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The purpose of this paper is to examine Japan’s relations with North Korea which have been deadlocked for a long time. Former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi made a visit to Pyongyang in September 2002 and held a summit meeting with Chairman Kim Jong-Il, and signed the “Japan-DPRK Pyongyang Declaration”. Since then Japan has made a continuous effort to normalize diplomatic relations with North Korea. It is Japan’s desire to put the abduction issue, the nuclear and security issue, and the normalization issue on the same table and solve all these problems in a comprehensive manner. To North Korea, on the other hand, the normalization issue is the top priority, as they demand a full apology and adequate compensation for Japan’s colonial past. Meanwhile, North Korea’s repeated nuclear testing and launching of missiles over the Sea of Japan has dampened the negotiating process. The Six-Party Talks intended to halt North Korea’s nuclear development are coming to a stalemate. Furthermore, U.S. economic sanctions and North Korea’s efforts to retrieve money once frozen in a Macau bank have complicated the whole situation.This paper will, first, examine differences in priorities in foreign policy between Japan and North Korea. Second, the paper will focus on the reasons why the Six-Party Talks are not making the progress expected toward North Korea’s denuclearization. Third, the conflicting interests and differences among the five countries toward North Korea will be analyzed. Finally, different alternatives regarding the normalization of diplomatic relations between Japan and North Korea will be considered. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan and North Korea began their official talks for diplomatic normalization in 1991. Sixteen years have passed since then. Yet it is uncertain when they can finally reach diplomatic normalization. During their first summit meeting of September 2002, Japan has promised to provide a massive economic aid to North Korea after diplomatic normalization, estimated at approximately 1 trillion yen, virtually as a compensation for Japan's colonial rule of Korea. The money would be a great asset to the North Korean economy and can serve as a major incentive for DRPK's denuclearization. Thus, the normalization has a strong bearing on the regional security of Northeast Asia. However, diplomatic normalization is not yet in sight. The paper will focus on key factors for delaying normalized relations between the two countries. It will discuss changes in the eagerness of Japan and North Korea for normalization, with a greater focus on recent changes, analyzing the factors that prompted the changes, including domestic and international as well as historical, economic, military factors. The paper will also consider the future prospects for normalization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan's post-Cold War security policy has largely revolved around the question of how to respond North Korea's development of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. As a primary response, Japan has participated in the Six-Party Talks, which have aimed at promoting North Korea's denuclearization and building a peace regime on the Korean peninsula. Japan has had the ability to provide North Korea with strong economic incentives to change its policy stance. However, Japan has failed to use the economic card very effectively. In my paper, I will examine factors behind the failure. Then, I will consider what Japan should do in order to play a more positive role in building a peace regime on the Korean peninsula, with a particular attention to the opportunities and constraints resulting from political changes in the United States and South Korea. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Copenhagen School's concept of securitisation is regarded as one of the most innovative, but also most controversially discussed approaches in IR and security studies. Located within the wider theoretical scheme formulated by the Copenhagen School, it provides a specific analytic in respect of examining security politics and, predicated on this, the evaluation of the prevailing pattern of security interactions on a given regional level. However, several commentators have pointed out a tension within the securitisation approach, which mainly stems from two different possible readings of this concept: one that puts more theoretical emphasis on language and a second that stresses the importance of considering context. By conducting a first-cut, preliminary analysis on one crucial issue of current Japanese foreign policy, the case of abducted Japanese citizens to North Korea, this paper highlights the challenges one encounters in trying to apply the securitisation approach to this specific case. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent bilateral relations between Japan and North Korea are the worse they have been in many years. Several major problems still impede the normalization of Japan-North Korea relations. These problems, but particularly the abduction of Japanese nationals during the 1970s and 1980s by North Korean agents and Japan's past annexation of Korea, continue to strain this bilateral relationship. Pyongyang's decisions in 2006 to launch a series of missiles and then to detonate a nuclear device created even more problems for the already bad relationship between Japan and North Korea. Caught in the middle of a these bilateral problems, which have palpably increased tension between Tokyo and Pyongyang, are the many thousands of Korean residents in Japan who have maintained their political allegiance to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). Represented by Chongryon (General Association of Korean Residents in Japan) for more than fifty years, these Koreans loyal to the DPRK, like all zainichi (Koreans permanently living in Japan), have long faced discrimination in Japanese society. However, of late the members of Chongryon also have had to contend with the political fallout from the visible deterioration in Japan-North Korean relations, which has been exacerbated by Tokyo's adoption of a hard-line policy toward the DPRK. This paper examines the politically connected problems that Chongryon Koreans have recently experienced in Japan, as well as the extent to which this ethno-political minority has been subjected to repression by the Japanese government, as claimed by these Koreans and by Pyongyang. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By using the Koizumi’s administration foreign policy towards North Korea as a case study, this paper argues that a constructivism framework can bring a new perspective to the Japanese questions of security by linking them to the identity construction and its reproduction process. Exploring Japan’s relationship with North Korea in such a perspective challenges the dominant representation of Japanese identity. In the first part of my paper, I deal with the dominant representation of Japanese identity by defining the terms of this dynamic concept. I then focus on the recent structural changes such as the “North Korean threat” and the redefinition of the American security alliance, which take took place under the Koizumi administration.In the second part of my paper, I approach the recent right-wing turning point in Japan’s political spectrum as a redefinition of national security in relation to the balancing process of identity construction.Finally, I conclude by exploring a few definitions of “foreign policy” such as the one proposed by David Campbell which represents it as an exclusion process to bring under control parts of population who disagree or might be a threat to the dominant representation of national identity. This part will end our survey about the looping interactions established between identity construction and security policy, by examining how the latter can further influence the dynamic process of identity reproduction through domestic policies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses Japan?s policy objectives and instruments in response to increased North Korea?s nuclear threat. It sheds light on the extent of Japan?s contribution to peaceful resolution of the North Korea?s nuclear crisis. The final section of the paper considers two questions: what kind of policy Japan should pursue to resolve the urgent problem of the nuclear standoff; and what kind of policy Japan should take to reduce other forms of North Korean threat. The author argues that Tokyo should promote the soft-landing of North Korea and try to increase North Korea?s dependence on Japan. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the autonomy in the foreign policy of Japan. It presents a historical background of Japan's relationship with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) in the immediate post-World War II period. It summarizes the domestic factors within Japan that led to a different North Korea foreign policy to that of the U.S. It mentions how Japanese autonomy is maintained in policy regulations.

