, in this article, that the joint transformation of public perception about households’ over-indebtedness and financial deregulation had important implications on the government decision to reform overall consumer credit between 2005 and 2010. On the one hand, the development of collective actions by groups of lawyers to defend borrowers from moneylenders’ abusive practices represents a source of change in the public opinion about over-indebted individuals in the context of long economic stagnation. A systematic press article analysis from 1977 to 2006 shows that the rising number of these collective actions since the early 1990s may have gradually increased the political salience of social issues related to the unsecure loan market. On the other hand, financial deregulation has been a source of change by allowing banks to enter the consumer finance market since the early 2000s. Banks entry into this market transformed the logic of complementarity among traditional consumer credit actors (Shinpan, credit card companies andsarakin) in a general context of legal consumers’ protection reinforcement. Thus, evolution of Japanese consumer finance's regulation is particularly relevant to illustrate the forces of institutional change and its consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

While the degree of cross shareholding among corporations, or between banks and companies (referred to as ‘insiders’ in this article) has been declining since the 1990s, the percentage of shareholding by institutional investors (‘outsiders’), or financial intermediaries, has been increasing in Japan. Studies show that both companies and investors are becoming more short-term oriented and are showing herd behaviour. With such a collective mentality, company–investor relations in Japan have experienced a vicious cycle and have thus lowered the market's rate of return. Meanwhile, conventional ‘insiders’ tend to hold shares in the longer-term, but lack engagement in investee companies’ corporate governance. Japan's Stewardship Code requests fund managers ‘engage’ more than ever in the governance of investees so that investor-company relations become longer-term and the risk of investors’ ‘exit’ decreases. However, the Code only covers the behaviours of ‘outsiders’ but not those of ‘insiders’, who still play certain roles among all shareholders. Due to its imperfect coverage, the expected effect of Japan's Stewardship Code in achieving stronger ‘engagement’ by investors should be limited. To cope with this issue, this article outlines a suggestion that a comprehensive rule covering all types of shareholders should be implemented in Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This introductory article to the special issue on “Japanese Political Economy Revisited: Diverse Corporate Change, Institutional Transformation, and Abenomics” starts with a short summaryof the changing perceptions of Japan's political economy from its meteoric rise as worldwide leading model in the 1970s and 1980s to its demotiontoa problem and reform case since the later 1990s. Based on this overview, it identifies some striking issue and open questions in this conventional view of Japan's political economy as problem and the high expectations on Abenomics as Japan's current economic reform programme. Then we discuss the articles of the special issue and their new contributionsto a better understanding of the developments at the corporate level as well as institutional change and economic reforms at the macro level in the last two decades. Finally, this introductory article ends with a short outlineof a new research programme and four central research questions about the Japanese political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Confronted with critical business situations in the late 1990s, Japanese firms began to tackle reforms in both corporate governance and human-resource management. These reforms advocated that Japanese firms shift from being organization-based to market-based corporations, similar to their US counterparts. However, the actual reform did not produce such an overall change but occurred with incremental and cumulative changes within the existing institutional framework. This article examines continuing changes in Japanese firms, and demonstrates that they are diversified into different directions as a result of gradual institutional change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recent governance reforms in Japan aim at promoting ‘the establishment of an environment that supports appropriate risk-taking by the senior management.’ The article evaluates the reforms on the basis of two questions: do the reforms tackle the right issues? And will they be effective? The Japanese economy faces indeed a performance puzzle. Despite Japan's strong efforts in the field of research and development, its excellent work force and abundant financial capital, the economy is performing poorly in terms of productivity. The performance puzzle seems to be closely related to the way large Japanese companies are governed, namely by boards filled with internally promoted lifetime employees. However, the correlation between board composition and performance is spurious. Both are influenced by a third factor, which manifests itself in the predominance of in-house careers. In-house careers determine the composition of boards and have, over the last twenty years, had a negative impact on economic performance. The governance reforms do not address the root of Japan's performance puzzle. They may nevertheless provide an important stimulus for redesigning the way Japanese corporations recruit, train and promote future leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

‘Abenomics’ has continued to attract the attention of both the national and international media and a broad range of scholars. There are different and contested views of Abenomics and its impact upon the Japanese economy. This article argues that those more Keynesian-style remedies that form part of Abenomics have not been able to address Japan's longer-term problem of weak demand, especially in terms of private consumption. This is in large part due to the liberalising measures that also form part of Abenomics, and which are incompatible with the Keynesian remedies pursued. Whilst Abenomics has the potential (at least in the short-to-medium term) to improve the profitability of Japanese businesses, in the absence of a corresponding move to redistribute corporate wealth to labour, Abenomics also represents a hazard to future economic growth in Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article, I explore a little known aspect of British and Japanese history that began not long after Japan open its ports to