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This paper investigates attitudes towards the welfare state measured as government responsibility towards the standard of living of the unemployed and the old. The article focuses on the differences between post-communist countries and the rest of Europe, contextualised using the self-interest theory, specifically economic strain. Data on thirty one European countries gleaned from the European Social Survey collected in 2008 and 2016 are analysed using multilevel methods. The findings show that even though citizens in post-communist countries are purportedly more in favour of government intervention in regard to the welfare state, perceptible differences emerge based on individual characteristics, namely economic strain, combined with whether the respondent lives in a post-communist country. The cross-national differences in welfare support between post-communist countries and the rest of Europe are largely driven by differences in economic strain, with citizens in post-communist countries that struggle financially exhibiting higher support for welfare state provisions in comparison to their peers in countries without a communist legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article contributes a better understanding of the mechanisms underpinning the intertwining of national and religious identity at the individual level in (some) former Communist and socialist European countries. It starts by retracing from a historical perspective the place religion occupied under the regimes, then paying attention to how, once politicized and ethnicized by the hand of a new class of ethnopolitical entrepreneurs, religion became "the hallmark of nationhood." This excursus allows us to better contextualize both the theoretical argument and findings. The intertwining of national and religious identity is investigated from two main theoretical sources. The first is the debate within sociology and political science on different ideas of nationhood, while the second consists of socio-psychological models of intergroup relations. The empirical investigation is based on survey data from the European values study (EVS, 2017). A comparative approach is used that includes four countries having Catholic large majorities (Poland, Slovenia, Croatia, and Hungary) and, as a benchmark, Romania, having an Orthodox majority. To test the hypotheses, a structural equation model is specified. The causal model seeks to unravel to what extent different conceptions of nationhood (ethno-religious vs. civil), together with national attachment, influence the intergenerational transmission of religious values and distrust of people of another religion/nationality. The research results are in line with the current European trends pointing in the direction of a stronger overlap between the religious and the national in tailoring collective identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to present and study how a digital archive can shape and create new ways of producing, publishing, and studying historical sources. Based on our analysis of the COURAGE (Cultural Opposition—Understanding the CultuRal HeritAGE of Dissent in the Former Socialist Countries) Registry about cultural dissent under state socialism in Eastern Europe in the second half of the twentieth century (and focusing on collections about environmental issues in this registry), we seek to understand how different private, amateur, and professional archivists have shaped the scientific and public legacy of cultural dissent under state socialism. The COURAGE Registry conveys a unique view of the history of the Soviet Bloc, providing an assemblage of documents concerning people, groups, institutions, events, and pieces from the time. Together, they tell an alternative story of cultural opposition under socialism, shedding light on important—but until now marginalized—problems, topics, and actors. Our results have shown that cultural opposition in the Registry is understood and constructed as a wide range of forms of engagement and activities, and it is not limited to specific high-cultural or direct political products. The structure of the COURAGE Registry creates a balance among collections that are very diverse in form, and its linked data structure helps connect the information and stories compiled in it. The COURAGE Registry enables researchers to use it as a tool with which to build their own scientific narratives about dissent under socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our article focuses on an instance of cross-media content convergence in state-socialist cultural economies. We deliver a cultural studies intervention addressing the hybrid nature of the cultural economies of the former Soviet Bloc. We show that this instance of convergence was not the effect of a top-down imposition of a policy of state-socialist power, but rather a bottom-up phenomenon, triggered by artistic and economic interests and more specific to capitalism. These interests respond to consumer demand, competition, and box-office success. We borrow the concept of convergence from the writings of Henry Jenkins. Our case study explores a synergy of content between cinema and rock music in 1970s Romania, generating evidence by means of close readings and exploration of reception and production information. Under scrutiny are the adventure film The Immortals (Sergiu Nicolaescu, Romania, 1975) and the music and public presentation of the Romanian band