That China has been politically and economically playing an important role in the world has great impact to regions all over the world, especially in East Asia. After the Cold War, Japan has gradually walked out of its past "one nation pacifism," actively participating in the international affairs under frameworks of "U.S.-Japan alliance" and the U.N. It is to fulfill its dream of becoming a "political great power." Therefore, Japan has also been playing an important role in the regional issues. On November 2002, North Korea decided to reactivate its uranium-enriching program. It has raised the tension in the region of East Asia; it has also disturbed international relations in the region. The U.S. expects China and Japan, two great powers in the Northeast Asia, intervene in the North Korea problem, hoping to solve the problem with multi-literal agreement. Can the North Korea nuclear crisis shorten the diplomatic distance between China and Japan, establishing the "military strategic partnership," or showing the radical paradox between the two countries? Examining interactions between China and Japan in the North Korea nuclear crisis can clarify the thinking of two countries' regional strategies and benefits of competition and cooperation in politic, security, and economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New situations in the Korean Peninsular call for a substantial change for Japan’s security policy which still has large constraints in defense activities. Strong reaction has emerged in general public against North Korean nuclear program and kidnapping of Japanese citizens. In the age of rapid progress in technologies and of shrinking of time and geographical distance, the Japanese defense policy should be transformed so as to be able to act with less constrains. Furthermore, Japan must change the notion on the military forces. The situation eventually calls for the revision of the Article 9 of the current constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

US, South Korean, and Japanese interests in coping with North Korea’s nuclear agenda overlap, but there also are substantial differences. Each country’s policies shall be assessed in terms of its bilateral objectives versus North Korea. Based on that assessment, the historical record of trilateral cooperation vis-à-vis North Korea and the prospects for future cooperation shall be evaluated. In addition, North Korea’s responses to each category and its options shall be analyzed. In each of these instances salient domestic and international factors shall be taken into account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July, 2006, North Korea conducted long range missile tests, and three months later, detonated a nuclear device. These incidents alerted Japan to the immediate threat of a nuclear capable North Korea. According to the theory of realism, Japan should militarize and obtain nuclear weapons to deter North Korea from continuing its nuclear program. Will Japan become a nuclear state? This paper examines how Japan reacted to the security crisis, and how Japan may act against military threats in the future. To investigate the current domestic debates on Japanese security issues, this study conducted a survey of the fifty-five Japanese Diet members in August, 2006. The survey analyzed diplomatic tools that Japan utilized against North Korea, and explored the future options of Japanese security policy. The survey findings showed that (1) United Nations resolutions and economic/financial sanctions are the most effective diplomatic efforts against a military threat from North Korea; (2) an uncertainty about the close relationship between China and North Korea; (3) conducting active Japanese foreign policy would be possible in some multilateral frameworks; and (4) the establishment of good relationships with other Asian nations is vital for Japanese national interests. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, Japan and North Korea have made sporadic attempts, all to no avail, to establish normal bilateral relations. In recent years, some of the disagreements between Japan and North Korea have been identified as multilateral problems, making the prospect of rapprochement even more difficult. This paper examines the recent political circumstances related to the failure of Japan and North Korea to establish normal diplomatic relations. These circumstances stem from three major sources. First, amplified by partisan positions in Japan, there is not always clarity, and sometimes there is wavering, on how Tokyo can best deal with its problems with North Korea. Second, some officials in Pyongyang, specifically those who have maintained a predilection for provocation, most notably by recently conducting a nuclear test, have been steadily gaining the upper hand in the decision-making process. Third, Tokyo has demonstrated a strong commitment to U.S. security initiatives in Northeast Asia. Currently, the major problem in Japan said to be preventing normalized relations with North Korea is the abduction issue. In Tokyo, those that support the normalization of relations with Pyongyang have been marginalized and face lackluster domestic support for rapprochement with North Korea, which constantly stresses the need for Japan to make amends for its past crimes. Other problems impeding Japanese-North Korean normalization efforts are the military-significant actions of hardliners in Pyongyang and more generally North Korea's continued use of the past to explain the present, Washington's North Korean policy that has unilaterally focused on nuclear disarmament and which has only very recently shown some flexibility, Japan's compliance with U.S. initiatives, and Tokyo's emergent security strategies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historical