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本稿では、多賀城南面における街並み形成の前提として、宝亀十一年（七八〇）の伊治公呰麻呂の謀反を契機とする多賀城の火災と復興、それらと征討との関連を検討した。まず、多賀城の火災が律令制的な支配や国家の威光を象徴する政庁等の主要施設を中心とした点に注目し、本来は小規模な単位からなる蝦夷の部隊が呰麻呂の謀反で一斉蜂起し、国司の逃走と籠城した百姓の四散で空城となった多賀城に襲来した結果とみた。蝦夷は貴重な物品がありそうな施設に殺到し、略奪を尽くしたうえで放火したと考えられる。次に、派遣された征東軍と火災との関係、征討の経過を検討した。呰麻呂の謀反と多賀城炎上の経緯を記す『続日本紀』同年三月の史料は後にまとめられたものであり、政府は国司の逃走を五月、多賀城の炎上を七月になって認識したとみられる。このため謀反の第一報直後に派遣された征東使は現地で想定外の難局に直面し、天皇との間で征討に対する考え方の差が開いた。征討は容易に実施できず、征東使の刷新と天皇の厳命によって十一月以降に大崎地方等の城柵を復したが、翌年五月には軍を解散した。その後、天皇は上京させた征東副使の説明で現地の詳細を十分認識した結果、考えを改めて征東使等を賞したと考える。多賀城の復興はまず征東使が手がけ、その帰還後は新たな陸奥守内蔵全成と按察使の大伴家持が進めたとみられる。具体的な経過については政庁跡出土漆紙文書に注目し、多賀城の政治的機能は征東軍の駐留によって宝亀十一年九月頃にはある程度回復したものの、仮設の第Ⅲ―１期政庁は天応元年（七八一）以降、本格的な同２期政庁は延暦三年八月を上限とする延暦四年（七八三）頃の竣工を考えた。同年前半には家持と全成が陸奥国を去って多治比宇美が按察使と守、鎮守副将軍を兼ねる呰麻呂謀反以前の紀広純の頃の体制に戻り、上京した家持の申請による多賀・階上郡の真郡化で多賀城の防衛が強化されたことと符合する。, The purpose of this paper is to elucidate the actual situation of the fire at Tagajo due to the rebellion of Emishi in the year Houki 11 (780), the process of suppressing the rebellion, and the process of rebuilding Tagajo. Tagajo, surrounded by castle walls, was the political and military base of the ancient Mutsu Country. Consideration of the excavation historical materials revealed that the fire of Tagajo was centered on major facilities, such as central government offices and castle gates, that symbolize the dignity of the nation. I think that the situation was the result of the Emishi fighting group originally composing of small units, attacking Tagajo with all at once. Also Tagajo at that time was an uninhabited castle because the leaders and people who defended the castle fled after hearing the mass uprising of Emishi. Emishi rushed to a high-grade facility in the castle like a mob and repeatedly looted. And finally an arson was performed.Next, I presented a new historical interpretation of the process of suppressing this rebellion. After hearing the report of the rebellion, the Emperor immediately dispatched a force of suppression army from the capital. However, the suppression did not proceed as expected by the Emperor. The reason is that the scale and damage of the revolt were larger than expected, such as the fall of Tagajo. Lack of damage information and lack of preparedness for the suppression army were also added. As a result, the suppression army arriving in the Mutsu Country were in a severe situation. Military action was carried out by a strong order of the Emperor, but the outcome of the war was limited to the recovery of castles and areas lost in the rebellion. In light of this result, I pointed out that there was a large difference between the suppression army and the Emperor at perceptions of the situation in areas devastated by the rebellion.On the other hand, the reconstruction of Tagajo was first started by the suppression army. Next, I think that Yakamochi Otomo and Matanari Kura, who have been newly appointed as leaders of Mutsu Country, had advanced a full-scale reconstruction. In addition, I examined the process of reconstruction based on paper documents, which had used for container lid with lacquer, excavated at the central government office of the Tagajo ruins. As a result, I think that a temporary central government office was completed after the first year of Tenou (781). Next, in the first half of the year Enryaku 4 (783), I concluded that the central government office, which consisting of full-scale buildings, and the main facilities of the entire castle were rebuilt.

学校博物館は学校内に存在する施設で，一般の博物館と同様に資料の収集，保管，展示，公開などの役割を果たしうる。しかしその歴史や実態の理解は，研究者や学芸員の間で進んでいるとは言えず，そこに所在する学校資料と同じく学校博物館はいまや亡失の危機にある。一方で，学校現場ではいまも学校博物館は活用され，設立もなされている。そんな中，ごく近年になって，学校資料や学校博物館にかかる活動をおこなう研究者や学芸員の存在が多数顕在化しており，学校博物館は新たな局面を迎えている。そこで本稿では，改めて学校博物館の基礎データを収集し，学校博物館の歴史と特徴を社会的状況や学校現場，博物館関係者などの諸点から明らかにすることを試み，あわせて学校博物館への今後の関わり方を検討した。結果として，学校博物館は近代的学校制度導入の頃から現在にいたるまで多数設立され続け，またその時々の社会状況や学校の特色などに応じて，すべての学校種で設立がみられたことを確認した。そして学校博物館の歴史を9期に区分し，第1期：学校博物館の萌第，第2期：学校博物館論の出現，第3期：通俗教育と郷土教育の学校博物館増加，第4期：郷土教育による学校博物館と学校博物館論の発展，第5期：理工系学校博物館の新設，第6期：人文系学校博物館の発展，第7期：人文系博物館の増加と学校博物館論の停滞，第8期：学校博物館論の停滞と記録されなくなる学校博物館，第9期：学校博物館の新たな展開とまとめた。これら各期の学校博物館の動向を踏まえた上で，本稿では，学校博物館の特徴を「継続性と即応性」という観点から捉え直すことを提案し，学校だけではなく，一般の博物館そして地域社会との連携の仕組みを構築することが今後重要なあり方であると指摘した。, A school museum is an institution that exists within a school and, like a general museum, has several functions such as collect, store, exhibit and publicize cultural properties. However, in recent years, some problems have arisen in the operation of these museums, and in some cases the intention of their existence is not fully recognized by the school. The reasons for this are complex, but one of the main reasons is that, due to the systematic and regular transfer of school teachers, information on the establishment and role of school museums is not properly passed on to their successors within each school. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to investigate the historical background of the establishment of school museums in Japan and the significance of their existence. After that, the characteristics of school museums that differ from those of ordinary museums will be clarified. In conclusion, since school museums play a role not only for school education but also for regional development and as a device to keep the memory of the region alive, it will be important to create a mechanism for cooperation among schools, regional organizations, and regional museums for its appropriate operation. In addition, this paper proposes that we should not be concerned only with “continuity” as in the case of ordinary museums, but should also emphasize the “readiness” of school museums, which are established and operate when the need arises, and consider how they should be managed based on this characteristic.

