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This paper offers a critical reformulation of the anti-globalization movement and the ways in which it has cultivated an alternative conceptualization of politics in its formation of an alternative globality. Using the scholarship of contemporary postmodern Marxism as an important rubric of evaluation, and by attending to the ways in which the limited, modernist global imaginaries of liberalism and Marxism resurface within anti-globalization politics, this paper theorizes by way of a southern-standpoint. As such it reclaims the ways in the anti-globalization movement has envisioned an alternative globality and/or international relations: a transnational, de-centered relational autonomy, through which networks of various modes of production, social formations, political projects and practices of resistance are negotiated and articulated. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how global protest movements appropriate sustainable development as a subject in their agenda. Talk of sustainable development is heard within the framework of international protest especially when anti/alterglobalisation movements and World Social Forum networks discuss access to water supplies, the solidarity-based economy or, from an even more critical viewpoint, a sustainable flat growth. Anti/alterglobalists call sustainable development into question through their position with regard to the neoliberal model, which they say tends to ignore the diversity of culture and the special features of local history. As we wish to demonstrate in this paper, the question that is central to the strategic future of sustainable development is closely related to the political legitimacy of the actors who speak in the name of a broader project for a sustainable society. The content of so-called actions for sustainable development refers to projects for a society that bear a risk of once again dividing development players in the North and the South. In order to meet the challenge of political analysis of the world sustainable development agenda, we address the three following series of questions: - How is international protest organized? Who are the actors? (Part 1) - How is sustainable development envisaged at the World Social Forum (WSF)? What are the main discussions with the WSF that are directly related to sustainable development? (Part 2)- Why and how may the definition of sustainable development interest WSF actors? How do international protesters associate the issue of political participation with that of sustainable development? (Part 3) ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term 'global justice' is being used by issue based networks/campaigns such as Jubilee 2000 (J2K) and Make Poverty History (MPH), as well as by the anti-capitalist groups broader and the World Social Forum. The focus of this paper will be to examine the links between issue based networks/campaigns, and the larger Global Justice Movement â€" a broad term used to describe a loose configuration of what have been termed the ‘movements of movements’. The first part of the paper will look at the structure of the J2K and MPH networks/campaigns and how they link to the Global Justice Movement. A network analysis will be used to identify the links between these networks of networks. The second part of the paper will compare the framing of justice adopted by the J2K and MPH networks/campaigns, and look at how the frames compare to those evolving in the Global Justice Movement. Examining the structures and frames will help us to understand the connections and interactions between two key issue based networks/campaigns and their role in the broader social movement. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining the discourses and policy options of state and business leaders on economic integration and their implications for communities across the Americas, this paper will analyse the alternative discourses and practices of the Via Campesina and some of its 142 affiliated organizations. Created in 1993, la Via Campesina is a transnational social movement that brings together small and medium-scale farmers, rural women, peasants, indigenous communities, and agricultural workers from 56 countries in the Americas, Africa, Europe and Asia. As Annette Aurélie Desmarais (Pluto Press, June 2007) explains, «it is a leading force against the globalization of a neo-liberal and corporate-led model of agriculture». Their members call for greater social justice, food sovereignty, gender equity, and a peasant-based, sustainable model of agriculture, respectful of the environment.As part of a larger research project, the paper will interrogate the ways in which neoliberal structures of governance are being challenged, and perhaps reshaped by resistance from popular movements. Through critical, empirically detailed research, I will address two basic questions: 1) How are states shaping, and being shaped by international economic agreements and political governance mechanisms in the area of agriculture? 2) How far and in what ways are civil society organizations (CSOs),including business groups, unions, social movements and NGOs, seeking to influence or transform governance mechanisms, and are shaped by those very mechanisms? For example, it is often assumed that democratization is led by dominant forces, from governing elites, business, or worker organisations. It is also assumed that in time, democracy may spread to the countryside, although the peasantry and indigenous peoples are rarely viewed as active agents in the making of democracy. Evidence from various organizations in the Americas, however, would suggest that democratization and innovations in governance mechanisms can emerge from peasant and indigenous organisations. Indeed, after years of struggles and despite numerous setbacks, indigenous peoples from the Brazilian Amazon have spearheaded environmental movements and have succeeded in expanding people=s control