acrimony between Japan and North Korea has been exacerbated in recent years because both nations have relied on policies that include nuclear deterrence, whether real on contrived, to bolster national security. Complicating this problem is that Japan and North Korea have each presented contradictory positions with regard to nuclear deterrence. While North Korea repeatedly has emphasized its desire for a denuclearized Korean Peninsula, it has also recently stressed the need to maintain a strong nuclear deterrent force and claimed that it possesses nuclear weapons. Although Japan continues to stress the importance of ridding the world of nuclear weapons and strengthening the nuclear nonproliferation regime, it has become very complacent with its position under the U.S. nuclear umbrella. Tokyo's concerns about a China threat have been overshadowed by its position that North Korea is a volatile state that poses an immediate danger to Japan. Compounding Pyongyang's perception of Washington's hostility directed at North Korea is the growing threat it perceives from the U.S.-Japanese security alliance and the fear that Tokyo has plans to make Japan a nuclear weapons power. In addition to examining these issues, this paper analyzes ways that Japan and North Korea can move toward developing a non-confrontational relationship, especially one that excludes reliance on nuclear deterrence policies. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan's North Korea policy throughout the postwar period was dictated by its need to maintain its alliance with the United States to secure its own peace. The U.S.-North Korea Agreed Framework did not alter Japan's fundamental policy toward North Korea. The current nuclear crisis and the prospect of a nuclear North Korea is forcing Tokyo to review its approach to Pyongyang. Japan supports the six-party talks as a means to solve the nuclear crisis, but it is increasingly aware that the multilateral framework may not be able to produce an outcome acceptable to both North Korea (the source of Japan's security anxiety) and the United States (the most reliable security ally), as well as to the other regional powers. A nuclear North Korea would spell an end to the Pyongyang Declaration, in which Japan and North Korea stated that normalization of their bilateral relations would contribute to the broader regional peace and stability. It would force Japan to reconsider its security policy in a fundamental way, with far reaching implications for Japan's relations with the other neighboring countries. This paper will discuss Japan's current policy toward the North Korean nuclear crisis and the implications of a nuclear North Korea for Japan's relations with the United States and other neighboring countries. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“Why has Japan not normalized its diplomatic relations with North Korea?” While following daily Japanese media, answers to this question probably appear self-evident and the question itself sounds foolish to many Japanese. However, reconsidering it from b ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With advanced nuclear technical capability and surrounded by nuclear neighbors, Japan is often regarded as a country close to the nuclear brink. To what extent do international forces -- such as the 2006 North Korean nuclear test -- shape Japanese nuclea ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Though the security situation is improving in the Middle East, the US will not easily withdraw its troops. Meanwhile, security environment has rather deteriorated in East Asia. In view of the growing instability in Asia, Japan has revised Defense Policy Outline last December and it has been strengthening the alliance with the U.S.A as the recent DPRI shows. Furthermore, emergence of North Korea as a nuclear power, liquid political state in South Korea and deteriorating relationships with China are stimulating the Japanese public sentiment toward a more security conscious direction. In 1980, the so-called Ohira report asserted that Japan should not be involved too much into the affaires in the Asian Continent. Japan should, the author argues, take more care of geopolitical identities. Actually Japan has developed as a nation of the Rim Pacific Ocean consolidating the alliance with the USA (possibly with Australia). It also has enjoyed prosperous relationship with ASEAN nations and the countries surrounding Indian Ocean as a sea power. Japan should make more use of these assets when it deals with the continental giant. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Though Japan still has large constraints in defense activities, North Korean situation and the wars in the Middle East call for Japan to play a more positive role. Furthermore, as most predictions suggest Asia will be a major source of the international politics change in the 21st century. In view of the international changes surrounding Japan, the administration is now revising the policy guideline for defense strategy. However, in order to play an optimal and more positive role in international arena, Japan must revise the Article 9 of the constitution. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT: The recent security issues of Japan, especially the growing tensions in the East Asia concerning to China and North Korea, have called for a more positive stance for maritime policy. Also the two wars in the Middle East and terrorist/piracy threats in the sea lane request Japan a larger role which cover the Indian Ocean and Malacca Strait and　stimulate the necessity how compile the maritime strategy. It is a strategic choice of Japan?s defense policy to establish the Maritime coalition in Asia among Japan and related nations. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]