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What factors explain the unilateral and multilateral uses of force by the United States? That is the research question this paper addresses. In order to answer the question, the paper uses the dual concepts of opportunity to use force and conditions for the use of force (Meernick 1994, Ostrom and Job 1986) to identify a set of factors that lead either to a unilateral uses of force or to multilateral uses of force by the United States. Among those factors are NATO memberhip, which pushes the use of force in Europe towards multilateral options, and direct threats to the homeland, which pushes the United States towards unilateral uses of force. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This papers seeks to examine the role of external actors within the democratization efforts of post-Soviet eastern Europe.Much scholarship has focused on the domestic conditions which can breed democratic norms, however,little is discussed of the role of external actors wtihin democratic transitions. This is becoming an increasingly important question due to the growing interdependence between the consolidated democracies of Europe and North America and the emerging democracies of the former Soviet Union.This paper seeks to explore and analyze the role of the European Union within the democratizating states of eastern Europe.The EU has provided much in the way of technical and financial assistance, however,due to the implementation of competing and divergent policies with regards to democratic promotion this institution has fostered the emergence of 'two worlds' within eastern Europe.The EU has succesfully promoted democratic norms within states such as Poland and the Baltic republics,while stifling democratic promotion within states falling under the auspices of the European Neighbourhood Policy.Due to the institutional and domestic interests of EU member states,the EU can no longer serve as a tool democratic promotion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides evidence that a certain prehistorical event, namely the Neolithic Revolution, has profoundly affected modern institutions through its impact on group cultures. Using a set of carbon dates of initial agricultural adoption from various Neolithic archaeological sites in Europe, and a panel data of institutional performance measures of Europe during the years prior to the Industrial Revolution, the results show a strong inverse relationship between the initial agricultural adoption date and the institutional performance. This relationship suggests that late adopters of agriculture developed culture conducive for establishing better institutions, while early adopters did not. In the empirical analysis, the carbon dates proxy for the degree of cultural divergence among our ancestors. The paper argues that the introduction of settled agriculture caused a cultural divergence between early adopters and late adopters of agriculture; such divergence has persisted and grown over many generations and led to differences in institutions. The paper uses differences in climate patterns at the time of the Neolithic Revolution as a source of exogenous variation in the timing of settled agriculture. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Alexandre Kojève's Outline of a Phenomenology of Right in light of his 1945 policy paper to De Gaulle, "Outline of a French Foreign Policy." Kojève attempts to give an account of a rational, Federated, Empire along the lines described by Kant's a priori principles of the civil constitution, that is not an a priori concept but rather grounded in existing conditions, customs, mores, and laws and hence would not succumb to what Hegel calls "abstract cosmopolitanism." Kojève makes explicit use of the inheritances and cultural traditions of existing nations in order to build an Empire that would realize "the synthetic justice of the citizen." This principle of justice is realized by bringing aristocratic appreciation of life into democratic equality in the name of preserving “aristocratic sweetness of living” and the "humanization of free time," over and against bourgeois contentment. Kojève is representative of the two faces of cosmopolitanism. Ultimately he is an advocate of a rationalist State based upon cosmopolitan principles, yet at the same time this is with full awareness that such a State would likely lead to a self-satisfied, passive, sterile, and ultimately "reanimalized" existence. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that traditional western political theory, because of its exclusive reliance on the western canon, is by definition a limited enterprise. A comparative perspective allows us to understand the nature and basis of a civilizational criterion against which the degree of civility and humanness of the Other is measured by different civilizations. Theoretical claims made in the paper are supported by references to several encounters between the west and its others with a special focus on European encounter with the New World. The absence of an Europe-like system of ideas among the Amerindians provides for a unique opportunity to see the role played by canonicity in the construction of Other and a re-evaluation of Self. The paper contributes to the broader argument in favor of comparative political theory as a new subfield of political theory in the west on the one hand, and serves as a critique of prevalent modes of political theorizing in the west on the other. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the effects of individuals' perceptions of social inequality on their political engagement in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Using new survey data in 13 CEE countries, the preliminary findings suggest that individuals who see excessive amounts of social inequality exhibit lower levels of social activity including opportunities to build social capital and a deeper community life (including perceptions of their own political efficacy) than those who do not. However, this high perceptions group also displays a consistent and distinct pattern of political engagement in the form of interest, knowledge, and political participation. More interestingly, in contrast to the overall corrosive effect of income inequality on political engagement, especially for lower income individuals, the mixed effect of social inequality only weakly and sporadically mediated by individuals' income levels despite initial evidence that income moderates perceptions of social inequality. Thus, overall, we find evidence that social inequality is not only theoretically separate from income inequality but also exerts an independent influence on individuals' engagement with democratic politics in post-communist states.This paper analyzes the effects of individuals' perceptions of social inequality on their political engagement in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Using new survey data in 13 CEE countries, the preliminary