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This paper examines economic integration in East Asia with a focus on the key issues in harmonizing bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs). Even though market forces, the Sino-Japanese rivalry, and functional cooperation may help drive regionalism forward, the foundation of any significant integration in the East Asian trading system will be the ASEAN+1 FTAs with China, Japan, and South Korea. It is therefore important to examine the way in which these agreements structure cooperation. This study examines some of the major choices made in the negotiation of the ASEAN-Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (AJCEPA) and the ways in which these choices might help or hinder the consolidation of economic regionalism. If AJCEPA is to be anything more than an umbrella for Japan's bilateral FTAs with ASEAN members, it must achieve greater uniformity in coverage of issues and, especially, rules of origin. The comparison of Japan's bilateral FTAs that closes the paper suggests the magnitude of this challenge. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the role of public opinion since the end of the Cold War on the normalization and maturation of Japanese Foreign and security policy. Japanese foreign and security policy makers tend to make policy with little regard to public op ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While most view China as the rising power in Asia, the future of the region will also be determined by India. Despite receiving less attention, India is a growing economic, military, and political power in the region and globally. India has the world’s 4th largest economy at $796 billion and for the past decade, has registered economic growth rates over 7 percent. India has the 3rd largest active duty armed force in the world behind China and the United States and is a nuclear power. Finally, India is a respected political player and often cited as a candidate for inclusion in the UN Security Council. Certainly, India faces significant obstacles including over 350 million living dire poverty and an economic infrastructure that needs significant repair. However, Indian leaders have ambitious aspirations and it is a country on the rise. Given India’s important and growing position in Asia, its relations with China and Japan, the other key players in region, will be crucial. This paper will examine India’s economic, political, and security relationship with these other two powers of Asia and the impact these relations have on Indian and regional security. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Copenhagen School's concept of securitisation is regarded as one of the most innovative, but also most controversially discussed approaches in IR and security studies. Located within the wider theoretical scheme formulated by the Copenhagen School, it provides a specific analytic in respect of examining security politics and, predicated on this, the evaluation of the prevailing pattern of security interactions on a given regional level. However, several commentators have pointed out a tension within the securitisation approach, which mainly stems from two different possible readings of this concept: one that puts more theoretical emphasis on language and a second that stresses the importance of considering context. By conducting a first-cut, preliminary analysis on one crucial issue of current Japanese foreign policy, the case of abducted Japanese citizens to North Korea, this paper highlights the challenges one encounters in trying to apply the securitisation approach to this specific case. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent bilateral relations between Japan and North Korea are the worse they have been in many years. Several major problems still impede the normalization of Japan-North Korea relations. These problems, but particularly the abduction of Japanese nationals during the 1970s and 1980s by North Korean agents and Japan's past annexation of Korea, continue to strain this bilateral relationship. Pyongyang's decisions in 2006 to launch a series of missiles and then to detonate a nuclear device created even more problems for the already bad relationship between Japan and North Korea. Caught in the middle of a these bilateral problems, which have palpably increased tension between Tokyo and Pyongyang, are the many thousands of Korean residents in Japan who have maintained their political allegiance to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). Represented by Chongryon (General Association of Korean Residents in Japan) for more than fifty years, these Koreans loyal to the DPRK, like all zainichi (Koreans permanently living in Japan), have long faced discrimination in Japanese society. However, of late the members of Chongryon also have had to contend with the political fallout from the visible deterioration in Japan-North Korean relations, which has been exacerbated by Tokyo's adoption of a hard-line policy toward the DPRK. This paper examines the politically connected problems that Chongryon Koreans have recently experienced in Japan, as well as the extent to which this ethno-political minority has been subjected to repression by the Japanese government, as claimed by these Koreans and by Pyongyang. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russo-Japanese relations have been stuck in the fog of a territorial dispute in the Kuril Islands since the end of WWII. Orientation toward the dispute seems mired in the history and legal claims of the past, which do not seem a likely source of resolution to the conflict. Instead, a shift in perspective that focuses on the future, while transforming justice claims on both sides, is required. The paper explores the prospects and problems of one such perspective -- creating an International Peace Park (IPP) in the disputed islands to advance peace and conservation. It argues that the IPP idea holds considerable promise in creating what Conca and Dabelko call "environmental peacemaking" in a pragmatic context that exercises capacities for respect, trust, and mutual understanding. Also, environmental exigencies compel political action to protect one of the world's most unique, and least known, bioregions. However, the Kuril issue is captured by nationalists on both sides, and the political atmosphere not particularly amenable to "international" or "transnational" solutions to the conflict. Nevertheless, the IPP approach is an important, though not sufficient, component in the construction of a more comprehensive peace between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the meaning and significance of four key concepts heavily used to characterize the nature and essence and to reveal the core structural properties through Japanese diplomatic discourse for the last four centuries. They are anarchy, hierarchy, community and civilization. Some American theories of international relations are referred to in my discussion of how Japanese used these concepts in their understanding and discussion of international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper on the foreign policy of Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. It examines the policy stance of Koizumi and analyzes if his initiatives marks watershed for postwar Japan. It also seeks to know whether the prime minister could depart from culturally bounded Japanese foreign policy.

