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The post-colonial face of Poland is rather problematic. Nationalistic right-wingers started using interpretations applying the post-colonial theory, and the theory itself seems to put little resistance to this type of appropriation. Rather than acknowledging such state of affairs as the fate of every idea falling into the hands of the natives, in this paper I would like to treat the problems of Polish post-coloniality as a very interesting test, both for the theory itself and for the analyses of the Polish reality. I shall compare the cases of nationalistic misuse with a more "mainstream" approach to the issue of applicability of the post-colonial theory to the situation in Eastern Europe, and particularly to the situation in Poland. As I shall try to demonstrate, this comparison will reveal many disturbingly common threads--which in my opinion are unjustified assertions and conclusions--resulting not only from errors in reasoning but the shortcomings of the theory itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article develops a concept of governance-induced migration, focusing on the aspect of migrant motivations that remains largely underexamined in current migration research. The wage differentials, family reasons, and availability of welfare benefits are often indicated as the aspects of the host state with a "magnetic" power of attraction. The article argues that other aspects of state development also may prominently influence the behaviour of immigrants and their readiness to settle in a receiving country. The case study presented here of Ukrainian migrant entrepreneurs in Poland (interviews with fifty-one respondents) demonstrates that their motivations for migration are more complex and diversified. They encompass not only the economic and family reasons but also the quality and efficiency of public institutions. Governance-induced migration is associated with the perception of the host state as more citizen-friendly, transparent, effective in ensuring safety, and providing an environment for development. The differences between Poland and Ukraine in the functionality of public institutions and the level of socio-political risks lead to enhanced migration flows and entrepreneurship drain from Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a result of the rise of online communication and political divisions based on symbols, rather than structure (decrease in the importance of class-based voting), citizens are increasingly linked to news outlets that articulate and reinforce their views. The process is facilitated by the spontaneous processes of bottom–up communication that excludes, in an iterative process, people who express views that are inconsistent with the prevailing opinion. The emergence of "information verticals" is a significant influence on attitudes to some issues covered in political debate. These effects operate with regard to so-called easy issues, that is, those rooted in emotions and in the symbolic sphere. Our article is an empirical test of our hypotheses about the effects of media framing of "hard" and "easy" issues. We apply a survey experiment method to verify whether contact with news coverage has an effect on attitudes, taking into account the political orientation and cognitive skills of citizens. Our empirical analyses confirm that a hostile media framing of migration changes respondents' attitudes no matter their level of cognitive engagement. The data come from Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the debate on spatial variance of voting behaviour in Poland. Using empirical data from the 2015 Polish parliamentary election, two alternative explanations of observed patterns are tested. The first focuses on the role of economy while the second emphasises the importance of the urban–rural divide. The empirical analysis demonstrates higher relevance of the differences between urban and rural areas. Even after controlling for historical legacies, urbanization offers the best explanation of the differences in electoral results between spatial units. Furthermore, the effects related to the urban–rural divide are similar within the two broadly defined clusters of parties. Economic variables, on the contrary, matter only in certain socio-cultural contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A military report of September 1919 singled out Polish troops from the formerly Prussian province of Poznania as particularly abusive of, and prejudiced against, Belarusian Jews. This appears to have been a rather unusual case of German anti-Semitism in its Polish version. The Poznanians' prejudice against Eastern Jews, so characteristic of German anti-Semitism, was exacerbated by their hostility against Poznanian Jews, with whom they had been in longstanding conflict. Experiencing a culture clash upon entering the settlements of Eastern Jews, they regarded their inhabitants not only as very strange and unfamiliar but also as far less civilized and even more Jewish than their Poznanian coreligionists. This attitude was compounded by the Poznanians' twofold sense of superiority. First, Poznania was much more developed and contained a much smaller proportion of Jews than did Congress Poland, Galicia, and especially Betarus. Second, the Poznanians considered themselves the best unit of the Polish army and therefore looked down upon units from Congress Poland and Galicia, and especially on their officer corps, which they considered "Jew-ridden." Many of these prejudices were shared by the Poznanian officer corps whose members, in any event, were reluctant to punish their men for anti-Jewish excesses because of their own sense of insecurity. As a result, the Poznanians were much more likely than any other Polish troops to abuse Belarusian Jews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]