歴史的な種々の琉球漆器の漆膜を科学分析すると日本産や中国産のウルシ Toxicodendron vernicifluum の木から得られる漆液を利用したものだけでなくベトナム産ハゼノキ Toxicodendron succedanea から得られるアンナン漆液が使われていた。また事例は少ないがタイ産やミャンマー産のウルシ Gluta usitata の樹液を利用した漆器もあった。漆器は器物に単に漆液を塗り作られるのでなく，素地・木地を選び，下地を整え，漆で中塗り上塗りを行い，必要に応じて加飾を施し，美しい漆器になる。歴史的な漆器は，かつては地元の漆液を使い，木胎となる木材及び下地材を選び使われてきたが，時代の推移や経済の発展に伴い漆の原料や漆材料を遠方から入手して漆器が作られるようになった。このようなことから漆器の素地，下地及び上塗りの構造とそれらの材料を調べた。すなわち歴史的な琉球漆器がどんな種類の漆液を用い，中塗り，上塗りにどのような漆を用い，漆器が作られているかを種々の科学分析で調べ，漆器の塗装材料と塗装構造を明らかにしてきた。科学分析法としては熱分解―GC/MS(ガスクロマトグラフ/質量分析)法，クロスセクション法及び蛍光X線分析を用い，更に顕微IR(赤外線吸収)スペクトル，Sr(ストロンチウム)同位体比分析，放射性炭素14年代測定法及び木胎の樹種同定法などの分析法を駆使して漆に関わる材料情報を収集し，どんな技術で漆器が作られたかを研究してきた。我々はこれまでいろいろな科学分析で種々の琉球漆器の塗膜を分析評価する case study 研究をしてきた。本総説では，これまでの研究成果をとりまとめ，歴史的な琉球漆器がどんな漆を使い，どのような漆材料を選び，どんな塗装構造で作られたかを総合的に考察した。, Lacquer is a unique process in Asia that uses sap tapped from lacquer trees grown wild or cultivated in areas of East Asia such as Japan, China and Korea, and from the Ryukyu Islands to Southeast Asian countries such as Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam. It has been used to prepare crafts or wares for more than 8000 years. The surfaces of objects made of wood, bamboo, cloth, paper, porcelain, leather, and metal are coated with lacquer sap not only for protection but also for esthetic effect. Despite differences in the nations, languages, and customs in Asian countries, the interlinked lacquer cultures demonstrate interrelations and are also part of modern life.Okinawa, located in southernmost Japan, has a nearly 500-years history as the Ryukyu Kingdom and has a Ryukyu lacquer culture with its own characteristics. During its history, the Ryukyu Kingdom maintained good relations with both China and Japan and also traded with Southeast Asian countries. Ryukyu people actively imported neighboring countries’ cultures and technology via trade activities and formed a new culture characterized by complex cultural elements. Therefore, we find similar materials and techniques in the lacquer crafts to those of Chinese, Japanese, and Southeast Asian countries. That is, the history of Ryukyu lacquerwares overlaps with the history of the Ryukyu Kingdom, and clarification of Ryukyu lacquer crafts will increase understanding of the history and culture of Okinawa. In addition, identification of lacquer species is important in the conservation and restoration of valuable ancient Ryukyu lacquerwares.We analyzed many kinds of Ryukyu lacquerwares belonging to the Urasoe Art Museum by Py-GC/ MS, and detected urushiol and/or laccol pyrolysis products, suggesting that the laquerwares were prepared using the lacquer sap from Toxicodendron vernicifluum and/or Toxicodendron succedanea. Many of our research results have shown that analytical pyrolysis is an effective method for characterization of lacquer films. Moreover, microscopy and cross-section studies demonstrated that the lacquers had a multi-layer coating structure. X-ray analytical microscopy was carried out directly on the surface of lacquerwares to determine the presence of different pigments. The analysis results on Ryukyu lacquerwares based on our research papers revealed that lacquer sap tapped from Toxicodendron vernicifluum and/or Toxicodendron succedanea lacquer trees grown on the Asian continent were used alone and/or combined as a coating material. Ryukyu was an independent kingdom at same points in its history and traded very actively with surrounding countries. Analysis of the results of our research confirmed that Ryukyu people efficiently used the imported coating materials alone or in combination to make lacquerwares using many techniques, such as mitsuda-e, haku-e, chinkin, urushi-e, raden and/ or tsuikin decorating techniques in Ryukyu lacquerwares. These investigations provide scientific support for the conservators, restorers, and archaeologists of lacquer.