the west in the middle of the nineteenth century. It is about negotiations between Japan and foreign powers over sovereign control of an island archipelago 1,000 kilometers southeast of Edo (Tokyo). The Ogasawara (Bonin) Islands were first visited by Japanese in the seventeenth century, declared British territory in 1827 and then reclaimed by Japan in 1876. The diplomatic discussions involved the British and US Consuls acting under instructions from their respective governments and negotiating with the highest levels of Japanese authority during both the Tokugawa and Meiji Periods. I argue that the islands were of little importance to either the governments of Britain or America and that the British authorities were more than willing to hand over sovereign control of the Bonin Islands to the Japanese as early as 1862. Indeed, by the mid-1870s, the British authorities in England were more concerned that the Japanese would not claim the islands and that Britain would be burdened with their responsibility. In arguing this, I provide a novel perspective of Japan's struggles with becoming a modern nation in an increasingly international setting. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

At the beginning of 2013 two independent cases made the headlines of Japanese newspapers. The first case involved the suicide of a high school student that was allegedly triggered after he received several beatings from his basketball coach for failing to perform well enough. The second case involved fifteen female judoka, including competitors in the London Olympics, who filed a letter with the Japanese Olympic Committee complaining of violence by two coaches, including the head coach of the women's team. Both these cases caused a national debate about the practice oftaibatsu(corporal punishment) in sport in Japan. This article is based on the outcomes of focus groups that were conducted with students at ten universities from across Japan in 2013. In particular, we examine the ways in which students’ normalised acts of violence from coaches, accepting them as necessary forms of discipline and, in many cases interpreting such acts as indicative of caring coaching and kindness. Further, we consider the responses of students, which suggest that these forms of corporal punishment are necessary in producing a uniquely Japanese form of identity. The complex relationship between sport and education in Japan suggests that attempts to change the ways in whichbukatsudōoperate, including coach/athlete relationships, is problematic and may require major reconsideration of the role of sport in education. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A clarification is presented for the articles "The common sense that makes the ‘otaku’: rules for consuming popular culture in contemporary Japan" in the June 2013 issue of "Japan Forum" and "The Anxieties that Make the ‘Otaku’: Capital and the Common Sense of Consumption in Contemporary Japan" in the May 2013 issue of "Japanese Studies," both written by Kam Thiam Huat.

Japan's foreign population is growing, and policy-makers need to address the manifold challenges of an emerging multicultural society. Most importantly, this concerns the task to prevent societal frictions from occurring. This article puts Japan's preparedness to face the challenge of trust-building between members of different ethnic groups to test. The realm of educational policies and schooling practices will stand at the center of interest. It will be argued that the Japanese approach of an integration policy, with its strong focus on the concept of multiculturalism on a national level of policy-making, falls short of creating opportunities for trust-learning among the members of the societal majority and various minority groups. On a subnational level, however, e.g. in Kanagawa Prefecture, some best-practice examples of trust-learning across ethnic boundaries can nevertheless be identified, and may serve as starting points for future policy reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Trust matters profoundly for many dimensions of political life. In this article we focus on political trust: how the trust or mistrust citizens have toward the political process, politicians and government affects politics. Prior research has shown that political trust influences such crucial dimensions of politics as the basic legitimacy of government, political participation, voting behavior, compliance with government, and reform orientation. In this article, we seek to answer three major questions. First, is political trust declining in Japan? Second, we are interested in exploring the determinants of trust and distrust in politics: why do people lose trust in politics? What kinds of voters lose political trust? Third, we explore the consequences: what happens when people lose trust in government and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1960s, Heibon Punch became one of the most popular weekly magazines in Japan. It was the first weekly magazine aimed at young men and I examine here a selection of articles from the late 1960s, a period of violent student protests and international uncertainty, to argue that the importance of Heibon Punch can be found in the creation of a commodified urban, male subjectivity. In the pages of Heibon Punch, the counter-cultures that were emerging along with the protest movements taking to the streets of the major cities, became firmly embedded within the ideological state promotion of a consumer culture. The government's explicit connection of national development to domestic consumption after the ANPO protests was tied to American military and economic power, and was simply one more assault on popular sovereignty. In the pages of Heibon Punch, the political nature of the social and economic transformations wrought by high-speed economic growth was effaced by the relentless consumerisation of individual subjectivity. I place the magazine, its editorial stance and mediatisation of subjectivity, within the broader emergence of an urban, middle-class culture of consumption that served to blur the contours of individual male subjectivity, and was, in many ways, a precursor of neo-liberal subjectivities that emerged full-blown both politically and economically in the 1970s and 1980s. By pressing its readers to decide for themselves how to negotiate the identities, ideas, and goods on offer in its pages, Heibon Punch shifted the focus of political subjectivity from the established social and political system to the core of the individual subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Market actors are commonly faced with solving three distinct coordination problems as sources of uncertainty. How should they value the