Search

HIV infection poses a serious threat to the economy of a household. Out of pocket (OOP) health spending can be prohibitive and can drag households below poverty level. Based on the data collected from a cross-sectional survey of 401 households with HIV+ members in Pune city, India, this paper examines the consumption levels and patterns among households, and comments on the economic impoverishment resulting from OOP medical spending. Analysis reveals that households with HIV members spend a major portion of their monthly consumption expenditure on food items. Medical expenditure constitutes a large portion of their total consumption spending. Expenditure on children's education constitutes a minor proportion of total monthly spending. A high proportion of medical expenditure has a bearing on the economic condition of households with HIV members. Poverty increases by 20% among the studied HIV households when OOP health spending is adjusted. It increases 18% among male-headed households and 26% among female-headed households. The results reiterate the need of greater support from the government in terms of accessibility and affordability of health care to save households with HIV members from economic catastrophe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Manipur is a geographically isolated state of India characterised by a high HIV prevalence among people who inject drugs (PWID). A low-to-moderate lifetime rate of HIV testing has been documented amongst PWID in Manipur. Little is known about the extent of undiagnosed HIV in this setting and whether uptake of HIV testing (and knowledge of a positive diagnosis) leads HIV-positive PWID to change their risk behaviours. The cross-sectional data (n= 821) analysed for this paper were collected in 2009 for the Integrated Behavioural and Biological Assessment (IBBA) using interviewer-administered questionnaires and the collection of de-linked blood and urine samples. Almost one-third (30.7%) of the participants tested HIV positive. The majority knew where to obtain a confidential HIV test (80.7%), however, half of the HIV-positive participants had either never had an HIV test (37.7%), or had undertaken a test without collecting the result (12.7%). Almost one-quarter (23.4%) of the HIV-positive participants and 17.4% of the HIV-negative participants had shared a needle/syringe with at least one other injector during the preceding month. Encouragingly, HIV-positive participants were significantly more likely than HIV-negative participants to use condoms with their regular sexual partners, however, there was still a high proportion of HIV-positive participants who did not use a condom at last sex with their regular (47.2%) or casual (48.0%) partners. Having taken an HIV test and collected the result was associated with a reduction in HIV-risk behaviours among HIV-positive participants, but not among HIV-negative participants. In conclusion, we found that a substantial proportion of the HIV-positive PWID in Manipur were not aware of their positive status, and risky injecting and sexual practices were commonplace. However, HIV-positive PWID appear to reduce their high-risk behaviours when they become aware of their HIV status highlighting the importance of taking HIV testing coverage to scale. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Approximately 2.4 million people in India are living with HIV. Gender inequality affects HIV prevention, detection, and management. The purpose of this paper was to describe gender differences in the experience of living with HIV in Bengaluru, India. A subsample ofn= 313 (159 men and 154 women) from a larger cohort was used for these analyses. Participants were recruited through AIDS service organizations. They completed an interviewer-administered survey assessing HIV testing experience, types of stigma, and perceived consequences of stigmatization. The majority of men (67%) reported getting HIV tested because of illness, while women were more likely to be tested after learning their spouse's HIV-positive status (42%). More men (59%) than women (45%,p<0.05) were tested in private care settings. Men reported significantly higher mean levels of internalized stigma (men:M=0.71, SD = 0.63; women:M=0.46, SD = 0.55;p<0.001), whereas the women reported significantly higher scores for enacted stigma (men:M=1.30, SD = 1.69; women:M=2.10, SD = 2.17;p<0.001). These differences remained significant after controlling for potential socio-demographic covariates. Following their diagnosis, more women reported moving out of their homes (men: 16%; women: 26%;p<0.05). More men (89%) than women (66%;p<0.001) reported to have modified their sexual behavior after being diagnosed. These findings suggest that the experience of living with HIV and HIV stigma varies by gender in this population. Suggestions for a gender-based approach to HIV prevention and stigma reduction are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