findings suggest that individuals who see excessive amounts of social inequality exhibit lower levels of social activity including opportunities to build social capital and a deeper community life (including perceptions of their own political efficacy) than those who do not. However, this high perceptions group also displays a consistent and distinct pattern of political engagement in the form of interest, knowledge, and political participation. More interestingly, in contrast to the overall corrosive effect of income inequality on political engagement, especially for lower income individuals, the mixed effect of social inequality only weakly and sporadically mediated by individuals' income levels despite initial evidence that income moderates perceptions of social inequality. Thus, overall, we find evidence that social inequality is not only theoretically separate from income inequality but also exerts an independent influence on individuals' engagement with democratic politics in post-communist states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of the right in European politics have started to cast more doubt upon the European Union (EU) enlargement, especially one involves Turkey. The negotiations which started in 2005 are progressing at snail’s pace. Frustrated with the recalcitrance of the major EU powers, the Turkish masses seem to be growing increasingly cold to EU membership. .x000d..x000d.The Turkish population is becoming split over the issue of Turkish membership in the EU. This paper, using the results of a survey of nationally representative sample of Turkish voters before the 2007 legislative elections in Turkey, analyzes who among the Turkish voters support EU membership of Turkey and who oppose it, and why? This paper also addresses whether EU membership transcends party politics and constitutes a “state project” supported across partisan lines? The paper ends with examining if Turkey and the EU fall apart and decide to trek different routes what lies ahead for the interface of Turkey and EU member countries in NATO, and Council of Europe, and on issues of energy, security, immigration and beyond? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper takes the recent (summer 2008) intra-EU-European clash between Italy and Romania as a starting point for a critical analysis of the present state of a EU-European citizenship. The paper argues that the central problem of a EU-European citizenship, as evidenced in the clash, lies in the fissures between the construction of citizenship as a political identity associated with the protective functions of a nationally-framed "state" and "Europe" as a topos of a historical-cultural and normative identity claim. It relies in its analysis on the general literature on (EU-) citizenship and on Roma in Europe; Italian, Romanian and international news coverage; interviews with Romanian politicians, intellectuals, and a leading Roma activist as the summer events unfolded; materials provided by various national and transnational organizations. That the normative invocation of a common European identity at the moment appears less and less able to muster the force necessary to check the political allure of a return to the strong nationally-framed protective state is seen as part and parcel of the larger crisis of institutional reform that presently defines the EU-European project of regional integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ideological positions of European Socialist parties at the beginning of the 20th century varied across countries and across time within a single country, ranging from Reformist to Radical. Many previous attempts to understand sources of Radicalism and Reformism have faltered because they see ideological frameworks as enjoying long periods of stability, interrupted only by exogenous shocks. This paper, however, views ideational change as the result of concrete political struggles. And because ideas, like institutions, have distributional effects, they are constantly under attack. I argue that the process of suffrage extension â€" whether from above or below â€" so completely validated the ideas of one faction and discredited those of the other, that this event strengthened the former faction to the point of determining the ideational character of Socialist parties at the beginning of the interwar years. As European Socialists parties were an integral part of the coalitions of the interwar period, and because such coalitions served as the foundation for interwar institutional formation, this paper seeks to contribute both to the discussion of how ideas change and institutional genesis. Cases compared: Sweden and Italy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on support for the European integration process note that a serious threat to such support is the presence of a strong national identity that perceives the EU negatively. The integration process in Europe has included policies of devolution, tapping into regional identities and strengthening these sub-national entities to the detriment of the governments of the member-states. An empirical question arises: Is there a relationship between regional attachment and support for the European integration process that can be observed in the European Union? Using Eurobarometer survey results, this paper develops and tests a theory connecting regional attachment and support for the EU. The paper builds on previous research on euroskepticism and support for the EU to establish the causal link between regional attachment and support for European integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of the specific claim that the events of September 11th have transformed and/or is largely driving politics and policy within the major immigration-receiving countries this paper poses two related questions. First, has European public opinion objectively become more illiberal on immigration-related questions since September 11, 2001? Specifically, is it significantly less receptive to new immigration and/or less accommodating towards settled immigrants than previously? Second and more subjectively, are Europe's political elites under unusual pressure to align public policy with the preferences of an increasingly illiberal electorate? Are the parameters of immigration policy making in Europe in the post-September 11th era more circumscribed by public opinion than previously? In addressing these questions this paper pushes as far back as possible in the respective national public opinion records, with special attention paid to the pattern of British, French, and Spanish public attitudes before and after September 11. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The basic argument of the paper is that the success of the Bologna Process is not due to state actions such as legislation, but to the actions of civil society and market forces. The theoretical argument is thus that the successful progress of the Bologna Process is not a result of top-down efforts, but of bottom-up mechanisms.The paper is a contribution to the debate on the identification of the forces which are driving European integration; while many argue that efforts of national governments and their legislation are leading to the successful development of the European-level policies of higher education, there are just as many who argue that these successes are not due to the state governments' efforts, but rather to neoliberal market forces which were effectively unleashed through policies resulting from intergovernmental agreements and cooperation, effectively arguing that governments' efforts are only indirectly responsible for the successful coordination and development of European-level higher education policies. To support the argument of the latter, this paper will focus on the activities of national and European accreditation agencies and their role in the realization of the European Higher Education Area. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even after March 2006 presidential elections, Belarus remains the last dictatorship in Europe. When democratic opposition planned to launch a "color" revolution, its protest caused little commotion on the nation's political arena. Belarusian opposition failed to unleash public uprising, necessary to topple the government of A. Lukashenka and authoritarian regime still remains firmly entrenched in Minsk.This paper argues that at least two factors contribute to such lack of accomplishment on the part of Belarusian opposition. First, Belarus lacks an established civil society and its population suffers from a want of political knowledge and understanding. Such situation is resultant from the actions of authoritarian government, which limit the scope of liberal education and interfere in the activities of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The study examines this first factor within the contemporary framework of authoritarian rule in Belarus, which has lasted for eleven years (1996 - 2007). Second, Belarusian people are still experiencing a severe identity crisis. Belarusian nation remains the most "soviet" amongst all the former Soviet Union republics. Lack of nationalism and inability to create common identity further contribute to political apathy. The paper examines lack of nationalism from a historical perspective, bringing to light historical underpinnings of Belarus' identity crisis.Methodologies used in this study include literature review, content analysis, case studies, and comparative analysis. This study contributes to understanding of both, democratic transitions in general and obstacles, which hamper democratic development in the former Soviet nations. Additionally, it increases the amount of scholarship written on the political situation in Belarus and helps evaluate the scope of the issues at play. Finally, the study could be translated into concrete policy suggestions, which could potentially lead Belarusian people to embark upon the path of democratization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The aim of the paper is to advance the understanding of the interface between organised interests and the legislative work of committees within the European Parliament. Hitherto the frontier of academic research has been the establishment of which categories of organised interests have the greatest committee access. This has stopped short of making a direct link between access and the EP's legislative output. This paper directly contributes to overcoming this disjuncture. Through ninety-four interviews with actively participating organised interests, a clear picture of their optimal strategies emerged. The next phase was to evaluate the effectiveness of this strategy and thereafter establish the extent to which the optimal approach was reflected in actual behaviour. Here the analysis of committee stage amendments was combined with interview data. The results indicate that interests correctly identify the optimal strategy but the quality of their informational message structured the extent to which they were able to adhere to its prescription. The 'quality threshold' is informally applied by a group of influential committee members on behalf of the wider committee. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests a model of EP representation with a new measure of electoral outcomes. The major concern is how we understand the EP elections under multi-level European political system and by what factors the MEPs' voting behaviors are determined. National constituents are, in my model, assumed to reveal different levels of diversity and intensity of preferences by their electoral choices in EP elections. Moreover, the differences are assumed to be caused by their relative assessment of national representation. Under these assumptions, my model tests MEPs' responsiveness to their national constituents revealed by the election results. From the theoretical perspective of party representation, it is also considered whether MEPs' responsive voting behaviors function as policy alternatives in the EP elections. Methodologically, a simultaneous equation model is presented to reflect the endogenous relationship between European citizens' electoral choices and MEPs' responsiveness. The results reported in this paper find that MEPs tend to respond to the elected party disparity between the EP and national parliament. Absenteeism and seniority also have influence on MEPs'responsiveness. In addition, MEPs' responsive voting patterns work as clear policy alternatives to European citizens as well. However, because of the lack of data currently available, the endogenous relationship is not conclusive. The possible improvements of future results are discussed in this respect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By focusing on recent manifestations of popular opposition to European integration in Britain, Ireland, and Denmark, this paper will explore the question of why many Europeans oppose further European integration. In Britain, the Blair government, fearing defeat, has delayed a referendum on the European Monetary Union (EMU) indefinitely, In Denmark, the EMU was defeated in a referendum in 2000. Finally, in Ireland, the Treaty of Nice was surprisingly rejected in a 2001 referendum (a result that was reversed in a second referendum in 2002). By focusing on three specific cases where opposition to European integration has been mobilized, we will be able to examine both the individual and institutional factors that have contributed to the success of efforts to mobilize public opinion against European integration. Our three cases have been chosen for this paper because of their differences rather than because of their similarities. Britain has always been a reluctant participant in Europe, and, due to Britain’s history as a great power, the British people may be particularly reluctant to cede sovereignty to institutions dominated by former rivals. Opposition to European integration in