本稿の目的は、古琉球期に王権と不可分に生成された一次史料(金石文)の分析を軸として王権の支配理念を析出するとともに、それを手がかりとして、王権と「周縁」(周辺と辺縁)の諸島との関係性を明らかにすることであり、以下のような結論を得た。尚泰久代に東アジアの普遍的な仏教・儒教イデオロギーによる支配理念が形成された。その担い手は儒仏一致を基本とする京都五山系の禅僧であった。この段階では王位継承が不安定で、君臣関係も未成熟であり、「周縁」諸島の支配も緩やかだった。それゆえ、尚泰久は琉球国中山王・大世主という制度的・実体的地位だけでなく、法王・〈皇帝〉・〈天子〉としての理念的地位を標榜し、沖縄島内外の統合を図った。尚泰久代に形成された支配理念は、第二尚氏王朝への移行後も、しばらくは王権のあり方を規定した。尚真代の前半においては、禅僧による王権の称揚が一段と進み、王の「皇帝」(帝王)や「天子」としての理念的地位が明示されるに至った。尚真代の後半には、奄美諸島の大島・喜界島に中央集権支配が及び、その〈周辺〉化が進展した。さらに先島の武力制圧を契機として、宮古諸島は〈辺縁〉から〈周辺〉への移行が進み、八重山諸島は〈辺縁〉に位置づけられた。尚真の武断的な姿勢は、王権の最盛期を現出させたが、従来の仏教・儒教イデオロギーにもとづく支配理念とは相反するものであり、それに代わって琉球独自の神祇イデオロギーが支配理念の中核を占めることとなった。尚真代から尚清代にかけて、太陽思想の高揚が図られ、太陽神は聞得大君を媒介として王に武力を授ける存在となり、「島討ち」「国討ち」の「おもろ」が創作された。儒学思想における舜帝は、琉球独自の「天」観念と結合して「舜天」となり、王統の始祖と位置づけられた。従来の「天下」「上国」という観念も、儒学的なものから琉球独自のものへと変容をとげた。こうした支配理念の転換を支えたのは、琉球人による官人組織と聞得大君を頂点とする神女組織であり、その表現手段として選択されたのが「かな文字」であった。, This paper seeks to identify the ruling philosophy of the royal authority through an analysis of primary historical materials, including kinseki-bun (ancient inscriptions on monuments) that were created as integral elements of the royal authority in the Old Ryukyu Period. This is taken as the key to clarifying the relationship between the royal authority and the various “periphery” (peripheral and border) islands. This paper reached the following conclusions.The ruling philosophy was formulated based on Buddhist and Confucian ideologies that were widespread in East Asia during the era of Sho Taikyu. The carriers of this philosophy were Zen priests of Kyoto Gozan who took the convergence of Buddhism and Confucianism to be the basis of the philosophy. At this stage, there was instability surrounding the succession to the throne, the relationship between the ruler and the ruled had not yet evolved, and control of the “periphery” islands remained moderate. Furthermore, in addition to claiming to be the Ryukyu-koku Chuzan-o (King of Chuzan of the State of Ryukyu) and the Oho-yononushi, Sho Taikyu also declared himself to hold the idealistic position of Houou (Imperial Holiness), Koutei (Emperor or King of Kings), and Tenshi (Emperor with a heavenly mandate). He also tried to gradually integrate the islands inside and outside Okinawa.The ruling philosophy that took shape in the era of Sho Taikyu took hold as the established ideal royal authority for a period of time and remained in place even after the transition to the Second Sho-shi Dynasty. In the first half of Sho Shin’s reign, the Zen priests further glorified the royal authority, and the idealistic position of the Emperor as Koutei (Emperor or King of Kings), Teio (Monarch), and Tenshi (Emperor with a heavenly mandate) became well defined.In the latter half of Sho Shin’s reign, centralized rule developed again on both Oshima Island of the Amami Islands and on Kikaijima Island, and further expanded to the periphery. In addition, following the military suppression of the Sakishima Islands, the Miyako Islands transitioned from border to periphery islands, and the Yaeyama Islands were positioned as a border island. Sho Shin’s militaristic stance, which marked the highest stage of development of the royal authority, stood in contrast to the ruling philosophy based on the traditional ideologies of Buddhism and Confucianism. Instead, Ryukyu’s unique Jingi ideology became the core of the ruling philosophy.During the period stretching from Sho Shin’s reign to Sho Sei’s reign, the Taiyo ideology was promoted and the Taiyoshin (the sun god) came to be considered the only power to bestow military power on the King through Kikoe-ogimi (the royal priestess), and the [Omoro] of [island conqueror] [country conqueror] was created. In Confucian thought, the Shun Emperor combined with the unique Ryukyu idea of ten (heaven), and became shunten, and was positioned as the earliest ancestor of the royal line. The traditional ideas of tenka (ruling power) and jokoku (province of the highest rank) also transformed from Confucian concepts into unique Ryukyu concepts. It was the Kannin (government officials) system overseen by the people of Ryukyu and the Noro (female priestess) system that considered Kikoe-ogimi to be the highest rank that supported this transformation in the ruling philosophy, and Kanji characters were selected to express this.

本論文では，縄文時代の漆文化の起源をめぐる研究史について，1926年から2010年代まで歴史を整理した。縄文時代の編年的な位置づけが定まらない1930年代には，是川遺跡に代表される縄文時代晩期の東北地方の漆文化は，平泉文化の影響を受けて成立したものという考えがあった。1940年代に唐古遺跡で弥生時代の漆文化の存在が確認されて以降，中国の漢文化の影響を受けた弥生文化から伝わったという意見もあった。1960年代以降，照葉樹林文化論の提唱を受け，縄文時代の漆文化は大陸から各種の栽培植物とともに伝わったという見方も広がった。1980年代には，中国新石器文化と縄文文化との共通の起源を想定する共通起源説も登場した。これらはいずれも縄文時代の漆文化を列島外から来たとする伝播論である。一方，加茂遺跡の縄文時代前期の漆器の出土を考慮して，1960年代には縄文時代の漆文化自生説も登場する。その後，1990年代には縄文文化の独自性や縄文時代の漆文化の成熟度を重視する研究者から，自生説が主張されるようになる。2000年の垣ノ島B遺跡の発見，2007年の鳥浜貝塚の最古のウルシ材の存在の確認によって，縄文時代の漆文化自生説は力を増した。しかし，垣ノ島B遺跡の年代は信頼性が担保されていないこと，また垣ノ島B遺跡の事例を除外すると，中国の河姆渡文化の漆製品は日本列島の縄文時代早期末の漆器と同等かそれ以上の古さを持っていることを年代学的に検証し，改めて縄文時代の漆文化の起源が大陸からの伝来であった可能性を考慮する必要性があることを論じた。, This paper discusses the history of research conducted from 1926 to the 2010s concerning the origin of the lacquer culture in the Jomon period. In the 1930s, when the chronological position of the Jomon period was undecided, there was a theory that the lacquer culture in the Tohoku region at the end of the Jomon period, which is represented by the Korekawa Site, was established under the influence of the Hiraizumi Culture. The existence of a lacquer culture in the Yayoi period confirmed at the Karako Site in the 1940s led to the view that it was brought from the Yayoi period under the influence of the Chinese Han Culture. Beginning in the 1960s, as the theory of East Asia broadleaved evergreen forest culture was advocated, and there was a widespread view that the lacquer culture in the Jomon period was brought from Mainland China along with various cultivated plants. In the 1980s, the common origin theory, which hypothesized a common origin of the Chinese Neolithic culture and Jomon culture, also appeared. Diffusion theories argued that the lacquer culture in the Jomon period was brought from outside the Japanese archipelago. In contrast, in consideration of the excavation at the Kamo Site of lacquerware made during the early Jomon period, the “indigenous” theory of lacquer culture in the Jomon period also appeared in the 1960s. Then, in the 1990s, researchers who focused on the uniqueness of Jomon culture and the maturity of the lacquer culture in the Jomon period began to advocate the “indigenous” theory. The discovery of the Kakinoshima B Site in 2000 and the confirmation of the existence of the oldest lacquer tree remain at the Torihama shell mound in 2007 strengthened the theory of indigenous lacquer culture in the Jomon period. However, the reliability of the dating of the Kakinoshima B Site is not guaranteed. Moreover, excluding the case of the Kakinoshima B Site, this paper argues that it is essential to chronologically verify that the lacquerware products of the Hemudu Culture in China are as old or older than the lacquerware products made at the end of the Jomon period in Japan and reconsider the possibility that the origin of the lacquer culture in the Jomon period may have been brought from Mainland China.