Phoenix. We argue that the inclusion of Phoenix's music in the soundtrack of the film is a key testimony to bottom-up convergence, marking a synergy of discourses that independently developed the same story universe. We show that this synergy took place because the two discourses had the potential to boost each other's artistic and economic performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the long-serving Croatian communist leader Vladimir Bakarić conceptualized the Croatian self-managing nation from a set of ideas that involved decentralization, the depoliticization of national identity, and the forging of a classless self-managing nation. As the centralism of the 1950s, originally envisioned to serve the progress of socialism, eventually brought about the gradual rise of inter-national antagonisms between republics in Yugoslavia, Bakarić assumed that empowering the authorities of the republics and the autonomous provinces should serve as the necessary precondition to prevent national identity from being the source of any potential future conflicts. Subsequently, Bakarić conceptualized decentralization as a means that would eventually lead to the depoliticization of national identity, which was necessary to unleash the building of a classless self-management society accompanied by the withering away of state. This article will show how Bakarić's concept of the nation suffered from two serious shortcomings. The first one stemmed from the 1960 purge of socialist Yugoslavism of any notion of ethnicity, since any idea of Yugoslav ethnic identity had been linked to the Greater-Serbian legacy of the pre-war Yugoslav Royal Dictatorship. The second one stemmed from the fact that ethnic nationalism was latently maintained by the deployment of historical narratives of the communists as the heirs of the true national traditions and the best guardians of the national interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What challenges have we met while writing the history of communist countries before and after 1989? This article introduces a special section devoted to the historiography of the recent past in Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary. It shows that many of the methodological choices made after 1989 eschewed any critical examination and replicated or denied choices made before 1989 without reflecting on them. The section also reflects upon personal continuities. And it finally shows that history writing has been instrumentalized for political purposes after 1989 just as it had been before 1989. In other words, it acutely raises the question of continuities in historical practices despite the 1989 political rupture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the role of trust in the underground structures of the Polish opposition in the 1980s. The empirical material on which the analysis is based comprises historical sources concerning the history of one of the opposition groups in Warsaw, formed around an underground trade union structure (Inter-Enterprise Coordinating Committee), underground periodical ("Wola") and a few other oppositional initiatives. The author looks for answers to the following questions: What types of trust can we find in the underground? What did it mean that one conspirator trusted another? and What was trust based on? First, the author characterizes the Solidarity movement after the imposition of martial law and shows why during this time the problem of trust was so important. Then he explains why this topic is interesting and useful not only for a historian of Solidarity but also for other researchers. He places his research in the context of historians' works about trust, and especially about the problem of trust in communist countries. The author proposes two classifications of trust in the underground. He distinguishes trust regarding the following traits of colleagues: reliability, discretion, and integrity. The second classification concerns the basis for trust. The first type ("old") is trust based on prior contact. The second type ("new") is trust built during underground activity. In the conclusion, the author considers the role of trust in underground activity. The author puts forward the thesis that in opposition activities, trust was much more important than shared political views, to which historians of the Polish opposition generally attach great importance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is part of the special section titled From the Iron Curtain to the Schengen Area, guest edited by Wolfgang Mueller and Libora Oates-Indruchová. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is part of the special section titled From the Iron Curtain to the Schengen Area, guest edited by Wolfgang Mueller and Libora Oates-Indruchová.Soon after the establishment of communist rule in Bulgaria, the state’s “Southern border” (with Turkey and Greece) became its most staunchly guarded borderline, stimulated by the ideological interpretation of the two countries as imperialist states that posed a direct threat to the entire socialist bloc. Since the early 1960s—copying the strategies applied to the Berlin Wall—various new measures were introduced by the communist state to make this borderline even more impermeable, involving the actions of military institutions, propaganda units, and the local population. The current article analyzes the guarding of the “Southern border” in communist Bulgaria and interprets it as an element of the overall strategy of these