objects of their trade? How can they shield themselves from the competition? And with whom and how do they cooperate? This article investigates how Japanese antique art dealers confront these issues. While offering a rich description and analysis of a hitherto understudied Japanese market, the article shows how economic and social issues are closely intertwined. It contributes to our understanding of behaviour in a Japanese market in three ways. First, it underscores how inclusion/exclusion, status, reputation, networks and hierarchies constitute a field that allows market exchanges to exist in the first place, while also channelling, and being impacted upon by these market exchanges. Secondly, contrary to neoclassical economic theory, where the idea of value has largely been abandoned, the findings highlight the importance of distinguishing between notions of value and price in the understanding of markets. Thirdly, the article shows how market actors actively shape market arrangements to address the specific challenges of their domain. In the case of the Japanese antique art market these challenges include high risks of fakes, a limited quantity of high quality material, market outsiders, and dealers with deep pockets. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Ikumen is a buzzword that describes fathers who are actively involved in childrearing. This article focuses on the process in which the term ikumen and its meaning are diffused and investigates how soon-to-be fathers, themselves potential ikumen, view the ikumen discourse. Our endeavor is to grasp the transformation of father roles and the wider family in contemporary Japan through the public and individual engagement with the term ikumen. In this article, we combine macro and micro approaches to analyze ikumen as a discourse circulating in Japanese society and study the way in which the subjects of the discourse – soon-to-be fathers – view the ikumen discourse and interact with it. Utilizing an analysis of newspaper articles, we inquire into the process in which the concept ikumen became popular in Japan and the images that are affiliated with it. Through interviews, we then investigate how soon-to-be fathers as potential ikumen themselves perceive the term. Our results show the way in which an ikumen discourse emerged in Japan in opposition to the term kazoku sabisu, which since the 1970s describes the activities fathers engage in for the satisfaction of their families and fulfillment of social expectations. However, while the term is very popular in the media, the young families we interviewed see ikumen more skeptically. They both resist the popular discourse and adapt it into their construction of paternal identities through a differentiation between a strong versus a weak ikumen image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains the processes in which the two SDFs’ organizational cultures were formed by examining the ways in which the two Self Defense Forces (SDFs) were established in the early 1950s and have interacted with their US counterparts since that time. The article argues that the reason that the Ground Self Defense Force (GSDF) has been so cautious about sending troops to overseas operations, whereas the Maritime Self Defense Force (MSDF) has been willing to provide any possible support for the US Navy (USN), is that they have developed different organizational cultures – different collective beliefs and understandings about how to contribute to the national interest that they defined – through their decades-long relations with their US counterparts since the early 1950s. It is especially important to consider what type of Japanese actors were in charge of establishing each of the two SDFs in the early 1950s, what intentions they had when they established the two SDFs, and what kind of relations they had with their US counterparts. It is also important to consider how the USAR and USN responded to the requests from their Japanese counterparts in the 1950s and 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article compares and discusses the third series of kokugo tokuhon (national language readers) used in Japan between 1918 and 1932, and the first series of kokumin tokuhon (national readers), used in Taiwan between 1913 and 1923. The study points out that the materials introducing the world (including geography and history lessons, adaptations of foreign literary texts, episodes from the life of great men of science, etc) are considerably more numerous in the Japanese readers than in their Taiwanese counterparts. Following the two different processes of (intended) national identity formation via a detailed analysis of the materials and illustrations in the two sets of textbooks, the article also sheds light on the way the Taiwanese tokuhon attempt to replicate successful methods of earlier Japanese textbooks, while at the same time anticipating some of the trends visible in subsequent readers from Japan proper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adventure stories were a feature of children's magazines between 1925 and 1945, both in Japan and in colonial Korea. These stories expressed very different visions, depending on the audience, the period, and the purposes of individual authors. Japanese adventure stories in the bestselling magazine Shōnen kurabu portrayed heroes who ranged widely across the seas, articulating a vision of Japanese as outward-looking explorers of far-flung regions, which resonated with Japanese imperialism. In contrast, adventure stories in Korean magazines focused on adventures in and around Korea, reflecting the relative constraints of the colonial subject, as well as an exploration of Korean identity that was strongly linked to the land of Korea itself. The stories of Bang Jung-hwan in the magazine Orini depicted young Koreans rescuing kidnapped friends and relatives, symbolically representing the restoration of the lost nation by the hands of Koreans themselves. On the other hand, the later adventure story of Kim Nae-Seong portrays Korean heroes who are also subjects of the Japanese empire. Although the children's adventure story as a genre has often been associated with imperial expansion, its use in both Japan and Korea shows that adventure stories could also be used to express alternative visions of identity for the colonized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given popular concerns about nuclear accidents in the wake of the Fukushima disaster, the Japanese state shut down the last of its fifty-four reactors for inspections on 5 May 2012, the first time the country had been without nuclear energy since May 1970. However, on 8 June 2012, in a nationwide address, Prime Minister Noda Yoshihiko justified