本論は先島諸島と奄美地域で出土する貿易陶磁の数量分析データに基づき，各遺跡の出土量の消長や種別の変化に言及し，琉球列島の南北における貿易陶磁の動態を論じたものである。別稿の報告において，貿易陶磁の編年に基づきⅠ～Ⅵ期，小期を含め7段階に時期区分を行ったが，それぞれの遺跡をこの時期区分に照らし，先島諸島における以下の4つの画期を想定した。1：貿易陶磁の出土量が増加する13世紀後半，2：貿易陶磁の出土量がさらに増加し，主体が白磁から青磁に変換する14世紀後半，3：遺跡により出土量の増減に特徴がみられる15世紀後半，4：一部の遺跡を除き多くの遺跡において出土量が激減する16世紀初頭～前半である。これらの画期を踏まえて先島諸島の貿易陶磁の様相をみていくと，貿易陶磁が一定量出土する時期が沖縄諸島に比べて1世紀以上遅れることが明らかとなった。また，13世紀後半～14世紀前半に浦口窯系白磁・ビロースクタイプI・II類など福建産粗製白磁が主体的に出土し，14世紀後半に白磁と青磁の劇的な逆転現象が起きる。以上の先島諸島における貿易陶磁の画期と様相は，これまで琉球列島として一括りで捉えられてきた様相とは大きく異なるものである。この画期と様相は，先島諸島特有の「細胞群のように連結する石垣による屋敷割」をもつムラの成立・形成過程と関連することが予想される。, This paper discusses the dynamics of the ceramics trade in the northern and southern parts of the Ryukyu Islands based on an analysis of the quantity of traded ceramics excavated from the Sakishima Islands and the Amami region. This paper also considers the fluctuations in the quantity of ceramic wares excavated from each site and the changes in classification. In a separate report, this period was classified into seven stages. Periods from one to six （I–VI) are based on the chronology of the ceramics trade and include the Shoki period. However, each ruin site was examined with reference to the classification of eras, and the following four transition eras in the Sakishima Islands were identified. Period one （I) encompasses the latter half of the 13th century and is characterized by an increase in the quantity of excavated ceramics. Period two （II) encompasses the latter half of the 14th century and is characterized by a further increase in the volume of excavated ceramics. In addition, during this period, the primary form of ceramic wares shifts from white porcelain to celadon. Period three （III) encompasses the latter half of the 15th century and is characterized by fluctuations in the quantity of excavated ceramic wares at each ruin site. Period four (IV) encompasses the first half of the 16th century and is characterized by a sharp decrease in the quantity of ceramics excavated at the majority of ruin sites.An examination of aspects of traded ceramics in the Sakishima Islands during these transition eras reveals that the excavation period of traded ceramics predates the excavation of ceramics on the Okinawa Islands by over a century. Furthermore, from the latter half of the 13th century to the first half of the 14th century, the primary type of porcelain that was excavated was crudely manufactured white porcelain made in Fujian Province, including Uraguchi kiln white porcelain and types one and two of Birosuku porcelain. Also, in the latter half of the 14th century, the primary type of porcelain that was produced shows a dramatic shift from white porcelain to celadon.The abovementioned transitional eras, as well as the nature of the traded ceramics in the Sakishima Islands, differ significantly from the aspects that have conventionally been associated with the Ryukyu Islands. It can be assumed that these transition eras and aspects are related to the establishment and formation of villages with “residential divisions based on Ishigaki stone walls connected like saibogun (cell groups),” which are characteristic of the Sakishima Islands.

本報告で取り扱う十六世紀末から十七世紀にかけての時代、現在のベトナムには大越があり、黎朝の皇帝がハノイにあった。しかし、皇帝には実権がなく、ベトナム北部では鄭氏、中南部では広南阮氏が黎氏を名目上の皇帝にいただきながら実質支配を行っていた。両氏とも対外的には自国を安南国と称し、我が国ともそれぞれ文書を往復し交易を行っていた。これらの文書には、特異な形状の花押印を捺したものも多い。同じ漢字文化圏の文書の中でも、それらの形状は一際目を引くものである。既発表の拙稿では、安南から送られた文書だけを対象として各通を分類してその様式論を述べるにとどまったが、本稿では、このような文書様式が成立した背景を明らかにしていきたいと考えている。そのため、本稿では、外交文書のなかでも国家間のやり取りに用いられた国書三十通を分析対象にして、東アジアを中心とする漢字文化圏の文書体系の中に安南文書を位置づけることを試みてみたい。国書三十通は、発給者により鄭氏と広南阮氏のものに分けられる。さらに差出と充所の関係で整理すると、A国主から国主充、B国主から臣下充、C臣下から国主充、D臣下から臣下充、E国主から国充の五つに分類できる。これらを一通ずつ読み解きながら検討を加えていきたい。結論として、安南の国書は、東アジアで通用している書式外交文書といえるものであり、かつ、その多くが奥上に「書」を大字で表すという様式も、東アジアで多用された文書様式の一類型といえよう。特異な形態の花押印などから、一見すると際だった様式にみえる安南の国書であるが、大枠では東アジア漢字文化圏の常識的な国書の様式の範疇に収まるものと考えられる。, In the period between the end of the 16th and 17th century, which is covered in this report, Vietnam was known as Dai Viet, and the Emperor of the Le dynasty resided in Hanoi. However, the Emperor did not have any real power, and the actual power was held by the Trinh lords in northern Vietnam and the Nguyen lords in central and southern Vietnam, while Le served as Emperor in name only. Both families referred externally to their country as Annam, and the Japanese exchanged documents and conducted trade with both.In these documents, there are numerous Kao (花押) stamps with unusual shapes. Even among the countries that used Chinese characters, these shapes draw particular attention. In a manuscript previously published by the author, each document sent from Annam was classified, and the style was stated. In this paper, the author would like to clarify the background of establishing this document style. To that end, from among the diplomacy documents, the analytical target of this paper will be the 30 diplomatic messages sent by the head of state that were used in exchanges between the countries. Through their analysis, an attempt will be made to position the Annam documents within the documentary system of the countries using Chinese characters in and around East Asia.The 30 diplomatic messages sent by the head of the state can be divided into those that were sent by Trinh and those that were sent by Nguyen. Furthermore, by organizing the relationship between the sender and the receiver, they are divided into five categories, namely, a) from King to King, b) from King to vassal, c) from vassal to King, d) from vassal to vassal, and E) from King to country. A detailed commentary and study of these documents will be included.In conclusion, the Annam documents were diplomacy documents that were circulated in east Asia in the prescribed form, and many of them were in the documentary style that was frequently used in East Asia, wherein “Sho” (書) is written in large lettering at the top of the rear side. Based on the Kao stamps with unusual shapes, these Annam diplomatic messages may at first appear to have an unusual style. However, they likely fit into the general framework of typical diplomatic message formats employed in the countries using Chinese characters in East Asia.