years to put borderline areas under strict supervision and control. The article presents the main steps in the organization of Border Troops in Bulgaria after 1944 and the various political, educational, and cultural policies developed by the communist state to create loyalty among the soldiers, the military staff, and the population in general. On the basis of archival materials, published memoirs, and literary texts, the article reconstructs the maintenance of constant alert about illegal trespassing, the organization of “voluntary troops” for border-guarding, the training of the young generations, and the romanticizing of the border guard service in those years. In the last part, emphasis is paid to the discrepancies between the propaganda messages and the reactions of the local population, which outline the multi-faceted encounters with ideological policies at the edges of this staunchly guarded world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the passport policy of communist Poland, from the late 1940s to 1980. In the late 1940s, the policy and the institutions that implemented it were given objectives and forms similar to those in the USSR. This Soviet-type policy was in principle a non-exit policy; issuing a passport was an exception that required a solid justification. However, after 1953, following the Soviet Thaw, Polish leaders gradually relaxed the restrictions on exit, which allowed for massive outflows, mainly to Germany and Israel, and for development of temporary mobility, mainly within the Soviet bloc. In the late 1950s, the Polish party restricted emigration but it did not return to the Stalin-era non-exit model. The party developed a new, complex passport policy, which favorably viewed mobility within the bloc and was selective toward travel to the West. This allowed international mobility to expand to a mass scale and become part of the lived experience of millions of Poles. The police apparatus that implemented the policy also expanded and evolved into a complex bureaucratic machinery, but to its end it combined the features of a Weberian bureaucracy with the characteristics of a revolutionary, extralegal “secular arm of the party.” [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Throughout the Second World War and the post-war period, the city of Chernivtsi was transformed from a multiethnic and borderland urban microcosm into a culturally uniform Soviet socialist city. As the Soviets finally took power in this onetime capital of a Hapsburg province in 1944, they not only sponsored further large-scale population transfers but also "repopulated" its history, creating a new urban myth of cultural uniformity. This article examines the connection between war commemoration in Chernivtsi in the era of post-war, state-sponsored anti-Semitism and the formation of collective memory and identities of the city's post-war population. The images of homogeneously Ukrainian Chernivtsi and Bukovina were created through the art of monumental propaganda, promoting public remembrance of certain events and personalities while making sure that others were doomed to oblivion. Selective commemoration of the wartime events was an important tool of drawing the borders of Ukrainian national identity, making it exclusivist and ethnic-based. Through an investigation of the origins of the post-war collective memory in the region, this article addresses the problem of perceived discontinuity between all things Soviet and post-Soviet in Ukraine. It demonstrates that it is, on the contrary, the continuity between Soviet and post-Soviet eras that defines today's dominant culture and state ideology in Ukraine and particularly in its borderlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

America was an attractive destination for European scholars and social scientist--their contacts, observations, experiences, and thoughts often became a subject of interest in itself to many other sociologists. Poles are no exception. Florian Znaniecki and William I. Thomas and their classic Polish Peasant in Europe and America, first published in 1918-20, is symbolic of contacts and influences between Polish and American sociology in the first half of the twentieth century. However, sociologists other than Znaniecki and their transatlantic journeys remain somehow in the shadows to this day. This article presents a more recent and yet less known chapter of Polish-American relations--Polish sociologists visiting American universities in the 1950s and 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large number of similarities can be seen between Soviet and communist activities following World War II in Germany and Austria and in East Central European countries such as Hungary, which were later entirely incorporated into the Soviet bloc. In both cases, Moscow-trained communists aimed at establishing "people's democracy" and took a leading role in rebuilding the respective country's adminis-trative apparatus. However, while they managed, with Soviet support, to take over power in Hungary, they failed to do so in Austria. In Germany, communist and Soviet action contributed to the partition of the country. This article, on the basis of Soviet and German documents, draws the conclusion that the main reason for the success or failure of communist takeover was the Soviet factor: the power Soviet authorities had in the respective countries and the priority they assigned to communist takeover. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]