over agricultural development. Another key example is the landless peasant movement (MST) in Brazil who has used the power of collective action to take control over the most fundamental resource in their lives: land. The MST has produced innovations in democratic governance, such as participatory decisionmaking and collective action. This movement also shaped global grassroots movements and fora such as the Via Campesina, and the World Social Forum (WSF), while it played a key role in the election of President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva and the Brazilian Workers Party. In Canada, the Union paysanne and agricultural migrant workers are also organising and challenging the dominant model of governance and regional integration. These examples highlight the complex interaction, north and south, within and between various civil society actors and the states, in the processes of trade liberalisation and «deeper» regional integration. In this way, empirical research of such pressures for new forms of governance and agricultural practices can enable us to paint a compelling picture of recent political action in the Americas. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Integrating transnationalism into the development and architecture of global governance is important to understand the full range of actors that may influence the policies of the state and international institutions. The anti-globalization movement in particular is a relatively new development and has been understudied in the international relations literature. What we wish to propose is to demonstrate the impact of such groups on global governance using case study analysis. Building on our paper presented at the ISA conference in Budapest (2003) and using the coalitional model, we will demonstrate empirically how losing domestic coalitions use the transnational arena to impact the development of foreign policy and the architecture of global governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular opinion about international political economic phenomena has tended to vary according to traditional factors such as national identity, socioeconomic location or dominant political ideology. Yet, in the space of less than a decade, anti-globalization sentiment has spread throughout the world and been adopted by individuals without a history of shared national, socioeconomic or political identity. In seeking to explain the unique characteristics of this normative movement against globalization, this paper draws upon and develops the insights of sociological institutionalism to explain the widespread diffusion of new international norms. Further, using theories of cognitive evolution and complex social learning, it explains the causal role of ideational factors in uniting otherwise disparate groups around common political goals?goals that, when operationalized through institutions, actively shape new political realities. Importantly, this mutually constitutive relationship between transnational social movements and institutions remains functionally intact regardless of whether the ideas involved correspond to material reality or not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Part 1: All counter-terrorism policies elaborated in the aftermath of 11 September 2001 are characterised by the introduction of numerous exceptional measures, adopted on a temporary or even permanent basis, and by the strengthening of the international co-operation networks among the law enforcement agencies, the intelligence services and the judges. Relying on the assumption that some guarantees offered by the law with regard to civil rights and liberties are not compatible with an efficient fight against the new terrorist threat, exceptional measures are presented nowadays as absolutely necessary for the protection of the Western societies. Yet, the diffusion of this model of governance all over the Western countries has provoked numerous critics within both their political world and their civil societies. This paper aims therefore to analyse the public debate produced on that issue through the study of the media discourses held by the main supporters of the exceptionalism thesis and their rivals. The analysis will focus on the discourses held by politicians, experts and opinion leaders. It will seek to highlight the discursive mechanisms adopted in order to justify or to discredit the exceptionalism thesis. For this purpose, it will rely on the content analysis of the press discourses held in France, the United Kingdom, Italy and Greece since September 11, 2001. Part 2: Following the attacks of September 11 2001, many States whose France adopted a series of measurements to prevent and fight against the terrorist threats. Gradually, in the speeches as in the practices, these measures widened to include forms of dispute and spaces social for which they neither beforehand nor were officially intended. Then, in particular through the example of the antiglobalization movement, our study points how can this exception reinforce or on the contrary weaken the social cohesion? One can then put forth the assumption that this exception can be read within the meaning of illiberal practices exerted in a liberal mode in the name of the protection of freedoms. This hypothesis is based on the study of the adoption, in several European countries during last years, of multiple laws in various fields (internal security like LSQ and LSI in France, question of borders also). While being based on the study of the produced legislative texts, of the documents emanating of the antiglobalization movement and the discussions with various actors, the purpose of this research will be to study the antiglobalization movement with the prism of the exceptionnalism and social cohesion, while insisting more particularly on the emergence of new police practices and the apparition of attacks against the fundamental laws and public freedoms constitutive of the democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the connection between activism, social transformation and the concept of revolutionary change. It does so by drawing on our case study of feminists active in the 'anti-globalisation' or 'global justice' movement and specifically a chapter we have been writing about the political beliefs of these activists and their connection to existing ideological traditions. We argue that the critical and reconstructive elements of feminist ideology point to a strongly transformative vision of social change. Indeed, we would claim that feminist activism is thus socially transformative in its implications. However, we also assert that we cannot fully make sense of feminist activism through the prism of the concept of revolution. Indeed, foregrounding this concept does particular violence to the strategic component of feminist ideology and is likely to lead to the misrepresentation and even erasure of feminism as a transformative political project. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The World Social Forum emerged as a space for the meeting and networking of ideas and activists opposed to market-driven globalization. Though united and driven by an anti-market ideology, the Forum has consciously promoted itself as a space for diverse movements, actors and opinions. Its attempts to promote inclusiveness have led to a migration of its annual, international meetings from its roots in Porto Alegre, Brazil to the Asian and African continents. The spirit of inclusiveness has also promoted dialogue within the Forum about the tension between its roles as a) only a space for existing organizations and movements, and b) a potential supra-institutional actor. This paper examines the cultural nature of the processes through which the World Social Forum created and maintains its loose identity. It examines the Forum’s own attempts to frame its image and its position in the globalization/anti-globalization discourse. It also compares the Forum’s desire to be truly global and inclusive of all opinions against market-driven globalization, i.e. to be a transcultural space, with the organizational and institutional pressures it faces, externally and internally, to become a more forceful actor in the international system, i.e. to be, in a sense, a trans-organizational advocacy network. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The World Social Forum (WSF) developed out of the transnational movement challenging corporate globalization and was intended as an” open meeting place for reflective thinking, democratic debate of ideas”. As a global movement of movements the WSF has had to bridge distances and cross a range of diverse languages and cultures which has brought a reliance on digital technology. But while the WSF relies on this technology it has not yet fully exploited its potential. Moreover it is faced with the challenge that such technology and networks are increasingly owned and controlled by the very global, corporate entities which it seeks to challenge and resist. In addition many of those whose voices most need to be heard are victims of a global digital divide that limits their access to these networks. The WSF, since its inception in 2001, has faced the challenge of both adopting processes that model communication alternatives and provide a space for organizing resistance This paper examines the WSF’s promotion and pioneering use of open source software as well as its role in facilitating the development of a transnational campaign on the right to communicate, a key right in an information intensive and digital world. It focuses in particular on the forums from 2003-7. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we explore the operation of gendered power relations within contemporary “anti-globalisation” social movements. Drawing on an understanding of gendered identities as products of power-laden social practices and as multiple, contradictory and open-ended and existing in hierarchical relations with one another (Connell, 1995; Hooper, 2001), we consider how the (re)production of hegemonic masculinities through social movement practice conditions who is visible and what is able to be heard at the “bottom rungs” (Enloe 1996) of the “anti-globalisation” movement. We go on to discuss how gendered hierarchies are recursively embedded in and so partly constitutive of global political economy (Coleman 2007, Griffin 2007, Hennessy 1996) and how, as a result, the gendered disciplining of “anti-globalisation” politics might contribute to shoring up the power relations that the movement seeks to undermine.We draw on two case studies based on our own participant observation in political organisations. First, we look at the interplay of more “traditional” left wing masculinities within an international solidarity organisation and how, despite lip-service to feminist concerns, a patriarchal hegemonic masculinity restricted participation within the group and generated a context in which feelings-based language used by women to explain their concerns was inaudible and perceived as manipulation. With a second case study - of “autonomous” anarchist groups in the UK - we identify a performance of “anarchist man” which we suggest may reflect a transformation of hegemonic masculinity triggered by globalisation, whereby ‘[h]egemonic masculinity is being reconfigured in the image of a less formal, less patriarchal, but more technocratic masculine elite that has the whole globe as its playground’ (Hooper 2001). We discuss how those who do not conform to this hegemonic identity may be less audible within group processes or consigned to invisible roles of “movement housewifery” (Roth 2001). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper asks, first of all, to what extent the World Social Forum has become a global process. The second question is to what extent this process has a political direction. In other words, in what sense, if any, the World Social Forum can be considered a global movement of counter-hegemonic movements? The paper analyzes the implications of holding the main annual WSF event of 2004 in Mumbai, India, after three first years of Porto Alegre events. The globalization of the WSF should, however, not be seen merely in terms of moving the main annual event to another continent. The mushrooming of local, national, regional and thematic social forums in various parts of the world can be considered more crucial for the globalization of the globalization protest movements. Decision-making within and between the various WSF-related events has become an increasingly difficult issue. The paper engages with the dilemmas geographical expansion places for the WSF´s attempts to be political and non-political at the same time. Struggles over who should represent what in the governing bodies of the WSF offer examples of these dilemmas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the intersections between feminism and the so-called ‘anti-globalisation movement’ and considers their implications for theorising movement politics in international relations. The first part explores the reasons behind the relative marginalisation of overtly feminist voices within the anti-globalisation movement. It focuses empirically on processes of identity and knowledge construction within the two movements, stressing the need to interrogate movements as sites of power and hegemony as well as of potentially emancipatory politics. It also points to the complicity in processes of marginalisation of our theoretical framings of these two movements. The second part explores ways in which interconnections between the two movements are being, and could be, constructed. Drawing on case studies of feminist activism at the World Social Forum in Mumbai and of women’s community activism in Hyderabad, the paper offers empirical evidence of incipient activist coalitions and shows how these challenge dominant theoretical framings of movement politics and point to alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spread of the Internet has facilitated the growth of online media collectives. The websites of these groups offer news and commentary on international affairs designed to highlight the occlusions of mainstream media and to provide alternative sources of information. Their success, in terms of audience reach and consciousness-raising, has been little short of phenomenal; sites such as IndyMedia and Alternet, which offer a counterpoint to the perspectives promoted by large media conglomerates, are now franchised on a global scale. These new, alternative media actors have become a powerful voice both in the reporting of events such as anti-capitalist and anti-war protests and in providing alternative framings of events covered by mainstream media. While much has been written about digital divides at national and international levels, little research has been conducted into the ways independent movements evolve and what kinds of discriminatory practices may be built into their evolution. The growth of the online media movement, and in particular questions about who comprises the movement and which audiences it serves are central to this paper. Does the movement reflect the white, male dominance of the Internet? Does this apparently liberal and free-thinking movement actually replicate many of the structural divisions, gendered assumptions and racist undercurrents of mainstream, corporate media? Based on interviews with people involved in the movement and analysis of their websites, this paper explores real and imagined discrimination within the independent media movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic discourse about anti-globalisation movements has thus far focused on the more obvious aspects of organised resistance in North American and European contexts. But the category of ‘globalisation’ refers to a process that necessarily produces an ‘endlessly nuanced’ variation of concrete effects. This makes it essential to identify its impact, and to analyse corresponding instances of anti-globalisation resistance, in specific contexts. This chapter focuses on the vital struggle against the effects of globalisation, and for social justice and truth, currently being waged in Mozambique. It aims to bring to the attention of a broad audience the particularities of the Mozambican struggle for social justice and to show how it converges with, and disrupts, dominant understandings of the anti-globalisation movement. In addition, the chapter puts forward a defence of objectivity and truth in the study of anti-globalisation activism. While the chapter shares the rejection of positivism prevalent in much critical academic literature in this area, its offers a defence of objectivity that is rooted in a Marxist and critical realist epistemological framework and, more importantly, in a close study of the struggle for social justice in Mozambique. At the heart of these struggles is a passionate concern for truth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the concept of ‘border thinking’, as developed by Professor Walter Mignolo. The paper begins by making reference to Sorelian forms of mythologically-inspired discourses of resistance being developed by those social movements opposing Neoliberal Economic Globalisation (NLEG). In particular, it argues that Sorelian forms of mythical discourses of resistance may be considered to act as providers of ‘certainty’ in difficult times. The paper then argues that critiques of globalised capitalism, based within non-western forms of cultural discourse, introduce new parameters to the debate over the future of globalisation that could not come from antisystemic social movements in the West. The possibility opens up therefore, for the development of a mythology of resistance to the onslaught of NLEG that is much more inclusive of previously marginalized voices than that of previous generations. Moreover, ‘border thinking’ generates the potential to create a mythical discourse that, whilst seeking to generate a sense of solidarity and common purpose between widely disparate groups, can also be highly effective in generating a celebration of ‘difference’ without having to descend into pure relativism. The paper concludes that engaging in ‘border thinking’ in this manner opens up the possibility of a dialogue between Western and non-Western movements of resistance on equal terms, thereby avoiding the Eurocentric and patriarchal biases of which Western elements of the so-called Global Justice movement (GJM) have been accused. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legitimacy of Global Governance Institutions (GGI) has become a central concern for academics of IR and political theory as well as the activists of the anti-globalisation movements. Even those arguing that GGIs make a vital contribution to creating and maintaining global order feel that they are beyond any meaningful form of democratic control. Yet, which forms of accountability are realistic and desirable remains an open question. Should hierarchical accountability to nation-states be strengthened or should horizontal forms of accountability be expanded, for example by increasing participation of NGOs? To date the issue of legitimacy of global governance has been mainly discussed with respect to the European Union or multilateral organisations such as the World Trade Organisation. This paper seeks to broaden the scope of this debate to other important GGIs. Increasingly, private firms and associations, civil society actors, and transgovernmental networks, have become GGIs by setting global standards. So far, global standard setters of this kind have been neglected because their standards are voluntary. Since standard setters do not coerce, it seems, they do not require legitimacy. This paper argues that the pressure to follow such standards can be considerable and therefore a legitimacy issue arises as well. It subsequently discusses, in which ways it is possible to hold global standard setters accountable. Empirical examples are taken from the field of financial market regulation: rating agencies, international accounting standards, and the Basel Committee for Banking Supervision. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the emergence, development, and trajectory of the World Social Forum(s) in order to better understand the form and strategy that social movement resistance is taking at the beginning of 21st century. As such, the paper examines the functioning of the forum process as a novel mechanism for potentially forging ?glo-cal? class consciousness for the ?re-making of the 21st century working class?. The World Social Forum process is investigated as a multi-scalar ?convergence space? (Routledge) in its relation to the ongoing shifts towards post-Fordist capitalism.Based on autonomist Marxism (Negri, Cleaver) and Marx?s distinction between ?class in itself? and ?class for itself?, the paper critically engages the contemporary approaches to (new) social movements and contentious politics. In particular, their emphasis on identity politics and their shunning of the central importance of the socio-economic structure of post-Fordist capitalism, in which class is merely one in a series of semiotically produced identities (Melucci, Laclau/Mouffe), shall be analyzed. The paper argues that post-Fordism is accompanied and driven by novel modes of resistance, which re-appropriate capitalism?s infrastructural matrix. In particular the novel information and communication technologies are employed in unique ways to organize and mobilize and in order to connect resistances and circulate the various and diverse struggles to ever wider constituencies. In this process, the social forum process is a crucial multi-scalar and transformational convergence-space that plays a key role in this re-composition and could play a central role in the re-making of the 21st century working class and class-based politics. The social forum process is providing a space for social movement networks - ranging from labor movements and ecological groups to anarchist and landless peasant movements - producing a common vision that can thread together the diverse goals of these movements across the world and attempt to build a participatory democratic process of sustained dialogue across boundaries (Snow, Benford 1992). The social forum is creating a pedagogical and political space that enables democratic learning, networking and political organization. Archival work shows that the WSF networks are based on shared discourse and values while at the same time being marked by elements of heterogeneity, fragmentation and transformation. As such, the WSF makes new forms of community and communality possible on the basis of a common vision of - and for - the social movements, which simultaneously allows both their convergence and their difference.Methodologically, this paper studies the WSF as ?strategically situated site? (Marcus 1995) in the wider topography of anti-systemic movements, employing archival work as well as ethnographic fieldwork (Scott, Mitchell). The paper employs a ?multi-sited ethnography? (Marcus 1995), which explores the political through networks, contrasts and connections across varied sites. The WSF understood and researched as a ?strategically situated site? functions as an initiating point of study, allowing me to study the WSF while ultimately tracing actors, texts and themes across diverse social arenas in quests to ?reinvent democracy?.This paper adds to our understanding of emerging transnational civil society. Focusing on the so called ?anti-globalization movements? as they congregate at the WSF allows us to gain insights into their struggle for global oppositional politics ?from below? and their quest to reinvent democracy across North-South divisions. In addition, this paper sheds light on the debate between particularism and universalism and attempts to bridge them in that the WSF movements resemble a ?universalism of difference to converge and build? (Ponniah, Fisher 2003)... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on a seemingly paradoxical outcome of the 1999 Seattle WTO protests: the weakening of the global justice movement in the United States. While the global justice movement has flourished in Europe, this same movement seems largely to have stalled in the American context. This paper compares public opinion on globalization, global justice movement activism, and internalization of global organizing models in the two regions. We suggest that the weakness of the American global justice movement can be tied to three key factors: a) the shift in U.S. protest policing from a strategy of negotiated protest management to one of "strategic incapacitation"; b) the success of the Bush administration's strategy of linking globalization protests to the post 9/11 "war on terrorism"; and c) the ambivalence and contradictions in American internationalism. This paper further argues that the strongest movement since September 11th - the anti-war movement - exemplifies a broader American trend towards the spillover of transnational activism into domestic protest. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global anti-globalization (or social justice) movement presents an extraordinary challenge for mobilization. First is the problem of discovering (or constructing) a common interest among highly disparate groups of opposition to "globalization," by no means an obvious matter. Second is the problem of cooperating in pursuit of that interest when there is an overwhelming temptation to free ride on the efforts of others. And third, is the problem of coordinating a coherent collective action. This paper argues for a central role for narrative in the formation of the movement. It argues, first, that theories of social movements based on rational choice and institutional behavior, while helpful, are insufficient for solving the puzzle posed by the anti-globalization movement and, that understanding the movement requires recognizing the way in which a globalization narrative served to construct a common interest in opposing it and engage individuals in a social drama of opposition. The theory of social movement developed in the paper draws on literatures in social movement theory, theories of collective action, cognitive psychology, narrative theory, and others. Empirical evidence is drawn from primary documents of the movement. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning in Seattle in 1999 anti-globalization protests accompanied every WTO, World Bank, IMF and G8 meeting. However, when in April 2005 the International Financial Institutions held their meeting in Washington, DC, only few hundred protesters came. This paper analyzes the changing face of the anti-globalization movement and investigates why the mass protests of just a few years ago have dissipated. The paper explores four hypotheses to account for this change. One: the new communications technologies that allowed for easy cross-border mobilizing meant that over the long-term sustaining the movement was difficult since few personal linkages and relationships between participants were created. Two: the lack of a unified message made sustaining the movement difficult. Three: the World Bank and other global actors such as Multinational Corporations successfully employed divide and rule tactics, meeting enough of the movements demands to make many participants reluctant to continue mobilizing and protesting in the streets. Four: the movement proved difficult to sustain in its original form because of the very different agendas of the Northern and Southern groups. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes and categorises the key practices of a diverse group of feminist anti-globalisation activists from both the North and the South. The first part offers a taxonomy of a range of practices, from the techniques used to organise workshops on violence against women at the World Social Forum in Mumbai to the popular education programmes of Rede Mulher in Brazil, and from live link-ups with feminist radio stations at the Feminist Dialogues in Porto Alegre to the street demonstrations in diverse cities organised by the World March for Women. This part of the paper asks: where do these practices take place? Who is involved? What are their goals? And what are the methods used? It draws out the similarities and connections between the practices as well as their divergences. The second part of the paper narrows its focus and unpacks select practices in order to come to a deeper understanding of the nature of collective action. It asks about the relationship between instrumental and expressive modes of action, discusses the sequencing of action and investigates the relationship between intended goals and actions. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been written about the anti-globalization movement focussing on its activities around meetings of the World Trade Organization and the International Financial Institutions, in particular the International Monetary Fund. Opposition and resistances to regional ‘trade’ agreements have received less attention in the literature. In this chapter I intend to explore the (regional) opposition to regional trade agreements, or ‘regionalism from above.’ The Hemispheric Social Alliance opposing the Free Trade Area of the Americas is the chosen as the case-study for this chapter. The reason for selecting the HSA is in part timing--in 2004 the final negotiations for the FTAA are supposed to take place. In addition, Puebla, Mexico is the current seat of the FTAA secretariat and the final negotiations will take place in that city. As I am currently located in Puebla, this provides an excellent opportunity to observe SHA activities from up close. The focus of the paper will be on the internal dynamics of the SHA and its interactions with the inter-governmental negotiating process. In this context it will be analyzed what alternative (regional) identity/ies are being constructed to counterpose to the (implicit) regional identity produced by the ‘regionalism from above.’ In other words, what kind of ‘regionalism from below’ is being developed in the Americas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at critical trends in NGO advocacy on economic and social rights, as the emerging focus for combating contemporary conditions and causes of poverty. It looks specifically at how economic and social rights campaigns are targeting economic ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes one of the central dilemmas of democratization within the WSF and, more broadly, within the global justice movement at large: Whether the WSF as it has been conceived and practiced effectively promotes a ‘Movement of Movements’ where a ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The International Criminal Court can be seen as an institutional spearhead in the paradigmatic clash between legal universalism and political power structures. The question arises as to whether the normative quality of the Court depends too heavily on its contextual authority. In this paper I will use the complementarity principle as formulated in the Rome Statute as a mirror, and as an analytic tool to assess the role of the Court as an international institution in a move towards global justice. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the anti-globalisation campaigns, formal forums, such as the World Social Forum at Porto Alegre and the rolling series of the European Forums have been set up, in order that a variety of interest groups could formulate alternatives capable of challenging neoliberal hegemony. Academics have responded positively to these movements, arguing that they represent either a convergence of critical social movements, in the manner which RBJ Walker (1998) identified, or the emergence of a counter-hegemonic project (Amoore, 2005).In this paper, we provide a critique of the World and European Social Forums and argue that rather the basis of a coherent form of resistance, the various forums fail to adequately construct a viable set of principles necessary for (to use Gramsci's terms) a war of position against the current global order. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 2001, 1,500 demonstrators (approximately half of them Native Hawaiians) participated in the March for Global Justice and Indigenous Rights to protest the Asian Development Bank’s 34th annual general meeting being held in Honolulu, Hawai‘i. The march was among a number of events held that week to challenge globalization and the activities of the ADB. Protestors successfully served the bank’s president, Tadao Chino, with a written petition signed by more than sixty non-governmental and people’s organizations from more than ten countries challenging the Bank’s development policies and demanding the cancellation of four controversial projects; this action—which occurred in the open, rather than behind closed doors—indicated “that the days when the ADB could pretty much ignore peoples’ movements and civil society organizations are pretty much over.” Furthermore, “observers remarked that the participation of native peoples and the theme of native people’s rights distinguished the mobilization…from previous protests.” Hawaiian protestors sought to bring attention to their ongoing fight for sovereignty, to dispel the popular corporate myth of Hawai‘i as a “paradise”, and to challenge global capitalism. This paper addresses several questions. First, how does globalization, and the Asian Development Bank in particular, impact the cultural and economic rights of indigenous peoples? Second, how has globalization impacted the indigenous people, culture, and resources of Hawai‘i? Finally, how did protestors demonstrate against the ADB in Hawai‘i and what impact did they have on the 34th annual meeting of the Bank? ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Efforts to challenge capitalist globalization require attempts to mobilize a broad range of people around a shared vision of a more equitable and democratic alternative. While there has been progress in articulating alternatives to economic globalization, the success of any effort to promote a more just global order depends upon the expansion of the network of activists working to support an alternative vision. Exploring evidence about transnational organizations and less formal networks over time, this paper discusses the key challenges the global justice movement faces as it seeks to include more diverse groups of people from around the world. It identifies the lessons from past activism about how to create more positive network dynamics among the individuals and groups working for global justice. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, debates on "global justice" or "cosmopolitanism" have not ceased to attract the attention of writers in philosophy and the social sciences. Yet only a minority has engaged in a discussion of what an agenda should be for the reform of existing world economic institutions. In this work we explore a recent argument on the extent to which global justice principles may shape the workings of the World Trade Organization and Bretton Woods lending institutions as interpreted by Robert Hockett. We suggest that his "new institutionalist" defense of actual trade and financial regimes as potential cosmopolitan agents misses an important part of their reality. In particular, absent in his legalistic scrutiny is an apprehension of the role powerful states have played in shaping structures and policies of the organizations over time. We argue that a cosmopolitan critique needs to engage in a discussion of basic flaws in Bretton Woods and WTO's democratic governance that conspire against the realization of moderate egalitarian values. We finally discuss what democratizing reform proposals could realistically be implemented to reduce this deficit. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its inauguration in 2000, the World Social Forum (WSF) has been heralded as an ‘open-space’ for civil society in which the disparate groups that make up the anti-globalization or Global Justice movement can gather and ‘articulate’ possible alternative worlds (Tormey, 2004; Fisher and Ponniah, 2003). As an unstructured forum the WSF has allegedly provided a platform where traditional international union groups can meet with a variety of progressive civil groups in order to contest neoliberal hegemony and propel a multilayered counter-hegemonic project of the form (to quote Machiavelli and Gramsci) of a ‘Post-Modern Prince’ (Gill, 2000; Hardt and Negri, 2000). Yet despite these claims towards anti-structuration â€" the Forum has serious shortcomings that has (in its short history) already rendered it meaningless as a serious expression of counter-hegemonyFollowing criticisms by Chandler (2004) and Worth and Kuhling (2004), this article will argue that the WSF is more exclusive than inclusive in its nature. Rather than being the expression of the anti-globalisation movement, the forum has become a funfair for the expression of ideas from academics and NGO/governmental workers, that has led to a form of elitism that the forum attempt to avoid at its inception (Biagotti, 2004). Thus, rather than creating any form of inclusive participatory ‘open space’, the article will conclude that the WSF has become an elitist tool for NGOs and certain developing governments (such as Chavez’s Venezuela and Lula’s Brazil) to maintain â€" rather than to counter â€" any form of transformation within global civil society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Agreement (TRIPS), an agreement signed by countries wanting to be members of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The emergence of a global critique of intellectual property rights that is linked with the counter-globalization movement that broke onto the international scene in Seattle, Washington is investigated and has manifested itself in several public protests against the expansion of patent and copyright law. The history of the TRIPS agreement is outlined.

Traditionally, there are two approaches to theorizing global justice—one statist and the other cosmopolitan, and scholars debating over this subject often have to choose between the two extreme approaches. In this article, I argue that we need to move beyond the debate by advancing a middle way approach, and Rawls’s the Law of Peoples represents such an alternative. In his theory of global justice, Rawls insists that the Law of Peoples must be worked out by adopting a two-stage approach to the use of original position, and because of this approach, the difference principle that he advances in A Theory of Justice does not apply in global context. Rawls’s approach to global justice has drawn much criticism from scholars who favor a more egalitarian or cosmopolitan approach. From their point of view, Rawls’s Law of Peoples comes close to what Allen Buchanan caricatures “rules for a vanished Westphalian world”. Against these cosmopolitan critics, I argue that Rawls’s two-stage approach better fits the global context for two reason: first, because Rawls’s political liberalism is more reasonable than comprehensive liberalism favored by cosmopolitan liberals; second, the moral standing of the state cannot be easily dismissed as cosmopolitan liberals often do. At the level of substantive issues, cosmopolitan liberals justify applying the difference principle at the global level by employing various arguments, most notable of which are: first, the argument from interdependence and circumstances of justice; and, second, inequality of bargaining power and the erosion of background fairness. Against these arguments, I argue that the difference principle cannot be applied directly to the global context because the global context is qualitatively different from the domestic context in that the international society does not constitute a social union of social unions. In addition, I argue that cosmopolitan liberals must embrace the idea of a world state if they are to realize their ideal. The fact that they are hesitant to embrace such an institutional arrangement gives us one more reason to prefer a middle way approach. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite strong theoretical and empirical support for a ‘resource curse,’ particularly among oil-wealthy states, some suggest that resource rents may allow rulers to build strong social consensus that underwrites regime stability and durability. We critically examine this view and apply more appropriate empirical data—violations of rights to personal integrity and political terror—to examine the dissent/repression nexus among resource wealthy states more directly. We find ample evidence to suggest that resource wealth, particularly energy and mineral wealth, strongly predicts higher levels of political terror, results that are both statistically and substantively large. These results are robust to different measures of resource wealth, sample size and testing method. Our results suggest that oil wealth relates to repression regardless of the level of foreign corporate domination of these extractive economies. The level of the accumulated stock of FDI among just the oil exporting countries predict better respect for human rights, contrary to dependency theorists and anti-globalization activists. We also find that the quality of institutions, measured as ‘legal security and respect for property rights,’ has strong negative effects on political terror and accounts for why resource wealthy states have bad governance outcomes. The effects of resources wealth on repression seems to work largely through the quality of institutions. Our results taken together suggest several entry points for global and local policymakers that seek to extirpate the ‘resource curse.’ ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]