本稿は、日本と明朝との交流に使われた航路のうち、南海路を考察対象とするものである。日明航路は、東シナ海を横断する「大洋路」と「南島路」があり、これに接続する国内航路として「中国海路」と「南海路」がある。南海路は、南九州から九州東岸を北上し、豊後水道を横断して四国に渡り、土佐国沿岸を経て、紀伊水道から畿内の堺へと至る航路であり、一六世紀中葉に日本に来航した鄭舜功の『日本一鑑』では「夷海右道」として記されている。南海路は、一五世紀後期の応仁度遣明船が帰路に使用してから注目されるようになるが、実際は遣明船以前からの利用が史料から確認できる。ただし、瀬戸内海を通過する中国海路と比較すると、南海路は、距離も長く時間もかかるうえに、室戸岬や足摺岬を迂回し、太平洋に直面する土佐湾を航行するという自然条件の厳しさもあったため、中国海路の沿線が不安定化した場合や、政治的な背景がある場合に限って利用されることが多かった。本稿では、これまで断片的に蓄積されてきた南海路にかかる研究史を整理した上で、南海路を利用した遣明船について個別に取り上げ、南海路の港町との関係等に注目しながら考察をした。対象とする遣明船は、応仁度船、文明八年度船、同一五年度船、明応度船、永正度船、大永度船、天文一三年度船である。, This paper examines the South Sea Route (Nankairo), one of the routes used for exchange between Ming China and Japan. Ships traveling between Ming China and Japan sailed either the Ocean Route or the South Island Route crossing the East China Sea and then traveled either the Chugoku Sea Route or the South Sea Route through the territorial waters of Japan. Those choosing the South Sea Route traveled north from southern Kyushu along the east coast of Kyushu, went through the Bungo Channel to Shikoku, and ran along the coast of Tosa Province and the Kii Channel to Sakai in the Kinai Region. This Route was called “Yihai Youdao” in Riben Yijian(A Mirror of Japan) by Zheng Shungong, who visited Japan in the mid-16th century.The South Sea Route became widely known after it was used by the Onin Mission to Ming China in the late 15th century though historical records indicate that it had been used before the Ming period. Compared to the Chugoku Sea Route through the Seto Inland Sea, the South Sea Route was longer and slower and went through harsh conditions while going around Cape Muroto and Cape Ashizuri and crossing the Gulf of Tosa on the Pacific Ocean. Therefore, the South Sea Route was only used under certain circumstances, such as when the coastal areas flanking the Chugoku Sea Route became unstable or when there were political reasons for doing so. This paper reviews the fragmentary discoveries made in previous studies on the South Sea Route and then examines individual ships carrying Japanese missions through the South Sea Route to Ming China with focus on their relationships with port towns along the route. The Japanese missions to Ming China examined in this paper include the Onin Mission, the Bunmei 8 Mission, the Bunmei 15 Mission, the Meio Mission, the Eisho Mission, the Daiei Mission, and the Tenbun 13 Mission.

現在の文献史学研究において，日宋・日元貿易期(10世紀末～14世紀半ば)の日本と中国を結ぶ幹線航路が，博多―舟山群島―明州(慶元)・杭州という「大洋路」とも呼ばれる東シナ海横断ルートであるという点は，現存史料による限り動かし難い結論であろう。ところが，14世紀中葉の元明交代期になると，文献史料のなかに(博多―)肥後高瀬―薩摩―琉球―福建という，南西諸島を経由して中国東南部の福建地域とつながる「南島路」とでも呼ぶべき航路に関する記録があらわれる。本稿では，南西諸島を含む日本列島と中国の間でおこなわれた硫黄交易史の視野を主軸としつつ，文献史学・考古学双方の成果をすりあわせることにより，この「南島路」の一側面を考察した。そして，その結果，沖縄の硫黄鳥島が中国向けの硫黄鉱山として従来考えられているよりも古くから稼働し始めていた可能性や，その島で産出された硫黄が沖縄島に分立した諸王権と明王朝との政治・経済関係の形成の初発の時点においても軍需物資として重要な役割を演じていた可能性などを推定した。, As far as existing historical records are concerned, present-day philological historians cannot escape the conclusion that the East China Sea Route, also known as the Ocean Route, running from Hakata through the Zhoushan Islands and Mingzhou (Qingyuan) to Hangzhou was the main sea route between Japan and China in the Song and Yuan periods (from the late 10th to the mid-14th century). However, during the transition from the Yuan to the Ming Dynasty in the mid-14th century, the so-called South Island Route connecting Japan to Fujian in southeast China through a group of islands in southwest Japan, or more specifically, running (from Hakata) through Takase in Higo Province, Satsuma, and Ryukyu to Fujian, started to appear in historical records.This paper examines an aspect of this South Island Route by comparing philological findings with archaeological findings mainly from the viewpoint of the history of sulfur trade between the Japanese Isles, especially the southwest islands, and China. As a result, this paper makes the following assumptions: (1) the sulfur mines in Io-torishima Island in Okinawa may have been put into operation earlier than previously thought to export sulfur to China; and (2) the sulfur produced in the island may have played an important role as an essential military material in the initial stage of establishing political and economic relations between sovereign authorities in Okinawa Island and the Ming Dynasty.

