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Although scholarly interest in family migration is increasing, along with attention to the role of women and children in migration processes, this aspect of mobility continues to be poorly understood, particularly in the European context. Research on migration has tended to focus on primary migrants and to pay less attention to whether migrants arrive with families, resulting in a restricted picture of the impact of migration. This paper examines the presence and participation of families and children in the process of migration. It does so within the specific context of intra-European labour migration. Based on a qualitative study of migration and the integration of Polish families and children in Scotland, the paper explores changes in family structures and migration patterns that result in diverse new household migration behaviours. It argues that the locations of migrants within the European Community have become more fluid, with families being increasingly likely to inhabit more than one residence. It also argues that the uniqueness of the European setting requires a coherent theoretical focus and conceptual framework for understanding the implications of family migration. It suggests that transnational lenses generate useful empirical approaches concerning migration movements within the European Community. The paper explores transnational migration theory in relation to Polish post-enlargement migration and examines the multiple ways in which families may change through migration. It analyses the role of gender (women and men) and generations (grandparents, parents and children) in migration and settlement in the new country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the relationship between models of quality of life and Europe's increasingly diverse older population. European social policy on old age is responding only slowly to the presence of older ethnic minority migrants. People who migrated primarily for economic reasons, and who may never have intended to stay in the host country, are now approaching retirement age and faced with crucial issues of how to manage old age in a foreign country. In view of a growing policy interest in extending the quality of life of Europe's older population, the paper examines current approaches to measuring quality of life. It is argued that existing models are not suited to addressing the particular circumstances of older ethnic minority migrants, as they omit crucial aspects related to migration and their impact on key life domains. The outline of a model will be constructed which takes account of these issues and may thus serve as a basis for a more informed discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past research suggests that majority evaluations of welfare deservingness are structured along ethnic dividing lines. The fact that poverty and immigrant status are highly associated across Europe's increasingly ethnically diverse societies may thus lead majorities to withdraw support from welfare programs that transfer money to people who are different from themselves. Utilizing measures of general welfarism, most prior studies have not addressed the interplay between attitudes toward immigrants and support for specific welfare types that rely on different notions of entitlement and attract varying levels of take-up among natives and immigrants. Addressing this gap in the literature and focusing on the example of Germany, this paper asks to what extent anti-immigrant sentiment relates to native-born Germans’ attitudes toward the government's responsibility to care for three recipient groups: the unemployed, the old, and the sick. Anti-immigrant attitudes expressed as ethnic prejudice are associated with lowered support for government intervention to assist the unemployed, while support for old-age and sickness assistance does not appear to be related to levels of negative out-group sentiment. The results suggest that those who harbor ethnic prejudice are more likely to oppose aid that is predominantly means-tested, rather than universal or contribution-based, and that does benefit a large number of non-natives. The negative association between prejudice and support for unemployment assistance is independent of concerns with the economic viability of the welfare system in the face of immigration. This points to the relevance of negative affect beyond subjectively rational motives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Individual mobility within the European Union has remained rather low, in spite of large socio-economical differences and the lack of political restrictions for citizens of member states. Taking this as a starting point, this paper sets out to develop a more appropriate view by combing aspects of economic and sociological migration theories both at the macro and micro levels. For this purpose, the Eurobarometer survey 54.2 of 2001 is analysed by applying a three-level regression. Therefore, different characteristics of 15 European countries, 196 nuts-2-regions and about 7,000 respondents aged younger than 45 years are considered. Analyses show that the assumption of push-and-pull models – namely, that people leave less developed places – applies only within countries. In fact, the highest migration intentions can be observed in regions with a developmental gap compared to the overall level of a country. But between countries, the effect is quite the opposite – the highest intentions can be found in highly developed countries. However, the explanatory power of macro-level variables is rather low compared to that of individual characteristics. Therefore, research should place more emphasis on individual characteristics, to estimate a migration potential more accurately. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious identity and practice has been associated with attitudes to immigration in Europe, but it is not known how this relationship varies between different cultural and economic contexts. Analysing data from seven waves of the European Social Survey (ESS) 2002-2014 we examine the association cross-nationally and over time, in what was a financially unstable period for many European countries and households. We have two main findings. Firstly, it is not religion per se, but rather conformity to national rates of religiosity which is associated with concern about the economic and cultural consequences of immigration. Secondly, the association between religion and anti-immigration is strengthened in contexts of economic uncertainty. These findings suggest that while religion does not predict immigration attitudes uniformly across countries, when religion reflects cultural conformity, it could become an expression national or ethnic group identity in times of economic insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a comparative study of rights and controls with respect to migration, based on research in Germany, Britain and Italy. These three countries were chosen both for their differing histories and for their contrasting contemporary circumstances, as a means of identifying the problems which confront any attempt at harmonization. The analysis offers an approach midway between an exaggerated view of national closure and control, and an over-emphasis on the power of transnational rights. Focusing instead on stratified rights or 'civic stratification', the article examines the different legal statuses available to non-EEA migrants, and identifies key contrasts in the management of migration in each of the three countries studied. It offers a tentative typology to capture these contrasts, and reflects on their significance for a harmonized Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]