a resumption of nuclear power generation at the Oi nuclear plant in Oimachi, Fukui Prefecture. This article examines Noda's speech as an example of ‘risk recalibration’. The first section outlines the underlying theoretical assumptions, while the second section provides the context behind the speech. This involved the input of political, economic and social actors as they vied for policy influence. The third section then analyses the risk rationality used in the speech itself. The argument is that while the speech is an important example of risk rationality operating through discourse as a medium of power, the overall ‘recalibration’ runs contrary to what recent studies have shown in other areas. In short, it is held that the speech follows a more traditional paternalistic logic of centralized risk management rather than a neoliberal logic of ‘individual responsibility’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Drawing on a series of ethnographic cases of some fishing communities, the article explores the role of meteorological winds in Japanese coastal fisheries. In particular, it is argued that Japanese fishermen's ecological knowledge is strictly connected to memory that coexists with other institutional knowledge, such as meteorology, in a complex scenario of contestation and negotiation. The article stresses also the idea that fishermen's memory is implicitly subversive to the dominant native discourses on knowledge proposed by Japanese folklore studies, focused on its epistemological hierarchization (folk and scientific knowledge), or on the individualization of the intergenerational discrepancies between traditional and contemporary knowledge. It will attempt to show how the method of interpretation traditionally adopted by this academic discipline offers a vision of fishermen's ecological knowledge that is more susceptible to local and static evocations, and which is far from reflecting the complex relationship between coastal fisheries, memory and knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article studies the heretofore unexplored fear-based print marketing campaigns for postwar hangover remedies and liver drugs sold by Japan's leading drug manufacturers of the 1950s, including Chūgai, Takeda, Tanabe, Sankyō, and Yamanouchi. It reveals that these drugs were creatively and predatorily marketed to salarymen and their wives in hundreds of newspaper and magazine ads that raised the spectre of liver damage and related diseases due to overconsumption of alcohol and tobacco. It demonstrates that the makers claimed not only that their formulations could remedy liver damage, but could even serve as prophylactics that would guard against the dangers of alcohol and nicotine poisoning and enable users to drink and smoke to excess without fear. The robust copy and clever imagery appearing in the ads also illustrate the social pressures facing salarymen to drink with colleagues after work on an almost nightly basis, as well as at a series of seasonal office parties and gatherings throughout the year. This article is the first to examine how drug makers took aim at some of postwar Japan's leading causes of ill health, alcohol and tobacco abuse, as well as chemical poisonings and even morning sickness, by selling an array of ineffectual drugs based on untested and dubious claims. It charts the drug makers' increasingly outlandish ads, the slow realization that their drugs were potentially hazardous, and their swift withdrawal from the market by 1960. It argues that, amidst a rise in alcohol overconsumption and comparatively lax testing and marketing regulations, Japan's postwar pharmaceutical firms exaggerated and preyed upon consumer health concerns in hundreds of frightening and pseudoscientific ads for largely untested and potentially hazardous drugs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Abstract:This introduction to the special issue on ‘Japanese Popular Culture and Contents Tourism’ places the four articles in theoretical and contextual perspective. Contents tourism is a theoretical concept that originated in Japan. Its closest counterpart in the English-language literature at present is film-induced tourism or media-induced tourism. Contents tourism is placed within the theoretical context of cultural tourism and the rationale for its focus on narratives, characters and other creative elements over media format (for example, cinema) is explained. The article then gives a brief chronological overview of how contents tourism has worked its way into the official language of government economic and tourism policy up to and including 2013. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since around 2008, a new type of eager consumption of Japanese traditional, cultural and ideological images and notions has been exhibited by young women in Japan. Calledrekijo(history fan girls), they have attracted great public attention. They enjoy visiting historical sites that appear in anime, novels and videogames based on historical fact, and actively participate in events led by local communities. The popularity of such ‘contents tourism’ or ‘pilgrimage’ has had a significant economic effect. Simultaneously, a ‘power spot’ boom has taken place, in which young women visit Shinto shrines, Buddhist temples and historical sites to gain spiritual power. Their ‘“pop” nationalistic’ faith towards the spirits of historical figures, Shintokamiand Buddha may be called ‘pop-spiritualism’ and contributes to building new notions of ‘Japanese-ness’. This article explores the significance of the heritage tourism of young women in socio-cultural and feminist contexts, and discusses how the recentrekijophenomenon and women's ‘pop-spiritualism’ serves to reconceptualize their national identities and challenge Japanese gender norms. These processes are exemplified through discussion of women's heritage tourism induced byAn-anandNon-noin the 1970s, historical dramas in the 1980s, theMirage of Blazeseries in the 1990s andSengoku BASARAandHakuōkiin the 2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In early 1938, the newly formed Cabinet Information Division (Naikaku jōhōbu) held a closed-door Thought-War Symposium (Shisōsen kōshūkai) in Tokyo with over 100 bureaucrats, military officers, media executives and academics in attendance. While the ostensible purpose of the symposium was to discuss propaganda following Japan's full-scale invasion of China in July of 1937, the presentations had very little to do with the practical coordination of information. Rather, the symposium participants brought their specific areas of expertise to bear on elaborating the curious term ‘thought war’ (shisōsen), a term that had only recently been used with any regularity but which had become invested with critical urgency following the invasion of China. In the conventional literature, the term ‘thought war’ is understood as marking a new modality of state propaganda as Japan moved towards a total war system. However, this reading overlooks the ideological investments in thought war discourse, as well as how ‘thought war’ inherited a multivalent sense of crisis that had crystallized around thought and culture earlier in the 1930s. In this article, I explore how the 1938 symposium reveals a combined sense of historical crisis and an urgent call for the total overhaul of Japanese state and society, a combination which, I argue, underwrote the development of fascism in Japan. I trace how three earlier discourses of crisis – the ‘Manchurian Problem’, the ‘thought problem’ and the ‘movement to clarify thekokutai’ – converged within thought war discourse, thus investing it with fascist urgency. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