本稿は、芝居町の絵図を比較検討することで、まとまった文書が得られにくい茶屋や役者の居宅、芝居関係者に関する情報を集積し、絵図の資料的活用を図るものである。弘化三年に刊行された「人呼子鳥若三町」は、天保改革の芝居統制の一環として猿若町へ移転させられた芝居町の絵図が、同じく厳しい統制下にあった錦絵という形で出版された点で、大きな反響を呼び、以降断続的ではあるが追随作品が出された。本稿二節では猿若町に先行する芝居町の絵図として、文化から天保にかけて小本の形で出された劇書のシリーズを紹介し、猿若町絵図に踏襲された特徴をまとめた。つづく三節では、猿若町移転および絵図に関する記事を時系列で並べて整理し、天保から文久までの絵図の特徴と、絵図刊行の意味合いの変遷を追った。三節の整理を通じて得られた情報の活用を試みたのが四節で、まず「懐溜諸屑」に貼りこまれた町内の商店や茶屋の一枚摺に情報を付加し、その生業の具象化を図った。つぎに絵図の比較検討の過程で得られた情報を織り交ぜながら、芝居町特有の存在である芝居茶屋や座元、出方といった芸能者以外の芝居関係者が劇場経営にどのように関わっていたのかを、中村座の例をもって示し、こうした事例の蓄積から、化政期と同じ状況にあった移転後の劇場経営について具体的に述べた。本稿の成果は、猿若町移転やその影響について述べた数多くの先行研究において、補助資料とばかりとらえられてきた絵図を断続的ながらも年代順に追って印刷物の一ジャンルとして整理し、位置付けを図ったことにある。また、その過程で得られた情報を、文書や一枚摺といった資料と照合することで、芝居町に関わる多様な人々や彼らが担った職分を明らかにしたことも成果といえる。, This paper compares illustrations of shibaimachi (the Edo theater district) in order to make use of illustrations as historical documents and thereby gather information about teahouses, actors’ homes, and people in the theater industry that cannot readily be obtained from printed materials.Hitoyobukotori Wakasanchō was published in the third year of the Kōka era (1846), and since part of the Tenpō Reforms regulating theater involved relocating shibaimachi to Saruwaka-cho, printing these images as nishiki-e ― which were subject to the same strict regulations as the theater ― was very well-received and led to the production of further works thereafter, though intermittently. The second section of this paper introduces a series of theater-related documents published from the Bunka to Tenpō periods as small book-form illustrations of shibaimachi before it moved to Saruwaka-cho, and identifies features that would be emulated in Saruwaka-cho illustrations.The third section chronologically charts the relocation to Saruwaka-cho along with articles about the illustrations, looking for key features of illustrations from the Tenpō to Bunkyū periods as well as changes in the significance of the publication of illustrations.The fourth section applies the results of this analysis, first assigning additional information to the ichimaizuri (single page prints) of tea houses and shops in the district as seen in Futokoroni-tamaru- Morokuzu (“A Scrapbook of Odds and Ends”) with the purpose of providing a concrete image of what it was like to work there. Then, weaving together information obtained in the process of comparing the illustrations, the example of Nakamura-ze is used to show how theater teahouses, theater owners, ushers, and other unique participants in the theater industry besides the performers themselves were involved in running the theater.Specific examples from the cases covered so far are used to give a sense of what theater management was like after the relocation, though still in the same conditions as in the Bunka-Bunsei period.This paper’s contribution is to establish a genre of printed materials made up of the illustrations used as reference documents in much of the preceding research on the move to Saruwaka-cho and its influencing factors, locating the illustrations in the chronological order in which they were produced, albeit intermittently. Additionally, by comparing this information with other materials such as written documents and ichimaizuri, this paper reveals the various people involved in shibaimachi and the duties they carried out.

本論文は，まず開港以来，日本の漁民が朝鮮漁民と出会ってからお互いに認識するようになった両国の漁業技術上の差異を確認し，こうした両国の漁業技術的差が選好の魚種の違いに基づいていたという点を究明する。そして特定の魚種に対する両国の異なる選好が両国間の自然環境と経済水準ではなく，魚の象徴的意味とその歴史的形成過程に関連していることをマダイとグチ(韓国名：チョウギ)を例に説明する。最後に特定の魚種に対する民族的選好が植民地朝鮮の漁業(と漁業技術)の展開過程に及ぼした影響を分析する。, The purpose of this paper is two fold : to illustrate the differences in Japanese and Korean fisheries techniques since the opening of ports when the fishermen of both countries first encountered and became aware of each other and to clarify the characteristics of Japanese and Korean fisheries techniques that were determined by the different fish preferences between the two countries. Additionally, by using the examples of red sea bream and silver jewfish (chougi in Korean), this study revealed that ethnic differences in preferences for fish species were formed by both the symbolic meaning of fish and the historical process whereby those symbols assigned to specific meaning instead of the natural environment or the economic standards. Furthermore, this paper analyzes that the preferences for specific fish species affected the development of distinct fisheries techniques in the colonial Korea.