HIV epidemic in India is predominantly concentrated in subgroups of population, such as female sex workers (FSWs) and their clients, whose behavior exposes them to a higher risk of acquiring HIV infection. This paper aims to present the changing patterns of socio-demographic characteristics, behaviors, reported sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and associated factors among FSWs over 11 years. Multistage cluster sampling with probability-proportional-to-size (PPS) method was used in the surveys. A sample of 400 FSWs was studied every year. The mean age and literacy at the baseline level increased significantly over the years. House-based sex increased by 40% from 43.3% in 1997 to 83% in 2008 (p<0.001). Condom use at last sex with one-time clients; consistent condom use (CCU) with one-time and regular clients indicated increasing trends. FSWs reported low levels of condom use at last sex (14.5% in 1997 to 5% in 2008;p<0.001) and CCU (12.6% in 2004 to 3.6% in 2008;p<0.01) with regular partners. FSWs who used condom with one-time clients at last sex reported significantly less STI symptoms. A two-third reduction in genital ulcers was found from 13.1% in 1997 to 4.5% in 2008 (p<0.001). Nonliterate and hotel-based sex workers were 1.6 (1.0–2.5; 95% CI) and 2.2(1.3–3.7; 95% CI) times more likely to have reported STI symptoms. The percentage of FSWs who underwent HIV testing increased (p<0.001); similarly, a 20% increase was found in FSWs who availed counseling services from 65.2% in 1997 to 85.4% in 2008 (p<0.001). Poor, illiterate, and marginalized were more likely to get involved in risky behaviors which suggest the need for structural interventions as part of HIV prevention strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using population-based and family structural data from a high HIV-prevalence district of Southern India, this paper considers four suggested social scenarios used to explain the positive correlation between HIV prevalence and previously married status among Indian women: (1) infection from and then bereavement of an infected husband; (2) abandonment after husbands learn of their wives' HIV status; (3) economic instability after becoming previously married, leading women to seek financial support through male partners; and (4) the social status of being previously married exposing women to sexual harassment and predation. By also considering seroprevalence of two other common sexually transmitted infections (STIs), herpes and syphilis, in a combined variable with HIV, we limit the likelihood of the first two scenarios accounting for the greater part of this correlation. Through a nuanced analysis of household residences patterns (family structure), standard of living, and education, we also limit the probability that scenario three explains a greater portion of the correlation. Scenario four emerges as the most likely explanation for this correlation, recognizing that other scenarios are also possible. Further, the interdisciplinary literature on the social position of previously married women in India strongly supports the suggestion that, as a population, previously married women are sexually vulnerable in India. Previously married status as an STI risk factor requires further biosocial research and warrants concentrated public health attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given that the communities which are most vulnerable to HIV often have little control over their own lives and their health-related behaviour, HIV prevention policies increasingly recommend that HIV prevention projects work to build relationships with powerful external groups (i.e., build “bridging social capital”). To aid conceptualisation ofhowcommunity organisations may build such social capital, this paper outlines a typology of strategies for influencing local stakeholders. We present a study of two successful Indian sex workers' organisations, VAMP and DMSC, focusing on how the organisations have influenced three groups of stakeholders, namely police, politicians and local social organisations. Interviews with project employees (45), with representatives of the three groups of stakeholders (12) and fieldwork diaries recording 6 months of observation in each site provide the data. Three approaches emerged. “Persuading” refers to the practice of holding information-giving meetings with stakeholders and requesting their support. It appears to build “weak social ties”. “Protesting” entails a collective confrontation with stakeholders, and appears to be useful when the stakeholder has a public image to protect that would be tarnished by protest, and when the protestors can stake a legitimate claim that their rights are being denied. In “exchanging favours”, the sex workers' organisations find creative ways to position themselves as offering valued resources to their stakeholders (such as useful information on criminal activities for the police, a stage and audience for politicians or a celebration for local social organisations) as incentives for their support. In conclusion, we discuss the strengths and weaknesses of each approach, the implications for social capital theorising and implications for community HIV prevention. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]