International students graduating from Japanese universities are becoming an important component of graduate recruitment strategy in globalising Japanese firms. They are praised for possessing exactly the kinds of attributes seen as lacking in their Japanese counterparts – such as intercultural communication skills, self-confidence and a competitive spirit. Their value is also emphasised in national policies addressing the human resource challenges of globalisation. Higher education policy-makers, too, are increasingly conscious of the need to connect efforts to attract international students to Japan with strategies to maximise their utility in the Japanese workforce. To succeed in the job market, however, international students are required to conform to the conventions of graduate job-hunting. Career support services offered by universities and third-party intermediaries tend to focus on bringing students into line with these conventions rather than developing alternatives thereto. This article explores this interface between policies and practices surrounding international graduate job-seekers, analysing the positions of several different stakeholders – including the job-seekers themselves – in order to develop a more critical understanding of the possible outcomes of current moves towards internationalisation of higher education and employment in Japan and the future of the graduate job-placement system itself. The article highlights a paradox whereby the ‘global’ attributes that underpin the expectations placed on international students originally are overshadowed by a concern with testing local socio-cultural literacy through the application of the conventional norms and practices of the graduate job hunt. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The aftershocks of the spring of 2011 in Japan led the nation into a paralysis of futureshock. But as the aftershocks continued and news of more radiation seeped out of the cracks in the tightly sealed industrial-political power generator, it became clear that the idea that the earthquake has brought a new reality to Japan must itself be resisted. Indeed what is now evident is that little has changed, despite renewed urgency to respond. Although the waves of disaster in Japan unfolding from 11 March caught everyone off guard, in some significant ways Japan was already prepared. Such preparedness can be read into Japan's long history of dealing with disasters, twenty years of economic stagnation and the growing prevalence of mysticism and eschatology in pop culture in the wake of the Kobe earthquake and Aum Shinrikyō attacks on the Tokyo subway. So, rather than a rupture, an anomalous event, the series of catastrophes of the spring 2011 that appeared as if out of the blue could be narrativized in real time through social media and connected to historical and social contingencies and continuities. Rather than mourning the passing of some Japan that may never have existed or may already have passed away some time in the early 1990s, 11 March should be the occasion for reflection on the past, action in the present and taking stock for the future. Fighting the tendency to be stunned into complacency, this special issue reflects on the past and future amid the aftershocks radiating from Fukushima and post-earthquake Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We offer a historically grounded analysis of major works in the study of Japanese politics with a focus on the period since the Second World War. The article traces an evolution from early assessments of Japanese democracy and modernization through the focus on the political economy of high growth to the current disciplinary-based emphasis on narrower but more empirically defensible research. We close with a call for future research to take greater risks at synthetic analyses of Japanese politics broadly considered. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Images of debris dominate our understanding of the 3/11 triple disaster – earthquake, tsunami, nuclear meltdown – that took place in Japan on 11 March 2011. They have been effectively used to rewrite the story of individual suffering into one of collective tragedy. In this article, debris is a locus for examining the construction of the narrative of 3/11 as cultural trauma. The article analyzes three texts that deal directly with images of 3.11 debris: Fujiwara Toshi's documentary filmNo Man's Zoneand two short stories: Murakami Ryū's ‘Little eucalyptus leaves’ (Yūkari no chisana ha, 2012) and Saeki Kazumi's ‘Hiyoriyama’ (2012). Fujiwara interrogates the position of the viewer via images of destruction, Murakami connects 3/11 to the multidirectional memory of other global traumas like Auschwitz, and Saeki constructs a local narrative that contrasts the personal experience of the disaster with a televisual or filmic representation. These texts are engaged in the cultural work of constructing 3/11 as collective trauma. They create a collective identity, a ‘we’, for this trauma that speaks both for and against the national narratives of recovery. This article examines images of debris around the one-year anniversary of 3/11 and speculates on the concurrent lack of images of bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Sesame Street, the longest running and most popular children's program in world television history, has failed to gain a large fan base in Japan because of notions of place. Since 1969,Sesame Street has taught socialization skills, pioneered programming formats, developed marketing strategies and spread American ideologies. Sesame Street has aired in English in 145 countries; over thirty countries have developed localized versions. Japan's NHK public television broadcast Sesame Street from 1971 