本稿は、品部・雑戸の系譜を引く雑工戸に焦点を当て、彼らに対する管理や収取のあり方がどのように変化していったのかを検討することで、寛平八年（八九六）に造兵司が兵庫寮へと統合されていくことの背景を明らかにしようとするものである。これまで、軍事関係の雑戸である雑工戸が『延喜式』にまで維持されるように、律令国家が彼らに対して強い関心を抱いていたとされながら、一方ではこれら雑工戸は造兵司に上番せず、在地で武器を生産し貢納していたとされ、相反する理解がなされてきた。このように造兵司が立脚する雑工戸への理解が曖昧であったために、なぜ造兵司が解体されて兵庫寮へと統合されたのかという問いにも、明確な解答が出されないままであった。その要因は、延喜兵庫式雑工戸条の内容分析の不足と、兵庫寮への統合までの造兵司の活動に対する検討の不足であった。そこで本稿では、こうした不足を補い、造兵司と雑工戸との関係性の変遷を整理して、造兵司解体の要因を探った。内容分析から、延喜兵庫式は雑工戸による在地での武器生産などは想定されておらず、延喜兵庫式が依然として中央に工人を上番させることを規定していた。次いで八・九世紀の造兵司について、先学の成果によりその中心的機能が軍需生産技術の再生産にあることを確認した。さらに史料から造兵司の活動をうかがうと、造兵司における技術伝習と、造兵司による雑工戸への管理とは、いずれも九世紀に衰退していた。その結果、造兵司は雑工戸への支配を放棄して、当時京内を中心に発達した雇用労働と、京畿内における手工業民の増加を背景に、必要な技術者・労働力を雇用する形態へと移行したのであり、大宝令以来雑工戸の管理を職務とした造兵司は解体され、工房機能が兵庫寮へと引き継がれたのであった。, In this paper, I will focus on zakkōko 雑工戸, groups of miscellaneous artisans descended from the shinabe 品部 and zakko 雑戸, groups of skilled workers in the Nara period. Through an examination of the changes in their management and recruitment, I will clarify the context that led to the integration of the Office of Weapon Manufacture into the Bureau of Military Storehouses in the eighth year of the Kanpyō era (896).Scholars have developed mutually incompatible understandings of this process. On one hand, it is thought that the zakkōko, made up of zakko who were involved in military affairs, was maintained until the Engishiki because the ritsuryō state had a strong interest in them; on the other hand, some think they were not made to serve in the Bureau of Military Storehouses and ended up producing weapons in the provinces as tribute. In this way, because there was only a vague understanding of the zakkōko on which the Office of Weapon Manufacture was based, scholars have been unable to provide a clear answer to the question of why the Office of Weapon Manufacture was dissolved and incorporated into the Bureau of Military Storehouses.I think there are two reasons for this. First, article 31 on the zakkōko from the "Procedures for the Bureau of Military Storehouses" in the Engishiki has not been properly analyzed; and second, the activities of Office of Weapon Manufacture up until into incorporation into the Bureau of Military Storehouses have not been sufficiently examined. Therefore, in this paper I will offer a corrective to these shortcomings by outlining the change in the relationship between the Office of Weapon Manufacture and the zakkōko, and by investigating the reasons that brought to the dissolution of the Office of Weapon Manufacture.From an analysis of the "Procedures for the Bureau of Military Storehouses" in the Engishiki it can be noted that there is no mention of the fact that the zakkōko would be engaged in the production of weapon in the provinces, and it is specified that, as it was also previously done, craftsmen would be made to serve in the center.Concerning the Office of Weapon Manufacture in the eighth and ninth centuries, I have corroborated the results of previous research by showing that its central function lay in the reproduction of manufacturing techniques for military supplies. In addition, the historical sources that record the activities of the Office of Weapon Manufacture show that the technical training within the office and its management of the zakkōko were in decline in the ninth century.As a result, the Office of Weapon Manufacture relinquished control over the zakkōko, and on the backdrop of the growth of the labor force in the capital and of the increase of people involved in handcraft manufacture in the central provinces, it switched to a system in which technicians and manpower would be hired as necessary. Thus, the Office of Weapon Manufacture, which since the emanation of the Taihō codes had been in charge of administering the zakkōko, was dissolved, and its function as a place of production was inherited by the Bureau of Military Storehouses.

本稿では神事における廃務の検討から、天皇の在り方や朝廷の神祇祭祀の理念に対する姿勢の変化を検討する。廃務は本来儀制令に日蝕や国忌で行うものとして規定されたものだが、九世紀前半以降神事でも廃務がみられるようになる。この神事廃務は『延喜式』の規定から、諸司致斎の際に行われるものと考えられる。そして令制当初から行われていたものではなく、弘仁期に始められたものと考えられる。また従来は、祈年・月次祭における神祇令の百官供奉規定が積極的に評価され、そこから班幣の意義を見出そうという研究がされてきたが、八世紀段階の百官供奉規定に実態はなく、弘仁期に至ってその具体化が図られた。また、少なくとも祈年・月次祭での祝詞宣読は、百官の一体性形成のための演出という面が強いということを指摘した。神祇祭祀は本来の令理念としては天皇・臣下が一体となるというものであり、天皇はその統括者だった。弘仁期以降の理念具体化において、廃務は天皇・臣下が一体となるという理念を象徴するものと言えよう。しかしその具体化が思うように進まない中、特に宇多朝以降、廃務を行わない、即ち天皇・臣下全体の一体性形成を目的としない御願祭祀の創始・盛行によって、天皇は神祇祭祀の主宰者としての面を濃厚にしていく。本稿ではその背景として、従来から指摘されてきた天皇の「家」の整備に加え、九世紀後半から十世紀前半での親族意識の変化による天皇の家筋の形成を想定した。たとえ天皇であっても自身の家筋の繁栄祈願を第一義とする御願祭祀では、百官や諸国との一体性は求められない。天皇が天下を一元的に支配するという絶対的な統括者としての要素は神祇祭祀から希薄化し、神々のような宗教的・超越的他者にその地位を保証された、中世天皇としての要素を濃厚にしていくのである。, In this paper I will examine changes in the conception of the monarch and the attitude of the court towards rituals for kami through an analysis of the practice of "interruption of service" (haimu 廃 務). While haimu was originally prescribed under the "Regulations for Ritual" as a rite to be carried out in case of solar eclipses or on the anniversary of the death of a monarch or consort (kokki 国忌), starting from the first half of the ninth century it started to be carried out also in occasion of rites for the kami. On the basis of regulations found in the Engishiki, this kind of haimu associated with rites for the kami is thought to have been carried out during the strict purification procedures (chisai 致斎) conducted by the various government bureaux before kami rites. These procedures were not in place from the establishment of the centralized administration system based on the ritsuryō legal codes, but are believed to have been enacted in the Kōnin era (810-824).In addition, scholars so far have interpreted the rules for officials' attendance in the "Regulations for Kami Rites" as being actively enacted in the case of Kinensai 祈年祭―a rite for the promotion of good harvest conducted every year on the fourth day of the second month―and Tsukinami no matsuri 月次祭―kami rituals performed on the sixth and twelfth month of the traditional luni-solar calendar, ―and have thus attempted to see the significance of the distribution of offerings to shrines that these rituals involved through those regulations. However, during the eighth century, the regulations for officials' attendance were not yet enacted, and it is only from the Kōnin era that their practical application was finally pursued. In addition, we have pointed out that at least in the case of the proclamation of the ritual prayers conducted during the Kinensai and Tsukinami no matsuri there was a strong performative aspect conceived to promote the creation of a sense of unity among the officials from the many government bureaux. Under the ritsuryō system, kami rituals were ideally conceived as a moment in which the monarch and their subjects would become one before the kami, with the monarch functioning at the overseer. It can be said that during the implementation of this ideal starting from the Kōnin era, haimu came to symbolize the unity between the monarch and his subjects in the act of praying to the kami. However, this process did not go as planned, and in particular after the rule of Uda tennō (r. 887-897), haimu was discontinued. In its stead, another aspect of the monarch, this time as the leader of the ritual, became more prominent with the inception and popularization of kami rites carried out as expression of the monarch's individual belief (gogan saishi 御願祭祀). In this paper, we have surmised as context for this change, in addition to the systematization of the tennō's family ― which has already been pointed out before, ― the establishment of a royal lineage based on a novel understanding of family relations that took root between the second half of the ninth century and the first half of the tenth century. If the primary goal of the ruler's prayers, as typified by gogan saishi, is the prosperity of his family lineage, they will not require unity between him, and the government officials and all the provinces of the ancient polity. The notion of the monarch as the one who rules the realm in a centralized fashion as the absolute overseer fades away from kami rituals, and in its place we see the establishment of a medieval conception of the monarch, in which he is guaranteed his position by the kami, now understood as religious and transcendent "others."