Denmark may be motivated by more concrete fears that integration will jeopardize social welfare programs and impose inordinate costs on the wealthier states of Europe, of which Denmark is one. Finally, Ireland is a country considered to be among the most supportive of efforts at European integration, and its participation in Europe has coincided with a period of economic growth. Nevertheless, it is clear that even in Ireland, opposition to Europe can be mobilized if the circumstances are right. Previous research suggests several possible explanations. First, opposition to European integration reflects the continuing strength of national identities and the corresponding weakness of attachments to a larger Europe. Second, many Europeans fear that any benefits accruing from greater economic integration will be outweighed by economic costs, such as higher taxes, the loss of government subsidies, or the loss of employment. Third, opposition to European integration results from dissatisfaction with political elites, either at the national or European level. Finally, the importance of political parties in mobilizing opposition to European integration has been widely noted. We propose to test these hypotheses on two levels. First, using Eurobarometer surveys, we will consider these hypotheses at the individual level. Which social groups oppose European integration and what other values and opinions tend to coincide with such opposition? Second, we will consider the institutional actors, such as political parties, that have worked to mobilize opposition to European integration within these countries. What are the social bases of these parties or interest groups, and what are the primary arguments that they use against Europe? Our working hypothesis is that both the fear of economic costs and anti-elite sentiments can be used to mobilize opposition to Europe by parties and groups; however, such opposition can be mobilized only when national identities are strong and broader European identities are weak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks what kind of an effect the importation of EU environmental policy will have on the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. What are the costs and benefits of pursuing an entirely centralized EU environmental policy. Objections have frequently been raised about defining environmental policy through universalized international standards (see e.g. Bhagwati, 1994). The paper finds that the adoption of EU environmental regulations is likely to result in a significant diversion of financial and administrative resources away from potentially more important Central and East European policy objectives. Moreover, current levels of pollution in these countries do not warrant such exorbitant expenditures. In fact, measured in per capita terms, the emission levels of most major pollutants are comparable those in other EU countries. Finally, given the relatively weak development of civil society, NGO?s and Green parties in these countries, little will be done to define and defend an alternative environmental agenda. In this regard, the importation of EU policy is likely to dampen already weak environmental movements, divert attention from more pressing environmental problems, and divert attention and resources from the necessity of economic development. The consequences are likely to be long term and potentially unfavorable for the Central and East European countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I present a model of bargaining under certainty to examine the effects that preferences over policy and office have on bargaining duration. In previous work I have shown that the importance of particularistic politics improves our ability to explain patterns of coalition formation cross-nationally. Simply put, the more important particularistic politics are the more politicians behave as office seekers (as opposed to policy seekers). The focus on particularistic politics thus provides a link between the two main strands of theorizing about coalition formation. The paper thus makes two types of contributions. First, it offers us insights into the factors determining the duration of coalition bargaining in a comparative perspective. Extended periods of coalition bargaining may prevent major policy decisions to be addressed and create uncertainty about the future for both political and economic actors. Furthermore, bargaining duration has occasionally been used as a proxy for the ideological divisions within the coalition. If bargaining duration, however, is influenced by the importance of particularistic politics then the proxy is not an appropriate one. The insight offered by modeling the duration of coalition bargaining does not only apply to the formation of coalition cabinets but can also be applied legislative bargaining more generally where the implications of bargaining delay may be more obvious and persistent. Second, the paper contributes to our understanding of coalition governance more generally and, in particular, provides additional support for my theory of coalitions and particularistic politics. In this paper I derive further hypotheses from that same theory but focus on a different dependent variable. By doing so I am both subjecting the theory to further testing as well increasing its scope. I test the empirical implications of the models on a sample of bargaining situations from 10 Western-European countries (although I am trying to increase that number) using an event history analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SITUATION: MINORITY RIGHTS AND EU ACCESSION With the exception of Belarus and Russia, all post-communist European countries have expressed their desire to join the European Union. While eight of those countries are now set to join the EU next year, the non-accession countries of Eastern Europe continue to adjust their domestic policies in accordance with perceived EU requirements in preparation for eventual membership. This paper will look at which minority rights policies states need to adopt, if any, for acceptance in the EU. While economic criteria and the political criteria of Human Rights and Democracy are relatively clear, distinct requirements for minority rights remain elusive. Which policies need to be followed for acceptance in the European Union? RESEARCH METHODOLOGY: THREE GROUPS FOR COMPARISON (i) EU MEMBER-STATES; (ii) CURRENT ACCESSION COUNTRIES; (iii) NON-ACCESSION COUNTRIES This research paper is a comparative analysis of various European states and analyzes three distinct blocs of countries to understand both which minority policies are required for acceptance in the EU and how far away the non-accession countries are from that goal. First, the paper looks at EU member-states to discover if there is any common policy inside Europe with respect to national or ethnic minorities; by exploring EU-wide policies, we can learn more about what will be expected of future members. Ascertaining