to 2004 to teach English to secondary-school students. In 2004, Sesame Street was moved to the commercial TV Tokyo network and was localized. Muppets were added to appeal to younger children. Yet the program was cancelled in 2007. A key to Sesame Street's worldwide success has been teaching cognitive skills and promoting compassion for local cultural differences, while tapping consumer desires for idealized American childhood. When New York was erased and the English language removed, Sesame Street could not compete with Japan's already extensive children's television market. Sesame Street characters, however, became more successful when removed from their original context. I overview five aspects of Sesame Street in Japan and Japan in Sesame Street that best exemplify the program's cultural and consumerist politics, significance in television history and the image of urban society it represents. Namely, I analyze Sesame Street's place on children's television, the reasons for its importation and localization, depictions of Japan, broadcast history and legacy after cancellation. I argue that the kind of popularity Sesame Street has enjoyed in Japan is different than in other countries and provides insight into the Japanese television industry and marketing of American childhood. I explore a historical moment when television was particularly influential in international relations and in constructing notions of ‘home’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

I examine Gekkō Kamen (Moonlight Mask), one of the earliest postwar heroes, as a palimpsest of identity anxieties in postwar Japan. The turban-and-sunglass-wearing, motorcycle-mounted, pistol-toting, shuriken-throwing hero dressed all in white drew as much on Captain America and Superman as it did on Japanese ninja stories and wartime hero stories, such as Golden Bat. Gekkō Kamen was also a template for a new kind of hero with a bike between his knees and a mask over his mouth. In 1958 when the series was launched, it may have been difficult to foresee Gekkō Kamen's future global impact as Capitan Centella, when translated into Spanish, but the local impact was immeasurable. Although the series was canceled after a child died attempting a stunt from the show, the cultural position of Gekkō Kamen continues today and can be seen in as varied venues as Ultraman in the 1960s, the Kamen Rider and Japanese Spiderman TV series of the 1970s, and Go Nagai's spoof Kekkō Kamen, the busty, underwear-clad female superhero. The hybrid and miscegenated figure of Gekkō Kamen represented a new mode of heroic self-identification that carried with it nationalism pitched at the global level rather than national or regional levels. Close examination of the odd identities of the heroes and villains in the 1958 series reveals the fears endemic in the rebuilding nation and bipolar world order. As both a mirror and projector of masks,Gekkō Kamen provides stunning frame for focusing on cold war notions of heroism and bravery. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There is a certain curiosity inscribed to the character Alice of Lewis Carroll's famous children's books. Perhaps reflecting the ‘enigmatic’ sexuality of the author, Alice herself has been perceived and interpreted in a dualistic way, namely as an innocent child and as a self-assertively sexualized ‘Lolita’. However, Alice can also be perceived as an emotionally flat yet autonomous character. My article explores this reading of the heroine, which is notable in the context of Japanese culture. In aspects of contemporary Japanese popular culture, for instance, the idea of ‘Alice’ embodies the idealised image of the ‘shojo’ (girl), who is situated between child and adult and is largely detached from the heterosexual economy. Paying particular attention to a group of music videos in which female Japanese pop singers offer their own versions of Carroll's heroine, I examine significant meanings that lie in Japanese appropriations of the imagery of Alice. The importance of their performances as Alice is highlighted by the tendency in which the aesthetic concept of kawaii (cuteness), particularly when it is mingled with sweet, girlish, and ‘infantile’ qualities, is deemed as unfavourable and demeaning in Euro-American cultures. Do their performances of Alice demonstrate a compatibility between girlish aesthetics and senses of agency and autonomy? Can their emphasis on sweetness, demureness, and femininity without hinting at sexual allure or seeking the male gaze serve to repudiate the stereotyped representation of femininity as passive, compliant, and powerless and prevent the sexual objectification of women? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses the acquisition and application of new cotton spinning technologies in Japan in the early Meiji period, and the ways in which this knowledge helped to mobilise existing resources of human and financial capital. It focusses on the early development of three pioneering firms, the Hirano, Amagasaki and Settsu companies, all of which after 1918 became part of Dainihon Spinning, one of the ‘Big Three’ textile firms of prewar Japan. By looking at the ways in which these companies diffused technical and other expertise, secured finance, and addressed the problems that had confounded earlier initiatives, it shows how technological knowhow from outside the Osaka region was a key factor that enabled the mobilisation of the capital and expertise of business and personal networks in Kansai, and in the process rebuilt the region's traditional predominance in cotton production, laying the foundations for the industry's global competitiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines how enka evolved from the earlier genre ofkayōkyoku, looking at the musical markers of Japaneseness and considering issues of authenticity and originality in those earlier genres. The careers of composers Koga Masao and Hattori Ryōichi and singers Misora Hibari and Kasagi Shizuko show the development of a hybrid style of popular song both before and after the Pacific War, which would by the 1960s evolve into enka. As its core audience has aged, enka has become increasingly rigid and concerned with nostalgia for a ‘pure’ Japanese past, even though the music itself is quite distant from traditional musical forms. Analysis of three movie musicals from the late 1940s and early 1950s,Ginza kankan girl,Carmen comes homeandJanken girls, also demonstrates the performance practices of popular music at the time, and the complex relationship between popular music and national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the mid-1990s the Japanese government has pursued reconciliation initiatives aimed at fostering understanding