In the post-Cold War world Japanese security policy has grasped at nationalistic elements within Japanese society in attempts to "securitize" itself by means of a foreign policy independent of the United States. The role of absolute and relative gains in the making of Japanese foreign and security policy will be examined in light of alternative security issues. Working from International Security: A New Framework for Analysis by Buzan et al., this paper will examine Japanese security policy in light of Japan's attempts to securitize itself in non traditional ways that impact traditional security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Yoshida Doctrine is perhaps the most important concept in the study of Japanese foreign policy covering the Cold War period. Yet, its conceptual structure has received little systematic analysis. This paper reports that even among mainstream writers, the content of the Yoshida Doctrine as a concept is far less consistent, coherent, or complete than we have long assumed. The conceptual weakness has two specific dimensions. First, the constituent principles of the concept, as well as their mutual relationships, vary widely among key writers, to the extent that some empirical cases cannot be properly diagnosed whether they violate or corroborate the Yoshida Doctrine. Second, while the Yoshida Doctrine is commonly characterized as a national strategy, the goal of such a strategy is either unclear or contested in the literature. Consequently, empirical analysts cannot properly identify the change of the Yoshida Doctrine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a conference paper about antagonism between China and Japan. It offers a review and analysis of Japan's history revision and compensation denial controversy as well as an examination of the domestic political situations in both countries. It also discusses the attitude towards history and the possibility of the countries to jointly write a trans-national history for future generations.

Japan’s active political interest in the continent is comparatively recent and there has been a concerted push in policy towards Africa in the 1980s and 1990s. It seems that Tokyo views the African continent as a useful (albeit latent) buttress to political and diplomatic goals in the international system. In Africa, Japan has tended to seek enhanced relations with states rich in minerals and raw materials. Alternatively, political relationships have been built up with states that carry perceived political influence on the continent and in multilateral fora. The latter is the product of Japan’s UN-centred diplomacy, one of the cornerstones of the country’s post-World War II foreign policy. To garner such support, Japan has often invoked an Afro-Asian identity in its diplomacy with prominent African states. Given Japan’s own identity as a member of the developed world, and its outsider position vis-à-vis the offspring of the Afro-Asian bloc, the Non-Aligned Movement, the incongruity of this purported common identity with African countries, has borne surprising success. This chapter examines the ways in which Tokyo has advanced it foreign policies in Africa and achieved limited success in the promotion of itself as a concerned friend of Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For conventional studies of the English School, Japan’s interactions with International Society takes place only after Perry knocked down Japan’s doors in 1853. Until this point, Japan’s relations with Europe are presumed to have taken place under conditions of an ‘international system’, with minimal rules and common norms to govern their relations. This paper undertakes a fresh examination of Tokugawa Japan’s interactions Europe to challenge this account. The Tokugawa shogunate’s attempts to legitimate its position as the rightful ruler of Japan led to attempts to monopolise the conduct of diplomatic relations, and resulted in the emergence of a Japan-centric international order modelled on the hierarchical Chinese international order. Under this order, the Europeans had to consent to the rules set to them by the Japanese rulers if they were to maintain their trading and political relations. Furthermore, they were relegated to the lowest rung of the social hierarchy, and reduced to performing an ‘exotic other’ which served to confirm Japanese identity as the centre of the cosmos. This paper presents an empirical challenge to existing accounts of European relations with the non-European world by examining a case where the Asian polity dominated and dictated the rules of interaction, thus demonstrating that different civilisations can indeed establish societal relations in the absence of a common culture or ‘standard of civilisation’. It will generate implications for emerging scholarship in the English School tradition which calls for greater homogeneity among different polities in order to advance the ‘good’ international life. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of norms and ideas upon international relations are at the center of my research interests. In this paper, I seek to reposition the status of norms as merely intervening variables to independent variables and address how they shape the media as an institution and decide its relations with state actors. My paper examines how Japan's top two national dailies (also the world's top two in terms of circulation) have covered China since the mid-1990s, when the relations between these two Asian giants began to deteriorate, a trend that is still going on today. I argue that these portrayals are driven more by concerns about Japan than about China, and that Japanese journalists choose from a limited series of normative frames, explaining China so as to understand Japan's place and identity in the world. This suggests that international reportage is about how the press domesticates foreign countries: China?s image has been socially constructed as a mirror by the Japanese media to reflect Japan?s own successes and problems. This paper further argues that the ?China Mirror? is in the process of being transformed from a fun-house mirror to a real mirror: that is, the portrait of China and of bilateral relations is changing from simple and one-sided moral judgments to a more contextualized representation. Hence, at a time when prevailing views on China?s swift rise as a world power would suggest increasing Japanese hostility and suspicion toward the country, instead we see a more complex media portrayal of China and of Japan-China relations. This recognition points to the autonomy of the Japanese press vis-à-vis a democratic home country and an authoritarian host country. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1980s, the notion of national identity and the nature of its relationship with foreign policy have been in the focus of constructivist and post-structuralist scholarship. In both theoretical approaches, the nature of the relationship is pre-determined. The constructivist scholars tend to treat the national identity as a cognitive lens through which national interests and related polices are defined and shaped. In a post-structuralist analysis, foreign policy is often perceived as a practice of difference that creates borders and enhances the national identity construction.The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship between national identity discourse of the Japanese ?self? vis-à-vis the Russian ?other? and foreign policy without any pre-theorization regarding the relationship.In the first part this paper examines the structure of contemporary Japan?s national identity construction vis-à-vis Russia. It argues that Russia, because of her role as a traditional ?other? for the West, has played a special role in Japan?s attempt to construct herself as a member of the universal realm of ?modern nations.? The second part of the paper examines Japan?s foreign policy vis-à-vis post-communist Russia along three dimensions; economic, military and the territorial dispute related to the islands captured by the Soviet Union during the last days of the Pacific War. Identity does not matter in economy- business as usual with profits overriding other concerns related to territory and history. Identity is slightly visible in the security discourse as seen in the lack of long-term trust of Russia?s intentions among the members of the security community. In the context of the the territorial dispute, identity shapes and, at the same time, is shaped by the policy related to this dispute. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is the second part of a time series analysis of foreign policy attitudes among Japanese foreign policy makers. The paper examines the current goals and direction of Japanese foreign policy makers though a series of interviews conducted in 2006 and compares these attitudes with interviews conducted back in 1998 with the same foreign policy makers. The paper tracks changes in attitudes, perceptions, and goals. It also explores new attitudes within Japan toward the rise of China and Japan?s newly found willingness to deploy the Self Defense forces (SDF) in the war on terror. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper will examine Japan's growing roles in US-sanctioned peace-keeping/building functions and in alliance with the United States, both of which are gradually blurring the border between Japan's self-defense and international security. This narrowing of the two areas is obscuring the relevance and meaning of Japan's policy of recognizing the nation's right to collective self-defense but not exercising that right. This blurring distinction is further eroding the restrictive constraints of Article 9 of the Japanese constitution on Japan's international security role. The paper will discuss these issues. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During World War II, the Japanese government is said to have conscripted over 100,000 women from the Korean Peninsula, Taiwan, China, Burma, Indonesia and the Philippines to serve as wartime military sexual slaves or euphemistically known as ?comfort women? for the Japanese military troops between 1932 and 1945. Since the Japanese government?s acknowledgment of its imperial military?s institutionalized sexual slavery in 1992, Tokyo has managed to establish a ?private? compensation program in 1995 for the victims. Despite the calls for the ?formal? compensation accompanied by an ?unambiguous apology? by former sex slaves, the transnational movement organized by various human rights and women?s NGOs, and foreign governments, Tokyo still refuses to provide the formal compensation. The purpose of this paper is to explore various domestic and international reasons for the reluctance to squarely face the wartime guilt and address the public?s ?collective amnesia,? which underlie the Japanese government?s stance on the compensation issue. The paper will also discuss foreign policy implications of the ?comfort women? issue for the Japanese government. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 21st century ushered in rising nationalism in both Japan and China. Mutual Sino-Japanese suspicions and accusations have been aggravated by the dispute over demarcating the resource-rich continental shelf in East China Sea and by the competition with regard to securing preferential access in the future construction of a pipeline from East SiberiaGiven that China?s imports of crude oil are projected to double by 2020 in tightening global energy markets, is it likely that Japan, whose dependence on oil imports is nearly 100 percent, may simply escalate conflicts with China with regard to energy security, due to the lack of policy coordination between the two? Is there any conceivable catalyst which may otherwise reverse what is seemingly a spiral of deterioration in Sino-Japanese relations?This paper sheds light on the ?hidden? side of so-called energy security, namely energy conservation; the other side of the coin as regards competition over limited energy supplies is usually emphasized from traditional geopolitical viewpoints. It attempts to explore the prospects for the emergence of an issue-oriented regime by focusing on energy-environmental areas and to examine the possibility of achieving a ?win-win? situation (or positive-sum game) in Northeast Asia It is estimated that China needs approximately ten times the amount of primary energy that Japan does to produce US one dollar equivalent of GDP, whereas the Chinese government considers energy conservation to be an unavoidable impending national issue in terms of maintaining its economic development, as endorsed by the Eleventh Five-Year Plan (2006-2010). Promoting technology transfers from Japan would bolster the sustainable development of the Chinese economy on the one hand, while on the other, Japan would also benefit, not only from mitigating China?s soaring energy demand, but also from promoting carbon emissions trading, particularly by employing the Clean Development Mechanism.It is argued that, despite the prima facie aggravation in the Sino-Japanese relationship, there nevertheless exists much potential for mutual cooperation or, at least, strategic trade-offs, which may in turn lead to stability in bilateral ties in the years to come. In addition to discussing the ongoing development of energy conservation business between the two, this paper addresses the implications of the Asia-Pacific Partnership, advocated by the Bush Administration since July 2005, and the conceivable roles of the United States in stabilizing Northeast Asian energy and environmental issues for the sake of future Sino-Japanese relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines what I term the ?second face of security.? Specifically, a state?s unilateral choice of arms, allies, or appeasement can strengthen the political power of some societal and economic actors in foreign states while others will be weakened politically and economically. The domestic winners will then apply pressure on the government to support their preferred grand strategy. In contrast, the more traditional ?first face of security? entails direct attempts to create security by influencing other governments to change their foreign policy. This is accomplished through military or economic statecraft such as the threat or use of military force, economic sanctions, foreign aid, or tariffs. In this paper I examine the intent of Britain?s appeasement policy towards Germany and Japan in the late 1930s. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACTIn September of 2000, 189 nations made the commitment to embark on the decade?s Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) with the intent of achieving the stated objectives by the year 2015. Annual reports seem to suggest that movements in the direction of achieving these goals, if any, have been either very slow and mostly progressing in the opposite direction, placing nations ? developed and developing alike, behind in their commitment to address the world?s most egregious development ills. The new regionalism in the Caribbean is one in which three overriding forces condition the development policy agenda of the region. On the one hand the need to attract global capital places a high priority on upgrading nation?s ICT infrastructure to meet the needs of the global business community. Second, negotiations in the region to establish the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) and the Caribbean Single market Economy (CSME) has placed regional connectivity as the highest priority for the region?s development. Third, Japan?s growing economic interest in the region also reinforces connectivity as a high priority. These factors are not to suggest that the UN?s MDGs have been given a low priority. Rather, the prioritization of ICT is a strategy designed to achieve the MDGs by the quickest means imaginable. Inherent in this new regionalism is a conceptual shift in development thinking about the relationship between technology and development. The result of this shift in thinking is a proliferation of newer global and regional ICT institutions designed to bridge the digital divide. This paper examines this proliferation of new ICT international institutions that have been established at the regional and international levels since 1990 and argues that the proliferation emerges from the perception of Caribbean leaders that ICT is a the necessary first stage towards achieving the MGD. Secondly, the paper argues that the region?s success in achieving these Goals is a function of the streamlining of this global ICT infrastructure to ensure that it truly facilitates and not obstruct the region?s movement towards bridging the digital divide. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses Japan?s policy objectives and instruments in response to increased North Korea?s nuclear threat. It sheds light on the extent of Japan?s contribution to peaceful resolution of the North Korea?s nuclear crisis. The final section of the paper considers two questions: what kind of policy Japan should pursue to resolve the urgent problem of the nuclear standoff; and what kind of policy Japan should take to reduce other forms of North Korean threat. The author argues that Tokyo should promote the soft-landing of North Korea and try to increase North Korea?s dependence on Japan. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the course of the first-half of the 20th century, Japan transformed itself from a minor ally of the reigning British hegemony to a powerful ally of the German hegemonic challenger. Over the course of the second-half of the 20th century, Japan was increasingly heralded as the most likely hegemonic successor to the United States. But now, less than a decade into the 21st century, the idea of Japan as a possible hegemonic contender to the United States has been entirely eclipsed by a more likely Chinese scenario. This paper seeks to identify the structural conditions responsible for deflating Japanese influence in the global political economy, as well as analyze the possible role that these same structural conditions may play in future hegemonic coalition building. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite of the fact that China and Japan are becomingthe biggest trade partner with each other in recent years, politicalrelations between both countries have deteriorated. Many people in Chinastill concern over potential Japanese military resurgence, while more andmore people in Japan worry about China's military modernization and growingnationalism. The tension is unlikely to improve in the near future.The role of Taiwan in this China-Japan dispute is worth attention. WhileTaiwan has enjoyed de facto independence since 1949, it is still regarded byChinese leaders as a renegade province, and the recovery of the island wasconsidered in China as the sacred and ultimate goal. In recent years, Taiwanhas increasingly attempted to act as a truly independent state, adevelopment that could be attributed to political democratization on theisland since the late 1980s. The question is whether the leaders in Taiwanwill continue to push the envelope to a point short of de jure independencethat will be intolerable to the leaders in Beijing. On the other hand, bothTaiwan and Japan have shown strong intention in improving politicalrelations between both sides. Creation of a Japan-Taiwan alliance isbecoming a popular view in Taiwan's strategic circle, and Japanese publichave shown more sympathy to Taiwan's international isolation. Japanesegovernment even adjusted its policy toward the island state by including theTaiwan Strait into the sphere of concern in Japan-US Security Treaty. Thesedevelopments have been unthinkable in the past, because both China and Japanhave committed to the One China policy and because the Taiwan issueused to be excluded from China-Japan relations.This paper will examine the Taiwanese perspective of China-Japan relations.The author will outline the developments of Taiwan-Japan relations, identifythe strategies Taiwanese government have utilized to strengthen therelations with Japan, and to assess the Taiwan factor in future Japan-Chinarelations. In addition to analyses of secondary data, the author will alsointerview strategic scholars and even government officials to gain firsthand information. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite of the fact that China and Japan are becoming the biggest trade partner with each other in recent years, political relations between both countries have deteriorated. Many people in China still concern over potential Japanese military resurgence, while more and more people in Japan worry about China?s military modernization and growing nationalism. The tension is unlikely to improve in the near future.The role of Taiwan in this China-Japan dispute is worth attention. While Taiwan has enjoyed de facto independence since 1949, it is still regarded by Chinese leaders as a renegade province, and the recovery of the island was considered in China as the sacred and ultimate goal. In recent years, Taiwan has increasingly attempted to act as a truly independent state, a development that could be attributed to political democratization on the island since the late 1980s. The question is whether the leaders in Taiwan will continue to push the envelope to a point short of de jure independence that will be intolerable to the leaders in Beijing. On the other hand, both Taiwan and Japan have shown strong intention in improving political relations between both sides. Creation of a Japan-Taiwan alliance is becoming a popular view in Taiwan?s strategic circle, and Japanese public have shown more sympathy to Taiwan?s international isolation. Japanese government even adjusted its policy toward the island state by including the Taiwan Strait into the sphere of concern in Japan-US Security Threty. These developments have been unthinkable in the past, because both China and Japan have committed to the ?One China? policy and because the Taiwan issue used to be excluded from China-Japan relations. This paper will examine the Taiwanese perspective of China-Japan relations. The author will outline the developments of Taiwan-Japan relations, identify the strategies Taiwanese government have utilized to strengthen the relations with Japan, and to assess the Taiwan factor in future Japan-China relations. In addition to analyses of secondary data, the author will also interview strategic scholars and even government officials to gain first hand information. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the deepening economic interdependence between China and Japan, their political relationship is deteriorating, which is frequently described as ?cold politics, hot economics? during recent years. Several incidents regarding Sino-Japanese relations had shown that Chinese netizens exercised their influence on Chinese foreign policy decision-making. This paper argues the April 2005 anti-Japanese demonstration held in China can be regarded as an exercise of brinkmanship by the Chinese government, which pacified the growing anger among the netizens on one hand, and tried to ask for Japan?s concession on the other hand. Because of the growing Chinese popular nationalism, Chinese government can no longer make its foreign policy totally free from public scrutiny. When the traditional state-centric realist and state-interdependent liberalist theories are inadequate to address contemporary Chinese foreign policy due to the increasing consideration of the anti-Japanese sentiments among the Chinese netizens, strategic approach can be another way. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, Japan and North Korea have made sporadic attempts, all to no avail, to establish normal bilateral relations. In recent years, some of the disagreements between Japan and North Korea have been identified as multilateral problems, making the prospect of rapprochement even more difficult. This paper examines the recent political circumstances related to the failure of Japan and North Korea to establish normal diplomatic relations. These circumstances stem from three major sources. First, amplified by partisan positions in Japan, there is not always clarity, and sometimes there is wavering, on how Tokyo can best deal with its problems with North Korea. Second, some officials in Pyongyang, specifically those who have maintained a predilection for provocation, most notably by recently conducting a nuclear test, have been steadily gaining the upper hand in the decision-making process. Third, Tokyo has demonstrated a strong commitment to U.S. security initiatives in Northeast Asia. Currently, the major problem in Japan said to be preventing normalized relations with North Korea is the abduction issue. In Tokyo, those that support the normalization of relations with Pyongyang have been marginalized and face lackluster domestic support for rapprochement with North Korea, which constantly stresses the need for Japan to make amends for its past crimes. Other problems impeding Japanese-North Korean normalization efforts are the military-significant actions of hardliners in Pyongyang and more generally North Korea's continued use of the past to explain the present, Washington's North Korean policy that has unilaterally focused on nuclear disarmament and which has only very recently shown some flexibility, Japan's compliance with U.S. initiatives, and Tokyo's emergent security strategies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi will step down in September, 2006. Considering Japan?s foreign policy during his administration, the U.S.-Japan alliance has been strengthened more than ever by the close ties between President George W. Bush and himself. The personal ties between them seem to be closer than the one between President Ronald Reagan and Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone. The U.S.-Japan pact on military realignment reached on May 1, 2006 would definitely take alliance to new plane. While enjoying the great relations between the United States and Japan, Koizumi did poorly with Japan?s neighboring countries in Northeast Asia, especially China. There exists simmering rivalry between China and Japan. Many contentious issues confront China and Japan. Japan?s new leader after Koizumi will need to take up challenges of stabilizing the Sino-Japanese relations. A window of opportunity could well open in front of him. However, how to handle the situation with China will have a great impact on Japan?s foreign policy in the 21st century. While fluid perceptions of power and fear are increasing present in Northeast Asia, the United States will need to take very pragmatic foreign policy toward Japan and China. This paper tries to examine Koizumi?s legacy on Japan?s foreign policy and its impact on Japan? s foreign policy formation under Japan?s new leader. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Historical memories are intricately linked with the rocky relations China and Japan have had with each other since the 20th century. While conventional scholarship is in broad agreement that history does matter, in recent years an increasing number of analysts have argued that history is a ?rational tool? that can be utilised by the Chinese leaders to bolster the legitimacy of the Communist regime. While these studies are not necessarily wrong, they give rise to a number of ethical issues. First, they downplay the extent to which traumatic memories do play a role in the peoples? minds, regardless of elite manipulation. Second, by portraying historical controversies as a product of manipulation, they inadvertently absolve the Japanese from playing any part in helping both sides overcome the historical trauma that continues to colour Sino-Japanese relations. This paper considers the role of scholarship in Sino-Japanese relations. In particular, it will seek to problematise conventional analyses of history and memory. It will attempt to suggest ways in which Sino-Japanese reconciliation can be facilitated, and what role scholarship can play in this process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In face of the Soviet Union?s military buildup in Northeast Asia in the early 1980?s, Japan?s security debate in International Relations got off the ground. Before then, there existed a debate between the Realists and the Liberals. However, the debate in the early 1980?s marked a turning point since the perspectives other than the Realists and the Liberals have come on the scene of Japan?s security policy debate. Which direction is Japan?s security policy heading for in the 21st century? During Koizumi Administration, the U.S.-Japan alliance has been strengthened. However, Tokyo?s relations with Beijing and Seoul have hit a new low. While the Liberal Democratic Party tries to revise Article 9 and seek a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, understanding the current security policy debate is critical to analyze Japan?s security policy in the 21st century. This paper tries to examine the current Japan?s security policy debate by focusing mainly on three perspectives; Liberal, Realist, and Constructive perspectives. With this comparison, it tries to analyze which perspective would prevail in Japan?s security policy and how the perspective would influence on the U.S.-Japan alliance and Japan?s foreign policy in the 21st century. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I examine the impact of contested national identity on Turkish and Japanese foreign policies. Applying a constructivist theoretical framework, I seek to explore the ways in which the national identities of Turkey and Japan are constructed, internalized and in turn externalized through their foreign policies. My principal research question is why Turkey and Japan remain ambivalent to any idea of regionalization in their non-Western neighborhood. The answer to this question lies in their historically shaped and domestically contested national identities, which imposes constraints and ambiguity for their current foreign policy choices. The lack of a national consensus in both countries as regards their sense of belonging to a geographic location has been caused by an incomplete shift of civilizational identity and ongoing debates over this shift at the domestic level. The shift was incomplete in two senses: (1) the Westernizing elites never internalized the West itself, while detaching themselves from a sense of belonging to the East; (2) such a shift of identity never became a national consensus, as rival claims to national identity remained dormant and occasionally rose to the level of power. This duality of national identities has paved the way for a contested foreign policy orientation, which continues to influence their European (Turkey) and Asian (Japan) regional integration processes today.Theoretically I further two claims. First, against realism and in line with constructivism, I argue that foreign policy decisions are informed by ideational factors such as identity and historical memory. History matters for a country?s foreign policy, both as a constraint and as an opportunity. It may limit or expand foreign policy options. Secondly, disputing the validity of structural constructivism that takes the notion of national identity as a monolithic entity formed through interaction of state actors, I argue that in both case national identity is fragmented and contested by various sub-national identities with distinct readings of national interests and security and distinct perceptions of Others of national identity. Foreign policy decisions emerge in the context of this contestation among opposing identities. Accordingly, my research demands a modification within constructivist paradigm to account for these divergent perceptions as domestic informants of foreign policy decision-making processes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations between China and Japan represent an apparent puzzle. On the one hand bilateral economic interactions continue to grow significantly. On the other hand, political relations are at their lowest ebb since diplomatic normalization. In this paper we investigate the role of historical myth-making and commercial relations as determinants of bilateral political relations. We find that a gap between the two countries? collective memories as result of the instrumental use of history by elites has independently caused worsening bilateral relations, as well as increasing realist concerns about bilateral balance of power.We also develop and test a set of causal mechanisms related to commercial peace theory. Our results show that increased economic interactions have had little influence on Japanese decision-making. Further, we find that commercial interests have not been significantly harmed by bilateral political turbulence, and they have therefore not lobbied decision-makers to alter their policy position. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines China's changing perspectives on the evolving U.S.-Japan alliance from both the hard and soft power angles. Four sets of considerations affect how Beijing views the alliance. The first has to do with the alliance's scope and missions. While Beijing tacitly acknowledges the alliance's role in preventing Japanese re-militarization, it now sees it as an instrument for sustaining U.S. hegemony in the region beyond its original, limited missions of defending Japan. Second, China considers the U.S.-Japan alliance increasingly as a convenient cover for Tokyo to pursue ~ normal state ~ status, including the strengthening of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) and the dispatch of JSDF personnel overseas. A politically ambitious, militarily assertive, and economically strong Japan poses a serious challenge for China and for the region given the historical past and ongoing territorial disputes between Japan and its neighbors. Third, Beijing has serious concerns about the alliance's potential interference in what it considers as its domestic affairs, namely, the Taiwan issue. Finally, Chinese perspectives on the U.S.-Japan alliance must also be put in the broad contexts of the evolving and complex Sino-U.S. and Sino-Japanese relations. Stable and better relationships could mitigate the potentially negative impact of the alliance on China while tension and deterioration of ties heighten Beijing's concerns and worse-case assessments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to compare IR theories between Japan and the United States and to clarify the reasons and causes for similarities and differences. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The round table FD14 is sponsored by the Japan Association of International Relations, which is in fact called “Nihon Kokusai Seiji Gakkai” in Japanese. If this name is translated literally into English, it should be called the Japan Association of International Politics. This might not be surprising at all in the United States. However, in Japan, “International Politics” and “International Relations” are not necessarily interchangeable. “International Relations” has a more comprehensive meaning, containing “International Politics” as a branch among others such as “International Law” and “International Economics.” Though distinguishing the state of International Studies in Japan from that in the United States, this historical conditioned divergence has not been well explicated in English. The whole body of International Studies prior to the Second World War has been grasped as “an amalgamation of Law, History, and Economics in the international arena” to borrow from Professor Inoguchi (who was supposed to attend this round table, but actually could not). The various strands of International Studies, including those leading into International Politics and International Relations, are all conflated into this all-inclusive “amalgamation.” Therefore, in this paper, I will resolve this “amalgamation” into its originally individual strands as observed in the form of university subjects. Particularly, I will look into the curriculums of the University of Tokyo and Waseda Universities. The genealogical distinctiveness of International Politics and International Relations will appear in the process. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Japan has had two strategic directions of forging its relations with the US across the Pacific Ocean and of developing its relations with Asia including China, Korean and ASEAN. Multilateralism in Asia lies at the cross road of these two strategic orientation.This paper tries to examine the role of multilateralism for Japan as a strategic choice, with a focus on Japan?s involvement in East Asia community building and Northeast Asia six party talks. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historical acrimony between Japan and North Korea has been exacerbated in recent years because both nations have relied on policies that include nuclear deterrence, whether real on contrived, to bolster national security. Complicating this problem is that Japan and North Korea have each presented contradictory positions with regard to nuclear deterrence. While North Korea repeatedly has emphasized its desire for a denuclearized Korean Peninsula, it has also recently stressed the need to maintain a strong nuclear deterrent force and claimed that it possesses nuclear weapons. Although Japan continues to stress the importance of ridding the world of nuclear weapons and strengthening the nuclear nonproliferation regime, it has become very complacent with its position under the U.S. nuclear umbrella. Tokyo's concerns about a China threat have been overshadowed by its position that North Korea is a volatile state that poses an immediate danger to Japan. Compounding Pyongyang's perception of Washington's hostility directed at North Korea is the growing threat it perceives from the U.S.-Japanese security alliance and the fear that Tokyo has plans to make Japan a nuclear weapons power. In addition to examining these issues, this paper analyzes ways that Japan and North Korea can move toward developing a non-confrontational relationship, especially one that excludes reliance on nuclear deterrence policies. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2005 marked a new low in Sino-Japanese relations. A grassroots petition in China, South Korea and around the world gathered more than 30 million signatures in a matter of weeks. Violent demonstrations in China displayed Chinese people's deep resentment of Japan on a range of issues. Both Beijing and Tokyo have traded charges against each other while trying to control the situation from getting worse. This paper examines these developments, and focuses on how nationalism manifested itself in both China and Japan, what are behind the emotional outbursts of public sentiments, and why there is no single model that can explain the nationalistic behavior in either China or Japan. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan has played a very important role in the Kyoto Process. Japan?s decision to host the 1997 Kyoto Conference was an international sign of its commitment to the international effort. When the United States pulled out of the Kyoto Protocol, however, Japan found itself in a very awkward position. Because of the centrality of the US-Japan Security alliance and concerns about domestic competitiveness, Japan?s prime minister was reluctant to continue with an agreement to which the US was not a party. At the same time, however, there was very strong public support for the Kyoto Protocol and an international image that needed to be upheld. In the end, Japan chose to join the EU in pushing for Kyoto?s ratification (after winning many concessions from the Europeans on the use of flexible mechanisms in the agreement). Now Japan is in a similar position as discussions begin regarding a post-Kyoto international framework. This paper will examine the role Japan has played in the Kyoto process internationally, the internal politics that led to Japan?s decision to ratify the agreement, subsequent efforts at policy implementation. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the development of IR theories in Japan basically since the end of the Second World War ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I explore the ?rise? of China and Japan in the international political sphere through the theoretical lens of the English School. One of the most important insights provided by the English School approach of International Relations is its notion that ?Great Powers? hold special responsibilities in the Society of States. However, studies of ?great power responsibilities? have not sufficiently problematised or historicised what exactly these ?responsibilities? entail. Building on a recent study by Roland Paris which argues that international peacebuilding constitutes the modern ?mission civilisatrice?, I argue that the English School theoretical framework can offer us a fresh perspective in understanding the political ambitions of China and Japan to play a greater political role in International Society. Moving beyond conventional explanations which trace these movements to domestic nationalism, I explore through a comparative case study of Chinese and Japanese participation in international peacekeeping whether China or Japan?s recent actions for ?a greater international political role? is informed by both states? interaction with a international normative consensus of what constitutes a ?civilised? Great Power in twentieth and twenty first-century International Society. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact that the coming of the Internet and generational change can have, both independently and collectively, on the political economy of a major bilateral relationship in international affairs. It argues that both influences can independently exert positive impact in broadening cross-national familiarity, but that the interactive effects of these two factors can also be quite de-stabilizing. Empirically, the Internet appears to empower young people with an unprecedented access to current developments in Sino-Japanese relations. Yet that access seems to complicate prospects for the sort of elite cross-national bargains that stabilize bilateral relations between one-time adversaries. The sort of political mobilization stimulated by the Internet also inhibits otherwise non-democratic governments like that of China from making pragmatic compromises. The new entrée for non-Establishment groups produced by the Internet in Sino-Japanese relations could ultimately have major implications for bilateral geo-strategic relations more generally, and ultimately for international relations as a whole in future years, it is argued. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does "normalization" mean for Japan? Was Japan ever a normal state? Can Japan become a normal state? Throughout its modern history, Japan was never balancing major powers, it was always bandwagoning. Since 1952, the strong and close alliance with the ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current debate about the Kyoto Protocol and global climate changes demonstrates the most fundamental challenge behind global political initiatives: mobilizing national interests in the service of a broader, world-wide agenda. Japan played an importan ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The leaders of both Japan and Turkey have recently made headlines with their refusal to acknowledge past atrocities committed by their states. In the case of Japan, the refusal centers on the Japanese state’s role in forcing Korean women into prostitution during WWII. In the case of Turkey the refusal is an outright denial of the Armenian genocide. It would be easy to dismiss these actions as the product of irrational nationalist bravado, put on for the benefit of a domestic audience. However, given the international character of these disputes, and their very serious consequences for the diplomatic credibility of the countries in question, international relations scholars have an obligation to explain why states act in ways which are contrary to their short-term self-interests. I argue that because of the social status hierarchy in the international system, admitting to past atrocities is more difficult for those states which are not naturally or inherently favored by the norms of the international system. In other words, it is not an accident that two Asian states with the highest aspirations to join the Western the world are also the states which have the most difficulty facing their past. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The New National Defense Program Guideline (NDPG) had been approved in the Cabinet in December, 2004 worked out effective correspondence to New threats and various situations of the proliferation of WMD and ballistic missiles as well as the activity of international terrorism. That is the Missile Defense (MD), counter terrorism/special forces attack, prevention against islands invasion, surveillance and patrol around the waters, coping with invasion to territorial air/invasion by armed suspicious ship, and disaster assistance. This can be classified in the category of Defense of country which defined one of main mission so far, and can peel off eyes from the direct aggression. On the other hand, the role of defense power is not clearly defined about Secure safety of sea lane which used to be another main mission. Japan is a sea girt country, and the security of the sea lane is a proposition of supremacy in it for the country that imports most of resources such as food and oil via sea. Safety in the sea lane is indispensable to live of Japan. However, piracy, maritime terrorism and outrage in waters that threatens sea lane at peace time including threat of ballistic missiles when situation of the Pacific Ocean sea area of recent years is seen, the submarine that exceeds 200 in this area that will be possible threats of the sea lane regardless of peacetime or the war time. Now, it is necessary to construct "Maritime Coalition in Asia" by the cooperation with the US, India and Australia for the safety of the sea lane. Strong cooperation and interoperability with U.S. Forces is most important for Japan. Moreover, Homeland Defense of Japan which MD cooperated with our own preemptive attack capability and the U.S. Forces, the islands defense by Joint Force, and the prevention of outrage in waters is so important. To do this, it is vital to maintain the necessary maritime forces. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the autonomy in the foreign policy of Japan. It presents a historical background of Japan's relationship with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) in the immediate post-World War II period. It summarizes the domestic factors within Japan that led to a different North Korea foreign policy to that of the U.S. It mentions how Japanese autonomy is maintained in policy regulations.

The article discusses the historical evolution of masculinity as well as foreign policymaking in Japan. It cites that the growing interest in bushidō, or way of warriors, is established in current political and cultural transformation of the country. Types of Japanese bushi masculinity are militarized and non-militarized masculinities. A brief history of masculinity in the country is also presented.

An essay is presented on post cold war foreign and security policy being implemented by Japan. It discusses the changes in international security threat level and the responses of Japan. It mentions that the factor that contribute to the active participation of Japan in security issues is its enhancement of the U.S. and Japan alliance relations after the cold war.

The recent Japanese-Chinese relationship is characterized as "cold politics, hot economy" and there are two schools of thoughts which describe this bilateral relationship as friendly or hostile. But such a friend/enemy dichotomy to humanize the two countries is not useful to understand it. A sectoral approach can offer the better understanding of China as a sectorally fragmented system with limited carrying capacity and the complex Japanese-Chinese bilateral relations. In this view, China has a problem in fitting its sectoral imperatives to its limited ecosystem and Japan's involvement in it has unintended and unwanted consequences. Japan should be more interested in managing negative consequences of its short-sighted involvement in China's complex system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]