member-state policies is accomplished by analyzing EU-wide documents as well as national legislation from member-states. Second, the paper looks at the eight post-communist EU-accession countries and their experience over the past 13 years. What demands were placed on these countries vis-à-vis their minorities? What lessons can be drawn and what standards have been created? Third, the paper looks at the non-accession post-communist countries themselves, selecting a few case studies from South-East Europe and the former Soviet Union to compare their legislation with those of the first two groups. LACK OF STANDARDS This paper will show no common standards exist regarding minorities inside the EU; the only applicable standards are those connected with human rights Moreover, while the EU has established distinct criteria for potential members, we can actually draw very few concrete policy measures from the accession countries’ experience. Aside from a vague prescription for “inclusive” rights found in the Copenhagen Criteria, no minority rights policies were uniformly made conditional for invitations to join the Union. This lack of enforced rights exists in spite of the gravity attached to ethnic conflicts this past decade, and despite the foreign policy priority given to minority issues after the internecine wars witnessed in the post-communist region. More importantly perhaps, this paper will demonstrate that pressure to protect minorities that does exist is not based on any normative principles of minority protection, but rather guided by the political goal of international stability on the European continent. In fact, all policy demands have been and continue to be ad hoc measures applied inconsistently to different East European countries depending entirely on specific concerns related to individual countries and their minorities’ ability to mobilize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of democratization in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union has led to a proliferation of political parties, many of which are historically seen in Western Europe and in other advanced democracies. While on the whole this is seen as a step in the right direction, some parties may have a destabilizing influence on the political system. This paper will focus on one family of parties, far right reactionary parties (FRRP), and what factors lead to their popularity or disfavor among the voting population. Theory indicates that factors regarding immigration, national security and the economy are integral pieces of the FRRP philosophy. If voters feel that there are problems associated with immigration, national security and the economy, FRRP should receive more votes. FRRP should lose votes if the voters feel that the above factors are not problematic. As the literature on FRRP in Eastern Europe is almost non-existant, this paper borrows heavily from work done on FRRP in Western Europe for its theory As the two regions are politically distinct, the theories from Western Europe may not apply to Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. The researcher treats this paper as a first step in formulating a theory of the reactionary right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the advance of the political and economic situation in the European Union there has been a huge number of transactions involving parts in different countries of the European Union. With this, the number of disputes has grown a lot and the importance of the ECJ to solve these disputes increased tremendously. The number of justices was increased in order to handle the bigger number of cases and the legislation involving European countries has also increased. Of course that is it essential that the nations accept the decision of the ECJ as binding and non-conflicting with the decisions of their own national court decisions. The ECJ has had decisions pro environment and pro Europen Union. The decisions analyzed in the paper are good examples of this position. As in any country, the role of a strong well developed Judiciary power is absolutely necessary for the reality of Europe nowadays. The Luxembourg based court has been mostly in favor of international business. It is important to mention that the Court is neutral and applies the European legislation, which absolutely sponsors international business and the protection of environment. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Who gives to political parties, and why? Small individual donations to political parties are often seen as the least tainted form of political finance. Because of this, many countries have developed political finance policies which encourage individual giving. Despite this, there are wide cross-party and cross-national differences in the extent to which parties rely on donations, differences which persist whether finances are measured in absolute or relative terms. This paper explores some the reasons for these differences, using both survey and institutional data to examine how contemporary European parties benefit from cultural patterns of philanthropy, whether tax laws actually stimulate political contributions, and how parties’ fundraising strategies reflect these different patterns of individual giving. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate the support for neofascist and populist parties across societies in Europe. Apart from the standard variables, such as immigration and unemployment as well as various supply-side variables, we also consider societal openness (defined on the basis of European Social Survey, 2004), welfare state and democracy. The main contribution of this paper is to establish the meta link between the three institutions (1) societal openness, (2) welfare state, and (3) democracy, and find out their impact on the support for extreme right in Europe. We first establish that, in more open societies the direct effect of openness on neofascist votes is negative; however, openness increases the neofascist support indirectly through immigration and unemployment. Moreover, we find that openness has no direct effect on the support for populist parties, but has indirect positive effects through unemployment. We also find that the effect of openness go hand in hand with that of welfare indicator within countries; however, the link between openness and democracy is less unambiguous. Our results are robust with respect to different classifications of extreme right parties and when endogeneity of immigration is controlled for. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unlike other classics of political economy, "Exit, Voice, and Loyalty" (EVL) has not sparked many innovations in the field of electoral studies. This paper aims to demonstrate that scholars miss out on a powerful theory of political behaviour by leaving Hirschman's ideas to other disciplines. To change this, I resolve several theoretical complications that have hampered the application of EVL to democratic elections. On this basis, I construct a model of voting behaviour through the electoral cycle to explain typical "second-order" effects in elections to the European Parliament (EP). Building on the parameters of EVL allows to unite such diverse phenomena as anti-government swings, declining turnout, protest voting, conversion and alienation in one theoretical framework. Testing the model with survey data from the European Election Studies of 1999 and 2004 reveals novel insights into the dynamics at work in EP elections. The role of strategic voting in the form of voice appears to be limited. Instead, processes of de- and realignment in the form of exit dominate a picture of EP elections that undermines the widespread conception of second-order irrelevance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This project starts with the emergence of a new judicial ethos in Europe in the 1990s, manifested in a new willingness to investigate corruption cases against political elites. I show that statutory independence is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for a “judicial revolution,” and argue that relative levels of corruption should be excluded from the pool of possible explanations of variations in judicial activism against it. I then explain how prosecuting judges overcame statutory limitations in France, and why German prosecutors were scarcely touched by the shift in professional norms and “repertoires of action” that transformed judicial politics in France and Italy. This paper shows that evidence provided by Swiss judicial officials help explain the puzzle of French prosecutorial activism under conditions of limited independence while simultaneously “unsolving” institutional explanations of German prosecutorial apathy towards political corruption. Judicial networks forged around transnational evidence collection provide a powerful way of understanding how French judges overcame substantial political and hierarchical obstacles, and the German case makes it possible to examine the limits of this mechanism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper articulates two divergent models of encountering the other drawn from Mark Twain's travel writing. The first, found in Twain's writing on Europe and Asia, is the model of the tourist. Twain's tourists maintain a concrete outsidedness, exemplified in their naming each of their guides the familiar "Ferguson," as they are unwilling to acknowledge their individual names. The second, found in Twain's writing on America, is the model of a traveler interested in and capable of engaging with others on their own terms. The traveler -- unlike the tourist -- encounters others through a lens shaped by his or her new experiences away from home. These two competing models illustrate the tensions inherent in encountering others. Understanding such tensions -- I argue -- helps illuminate the psychology and practices necessary for democratic citizens to meaningfully understand and engage with members of cultures different from their own. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The workloads of European international courts are extraordinarily high. The European Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights are widely used, serving as courts of last resort in many policy areas for European states. While these courts are widely used, cases from a small number of states comprise a disproportionate bulk of their workload. In this paper, I explore why a handful of states account for a majority of these courts cases. Drawing upon a wide range of literature in comparative legal systems and European politics, I add to literature of European legal integration by suggesting that the “two-speeds” of European integration does not account for the importance of litigation to the process of compliance and integration. Specifically, I evaluate three factorsâ€"judicial review powers of domestic courts, legal culture and legal mobilizationâ€"to explain why international courts are used to varying degrees by states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the developed world uses some form of majority rule voting to assign users rights over natural resource appropriation. For example, in the United States eight Regional Fishery Management Councils recommend to the Secretary of Commerce catch limits of various fish species in coastal waters. Similarly, in European fisheries catch limits have been traditionally set by the Council of Ministers. In both cases, the policymaking councils utilize majority rule voting to assign different users specific quantities of catch rights. How efficient is voting in allocating sustainable harvest rights? Given the trade-offs between short-term gains and long-term investments, we might suspect that voting fails to adequately address long-run resource health. On the other hand, the use of voting as compared to top-down bureaucratic imposition of allocation rights may allow stakeholders, who have long-run incentives to maintain healthy resource stocks, a greater say in the policy process. In this paper, we present initial results of experimental investigations into majority rule voting by modeling a renewable, dynamic resource stock in which participants are asked to vote over per-time allocations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine how the flow of low wage immigrant workers as an economic shock across European Union countries affects domestic welfare provisions. Focusing on the context of EU labor market integration, we present theoretical models and empirical results that explain how the flow of low wage immigrants from less developed to developed EU member states affects the unemployment provisions in immigrant recipient states. We argue that the dynamics between external economic pressures brought by market integration and domestic welfare policy changes are more complex than what liberal political economy theory anticipates. When analyzing the effects of these shocks on unemployment policy, we contend that this relationship involves multiple forcesâ€"domestic political issues, globalization, and EU integrative pressures. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I examine the effects of affiliation as a Roman Catholic or as a Muslim at the individual and aggregate levels on mass attitudes toward abortion and homosexuality. In general, individual affiliation with either of these traditions is associated with traditionalist values on social issues. However, aggregate-level Islamhas different effects on Eastern and Western Europe: A high Muslim presence is associated with traditional attitudes on issues of sexual morality in Eastern Europe, but a relatively high percentage of Muslims living in Western European nations occasions a more permissive countermobilization at the mass level. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the semantic and conceptual ambiguity in the literature on "bureaucratic autonomy," we create a nomological map and a new measurement tool for the concept. In doing so, we draw on the diverse definitions, conceptualizations, and measurement strategies found in the scholarship on state autonomy (eg.., Evans et al 1985), the formal literature on bureaucratic discretion and regulatory independence (e.g., Hammond/Knott 1996; Levy/Spiller 1996), and historical case studies from American and European politics (e.g., Carpenter 2001; Verhoest et al 2004). We elucidate the origins of the idea of bureaucratic autonomy in the notion of "state autonomy versus society," and trace its use and meaning as the concept has evolved over time. We analyze the strengths and weaknesses of each literature's approach to the issues of preference formation and enactment of desired policies, and draw upon common strands to synthesize a unified definition and measurement strategy. The paper also situates bureaucratic autonomy in relation to related concepts like bureaucratic discretion, policy insulation, and political control. The end result is a cumulative measurement index useful for scholars conducting both theoretical and empirical work. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a sizeable literature on the elite-public link, few of these studies have been cross-national. In this paper I apply multilevel ordered logit models to investigate mass opinion toward redistribution in 23 European countries. Political elites have the opportunity to influence the media agenda, and consequently also to reach out to the public. In this respect, I argue that higher education has a twofold nature, consisting of both an interest to provide one owns self-interest, yet also a critical thinking component. Elite opinion is quantified through a measure constructed from the party manifestos of incumbent parties, and tested against data from the European Social Survey. After including relevant controls, I find no significant direct effect of political elite-views on public opinion. There is strong support for the self-interest argument, yet the rightist tendency for within higher educated persons is significantly smaller if their government is economically conservative. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By 2006 all of the post-communist states of East and Central Europe (ECE) had adopted laws on Freedom of Information (FOI). This is intriguing considering that it took most “traditional” democracies much longer to pass such laws. The paper asks why the laws were adopted so quickly in ECE and if they are truly effective. The study identifies three mechanisms that contributed to the adoption of FOI laws: a) pressure from civil society; b) unexpected consequences of membership in transparent international organizations; c) direct involvement by international actors. It argues that the differences in the processes leading to FOI law adoption in these countries have translated into differences in their effectiveness. I generate a series of hypotheses and test them by developing two gauges of effectiveness of FOI laws: 1) the public’s use of laws (based on the number of FOI requests received), 2) the implementation of laws by officials (based on the proportion of requests receiving answers). The research looks at developments in Bosnia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Macedonia, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia and Slovenia. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AAs the ideological gap between political parties' narrows and party identification decreases, parties need new strategies to attract voters. Politicizing political corruption is one option and this paper explores to what extent and with what results political parties have used the issue of corruption in European parliamentary elections between 1983 and 2007. 171 electoral campaigns in 32 European democracies are analyzed and the main results are that politicization of corruption is correlated with the level of corruption. Moreover, the issue is rather under than over politicized, implying that it is not a used as a populist strategy to win votes. Rather it is established mainstream parties that are the main champions of anti-corruption. Finally, the results show that corruption allegations quite substantially increase the likelihood of governmental turnover in medium and highly corrupt countries, whereas corruption is not politicized at all in low corrupt countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using party position data of European national political parties, the paper examines political party support and resistance for continued security and foreign policy integration in the European Union. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper theorizes that the success of European Integration thus far can largely be attributed to the ability of European political elites to limit the forces of democracy among the European citizenry; it further questions the likelihood that this 'democratic deficit' can continue to sustain.Using Comparative Manifesto data from 1945 - 2003, this research explores two primary hypotheses. The first asserts that the expansion of the EU - in size and scope - from its original five members in 1952, to the core of fifteen members in 1995, largely resulted from the ability of political elites to limit the scope of EU deliberation at the domestic level. The second hypothesis explores the possibility that the motivation for support (opposition) of the EU among citizens of Western Europe (the EU15) may be shifting from a purely economic cost-benefit analysis to a cost-benefit analysis that increasingly intertwines considerations of economic well-being with those of cultural homogeneity, and argues that such a shift will limit the degree to which elites can continue to control the reigns of integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests that previous literature has focused too narrowly on the institutional limitations to democratic responsiveness, to the neglect of the cultural-identity concerns raised in democratic theory. I provide and test a framework for conceptualizing identity, and noting its determinants, which takes into account a variety of factors previously addressed in the literature on EU support. Eurobarometer survey data is utilized in a multi-level model, allowing for the simultaneous consideration of both individual-level and state-level theories of identity formation. Identity development is found to be primarily influenced by diffuse elements of policy support and latent socialization mechanisms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents original data on the use of a mechanism for differentiated application of European legislation. It further explores the effect of such diversity accommodating procedures on EU integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the institutional determinants of healthcare system choice in six Eastern European countries (Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks if the family and parental leave policies in a particular set