between Japan and former POWs. Nevertheless, the POW issue remains relatively unknown in Japan. This article describes the profile and activities of the POW Research Network Japan (POW kenkyūkai), a civil society group consisting of professional and shimin (citizen/non-professional) researchers as well as concerned citizens investigating the subject of Allied POWs in Japan. The article explores how POWRNJ participated in and contributed to the contestation of memory of the Asia-Pacific War (1931–1945) during the last decade. It describes the manner in which the group promoted its views and strived to achieve its goals. On the basis of these findings, the article identifies the kind of roles the group played, and how it mattered in the debates on Japan's wartime past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how the concept of Kokutai, or the National Polity, emerged and developed in the course of Japanese modernisation. The National Polity was the central principle that underpinned the mystic and divine authority and sovereignty of the Japanese Emperor (Tennō), and played an ideological role during the Asia Pacific War. Nevertheless, the definition of the National Polity was highly ambiguous and there was no dominant interpretation of the National Polity even in the wartime period from the 1930s to 1940s. In this article, I shall put forward the view that the 1930s and 1940s discourse of the National Polity involved logical or rational ideas that have commonly been thought to be antagonistic to the National Polity; therefore the discourse became complex, ambiguous and paradoxical. This article will elucidate how the discourse of Taishō Democracy, which has been perceived as a major critique of the National Polity, also contributed to the mass-based ideology of the National Polity. In order to examine this problem comprehensively, I will explore various strands of the National Polity debates from the early Meiji period to the 1940s, such as the thought of Itō Hirobumi, Inoue Tetsujirō, Hozumi Yatsuka, Uesugi Shinkichi, Minobe Tatsukichi, Yoshino Sakuzō and Miki Kiyoshi. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

By the end of the Meiji period in 1912, members of Japan's new middle classes had taken up the pastime of photography, once a luxury affordable only to Japan's urban elite. The availability of cheaper, domestically produced cameras and developing materials fueled this popularization of photography. Along with affordable products, the rapid growth in popular camera clubs helped spread photographic know-how. Camera clubs were shared social spaces where members, primarily men, explored photographic art and technique. By spreading the idioms and practices of artistic expression among a wider audience, camera clubs, along with museums, galleries and exhibitions, were the primary institutional setting for the democratization of the fine arts in modern Japan. At the same time, clubs were voluntary associations and operated along democratic procedural principles that provided members the opportunity to participate in democratically run organizations where they could exercise individual rights not granted to most of them in the wider political system. This article argues that camera clubs must be understood as among the most important spaces for the expression of liberal democratic ideals in the cultural sphere during the period of imperial democracy from 1905 until 1932. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Nippon Fujin(The Japanese woman, 1942–1945) was the most prominent wartime women's magazine of Japan that shaped its propagandistic messages in gendered and culturalized forms. Scrutinizing the visual dimension of the magazine, I discern patterns of gendered visual representation that primarily produce highly visible cultural notions and thereby veil, obscure and render invisible assertions of political power over colonized people as well as enemies. Visibility is commonly associated with influence, power and political impact, whereas less visibility – or invisibility – often indicates the positions of those who are politically powerless, socially disadvantaged or culturally oppressed. Contrasting the visual propaganda inNippon Fujinwith visual examples fromNS Frauen-Warte(NS women's outlook), the major Nazi women's magazine of the time, I argue that in the former case there are concepts of ‘visibility’ and ‘invisibility’ at work that do not fit neatly into the paradigmatic assumption of mediated political ‘visibility’ as a pre-condition for public acceptance in a mass culture. To a large degree, it is the ‘invisibility’ or coded visibility of political actors that forms effective strategic elements of visual propaganda. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Cool Japan slogan has been in circulation for ten years, and has been discussed from the points of view of popular culture and creative industries, as well as nationalism and nation-building. Studies focus mainly on Japan itself or the Japanese influence in Asia and elsewhere. This article adds another perspective by focusing on the Cool Japan project in relation to the transnationally circulating practice of nation branding. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Kagayaku(1933–1941) was an offshoot ofNyonin geijutsu(Women's arts) that continued afterNyonin geijutsushut down in 1932. This simple four-page leaflet extended the already complex vision ofNyonin geijutsu. This article focuses onKagayaku's strong tendency to include writings by women intellectuals and artists living outside Japan, with contributions by women in North America, Europe, Brazil, the Philippines, Russia and China. It argues that, even as the publication was drawn into the nationalist discourses of an increasingly militarized Japan, these writings often reflected an increasingly cosmopolitan and eclectic perspective on culture, race, and ethnicity. At times, this tendency was tied to a ‘co-prosperity sphere’ image of Asia, but such an ideological category does not capture the writings meaningfully. Through close analysis of a few key texts fromKagayaku, this article draws attention to the ways the tensions between art and politics and gender and class that characterizedNyonin geijutsuplayed out in the wartime context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article presents an examination of Japan's epoch-making health-insurance reforms undertaken during the Asia-Pacific War between 1937 and 1945. These reforms culminated in amendments to the Health Insurance Law and the National Health Insurance Law in 1942, along with the enactment of the National Medical Treatment Law. The issues addressed in this article are, firstly, the kind of reforms of Japan's health-insurance programs that took place during this period, and secondly, the historical significance of these reforms. Focusing on three elements of the wartime health-insurance reforms – expansion of the number of insured people, transformation of payment system to physicians and provision of easy access to medical institutions – this article examines the following hypothesis: Japanese Health Insurance, established in 1922, which primarily aimed at maintaining and restoring workers’ health and physical work capability, and providing them with economic assistance during those times when they suffered from sickness or injury, was qualitatively transformed to quasi-public-assistance programs with financial dependence on the state during wartime, which established an institutional setting that contributed to the rise of health-insurance expenditure in the post-war era. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Ainu poet and critic Sasaki Masao (1943–) is one of the most idiosyncratic thinkers of post-war Ainu politics. His writings have ramifications for envisioning new political directions in colonial and post-colonial history, and for thinking through the fraught problematic of political subjectivity. This article, having identified the ‘lived experience of being Ainu’ in modern and contemporary Japan as something irrevocably bound to the temporal structure of modernity, and that structure in turn as something bound to both an epistemological and eschatological notion of the finite and fragile ‘human’ as the ultimate plenitude of national and humanist politics, argues that Sasaki was perhaps the most eloquent in explaining that to be ‘Ainu’ means to be constantly ‘not yet’ quite modern or equal enough. The article shows how Sasaki developed a notion of a kind of political redemption through which, divided from himself and the contemporaneous unfolding of a history that would constantly interpellate him thus, he attempted to suspend the historicist premises for ‘Ainu’ salvation and strive for a kind of politics that might finally place us in direct contact with the primal history of capitalist modernity – a history that demands being ‘Ainu’ to mean so much more than just that. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This feature reflects on the gold medal victory for the Japanese women's volleyball team at the 1964 Tokyo Olympics, through the recollections of the team captain Kasai Masae. An interview with Kasai records the impact that victory had on her own life, as well as on the popularity of women's volleyball in Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This is a translation of an article that reconsiders the controversy surrounding the Satō Eisaku Cabinet's China policy from 1970 to 1972. Previous studies have not focused sufficiently on how top officials in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs discussed China policy during this era. Based on recently declassified but still fragmentary Japanese diplomatic documents, this article, by carefully organizing these fragments and then comparing them with previously published secondary sources and declassified US diplomatic documents, uncovers historical facts of central importance for understanding Japan's postwar foreign policy. In particular, this article finds that the Foreign Ministry failed to formulate a strategic response to the drastic transformation of the international situation in the early 1970s, thereby indicating that discord within the ruling Liberal Democratic Party was not the only reason for Japan's delayed and reactive response. It also finds that the Ministry decided to establish diplomatic relations with China and severe relations with Taiwan as early as immediately after the Taiwanese government was expelled from the U.N. in October 1971, even though Japan waited for nearly another year before acting. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This mini special issue introduces readers to an important, but often overlooked intellectual current in post-war Japan: realism. While most attention has focused on pacifism and anti-militarism, this issue reveals the important contributions made by Japanese realists, and how they creatively incorporated elements of pacifism, anti-militarism and even progressivism into forms of realism that arguably made a unique and creative contribution to global realist theory. This issue translates in full into English for the first time major essays by two of the best known post-war realists in Japan: Kōsaka Masataka and Nagai Yōnosuke. This issue also highlights a major preoccupation for Japanese realists, one evident throughout the Kōsaka and Nagai essays, and for Japanese foreign policy in general: the country's relationship with China and the normalization of relations from the perspective of the second half of the 1960s. The third article in this mini-special issue, a translation of a recent work of diplomatic history, shows to what extent the realist considerations of Kōsaka and Nagai are translated by practitioners at the end of the 1960s into Japanese policy toward China on the eve of Sino-Japanese normalization. These translations provide perspective on the challenges Japan faces today when formulating policy toward a China that has become even more important for Japan than it was already in the 1960s. They highlight the recurrence of several tensions and debates, such as Japan's identity as a “western” versus as an East Asian nation, how to deal with a confrontational China, the role of military power versus diplomacy, and how to balance relations between China and the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article Nagai Yōnosuke uses balance-of-threat-like realist logic to argue that the core aim of Japan's grand strategy must be to minimize potential adversaries while maximizing allies for the sake of deterring attacks from potential adversaries and maximizing the country's freedom of choice. He warns against the idealistic radicalism of both the left and the right in Japan, which he argues is a decontinuation of prewar fanaticism in new ideological clothing. While indicting idealists for suffering from an ‘illusion of omnipotenence’, he criticizes ‘overcautious foreign ministry bureaucrats’, a timidity he attributes to an ‘accumulation of indolence.’ Both tendencies threaten Japan's ability to pursue its core aim of maximizing friends and minimizing enemies. To realize this aim Nagai calls for improving relations with the Soviet Union and even forming a “northern axis” with Washington and Moscow to help isolate China in the short run. Nonetheless, in the longer term he sees this as an indirect means to normalize relations with China. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]