of European countries have acted to accelerate the long-term slow-moving trend among men in these countries toward support for feminism regarding the work-family nexus. I develop and test the theory that those policies aimed at increasing men's "non-traditional" experiences with child care and house-keeping have steered more men toward support for feminism than would be the case absent these policies. In this case, men's support for feminism largely depends on education, ideology, occupational status and other variables comprising the more stable, slower-moving "ideological" or philosophical basis of men's support for feminism. A conditional model centered on interaction effects has yielded modest empirical support for an acceleration effect of parental leave policies. Ideology, occupational status and age appear to explain less of men's attitudinal support for feminism in countries with stronger incentives for men's leave-taking. Data was drawn from two sources: Eurobarometer 65.1: The Future of Europe, Consumer Protection in Transborder Purchases, Family Planning, and Opinions and Experiences in Transborder Purchases, February-March 2006 (Papacostas 2007); and the ranking by Gornick and Meyers (2003) of the paid family leave policies of European and other developed countries as of 2000 according to level of gender equality. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the relationship between migration, citizenship and nationalism at the intersection of the European Union and the post-communist world, exploring the vicissitudes of dual citizenship in Lithuania. It argues that European integration disaggregates political membership in such a way as to refocus the identitarian aspect of citizenship, and demonstrates how the contradictions between two mutually embedded regimes of legitimacy, nationalism and liberal democracy, inflect the debate on citizenship of huge numbers of emigrants. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper sets out to explain the emergence of social pacts in Western Europe since the 1980's. We criticize the dominant institutional political economy approach, arguing that pacts reflect party responses to electoral volatility and competition. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper investigates the role of presidential heads of state in the government termination process in European democracies. From the examination of the constitutional powers of the president over the dissolution of parliament in nine West European democracies, we have found that most presidents in these countries have constitutionally-endowed powers to call or not to call premature elections once the incumbent governments lose the confidence ofparliament. Based on these findings, we derive several hypotheses relating the configuration of preferences among the president, parliament, and government to the duration of the government and electoral performance. We find that a government is likely to terminate more quickly, the more ideologically distant it is from the median parliamentary party; that a government lasts longer, the more ideologically distant the president is from the medianparliamentary party; and that president's parties perform better in early elections than in regularly scheduled elections. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper draws comparisons between integration efforts in Europe and South America. The comparison points to several universal conditions for the causes, origins, development and, specifically in South America, the future of the integration effort. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to analyze protest behavior on a multilevel basis. After assessing the effects of individual incentives on political protest, we focus on contextual explanations for the resulting cross-country differences in these effects. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is to contribute to filling in the gaps on the knowledge of public opinion on the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) and on the facets of support of European citizens for the ESDP. From a logt estimation based on the Eurobarometer survey 54.1, we test three sets of hypotheses to identify the determinants for support the ESDP. We find evidence that some threats, European decision-making architecture, amry percpetions are good estimates for ESDP's public support. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legislative speeches are an important part of parliamentary activity in the European Parliament. This paper presents new data on the allocation of speaking time in the EP, including a new survey of European party groups and a statistical analysis of speeches during the 5th European Parliament (1999-2004). Contrary to common assumptions in the EP literature, our findings suggest that party groups do not punish dissenters by limiting their speaking time on the floor despite their formal power to do so. Instead, party mavericks take the floor significantly more often than party faithfuls. We argue that there is an institutional explanation of parliamentary debates. Speaking time actually serves as a communication outlet for dissenting MEPs to put the reasons for their defection on the public record, in particular when there is a conflict between the national party and the European political group. The electoral disconnection between European party groups and the European electorate does not motivate the groups to prevent those dissenters from taking the floor. It does not matter whether dissenters denigrate the party label as this has little effect on the party's prospects as a whole. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An exploration of the current state of European integration through the lens of a concept called Entitativity, which exams common origin and common goal as a means to assess group awareness and group agency; the paper focuses on European defense. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A theoretical model and an empirical method allowing researchers to study multiple political and social identities, as well as relations between them. The paper also explores identity structure and patterns of intergroup conflict in Europe. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

.This paper investigates the effects of referendums on news coverage of the European Constitutional Treaty (ECT) and on the emergence of a trans-national media discourse. In order to do so it draws on the content analysis of sixteen daily newspapers from France, Spain, Italy and Britain. Results show that referendums affected both the visibility of the ECT and the quality of coverage. They also suggest that by increasing the salience of EU issues, referendums can lead to the development of a trans-national public sphere. The 'domesticisation' of EU affairs and the 'polarisation' of political elites at referendum time are examined as possible explanations for these patterns. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]