本論文では，『延喜式』の本文情報のデジタル化と流通の手法について検討を行った。とりわけTEI（Text Encoding Initiative）という，国際標準を適用し作成したデータについての説明を行い，さらにより広く日本の歴史資料のテクストデータ共有のありようについても述べた。なお，本研究についての具体的な内容については，すでにいくつかの国際会議等でも発表を行うとともに，論文化も予定されている。そのため，本論文では，これらの技術的側面には詳細に触れることなく，より歴史学の立場からの意義について検討を行った。筆者らはテクストデータの国際的流通と研究での高度活用を目指し，延喜式のTEIマークアップを行うこととした。TEI（Text Encoding Initiative）とは，人文学に関するテクスト資料を国際的に流通・共有・活用することを目指したプロジェクトであり，そこで作られた規格のことも呼称する。TEIは人文情報学研究の一つの手法として作られているため，歴史資料をどのように理解し，データを加えたかなどの情報をエレメント（タグ付の要素）によって記録することができる点が大きな利点である。このようなメリットに鑑み，筆者らはTEIによるデータ化を提案した。特に『延喜式』の量的なデータについてTEIによるマークアップをほどこし，トランザクショノグラフィの手法を用い，全体像を解析する可能性について，踏み込んだ検討を行ったほか，合わせてこれらのマークアップ手法を基盤データとして用いるためのマニュアルの作り方について検討を加えた。日本史研究の活性化という観点からは，このような歴史資料や研究手法の可視化は欠かすことができない。人文学や歴史学が「危機」と呼ばれる現在であるからこそ，基盤データを構築し，自由に流通し，様々な可能性を開く研究を検討することが求められる。, In this paper, we have examined the digitalization of the text information of Engishiki and strategies for its distribution. In particular, we have discussed the data obtained through the application of an international standard known as TEI (Text Encoding Initiative), and introduced ways to more broadly circulate the text data of Japanese historical materials.This paper we do not discuss in detail the technical aspects of our project, but we rather focus on its significance from the standpoint of historical research. Aiming to facilitate the practical use of the text data for international circulation and research, we have applied TEI markup to the Engishiki. TEI (Text Encoding Initiative) is a project intended to promote the international circulation and use of textual data in the humanities, and it's also called the standards developed within these project. Since TEI is a tool specifically developed for the digital humanities, it offers the advantage of allowing users to record information on one's understanding of historical materials through the use of "elements" (pieces of information to which a tag has been attached). Bearing such merits in mind, the authors have proposed a digitalization model based on TEI.In particular, we have applied TEI markup to quantitative data of Engishiki and ventured into an examination of the possibility of parsing an overall picture of the text through the use of a method known as "transactionography." In addition, we have also discussed ways of creating a manual on how to use these markups as information bases.The development of methods of visualization for historical materials and research methodologies is necessary in order to more active the research on Japanese history. At a time in which the humanities and history are said to be in "corner", it is all the more urgent to construct base information, distribute it freely, and devise new methods that can lead to new avenues for inquiry.

本稿では，1960年代に拡大・多発した学生運動（1960年代学生運動）について，先行研究が大規模社会変動にたいする反応や挑戦としてのみ位置づける傾向にあったのにたいし，より多面的かつ立体的な1960年代学生運動像を提示することをめざし，新たな視角として，社会運動論の戦略・戦術分析を導入する。具体的には，本稿では，1968～1969年に東京大学で発生した東大闘争における戦略・戦術を検討する。その結果，次のことが明らかになった。第一に，東大闘争では直接行動戦略がとられ，さらに，それが非暴力よりも対抗暴力を志向していったために，腕力・体力の有無と闘争での優劣や闘争参加資格とが連関するようになっていた。第二に，東大闘争終盤においては，対抗暴力が軍事的な実力闘争へと傾斜し，闘争の軍事化が見られた。第三に，1960年代学生運動の直接行動戦略が対抗暴力を志向するものとなった要因には，新旧左翼運動が持っていた実力闘争志向や武装主義と，アジア，アフリカ，ラテンアメリカにおける脱植民地・独立運動に影響を受けた第三世界主義とがあった。また本稿では，今後の展開可能性として，軍事的男性性概念の導入によって，ジェンダー的観点からなされてきた1960年代学生運動論と本稿の知見が接続しうることを示す。ジェンダー的1960年代学生運動論では，1960年代学生運動における性別役割分業や女性性の周辺化が1970年代以降の女性解放運動に与えた影響にかんする知見が蓄積されてきた。軍事的男性性という観点から，1960年代学生運動における女性参加者の動機や経験にアプローチすることによって，1960年代学生運動の軍事化とそれが運動の展開過程にもたらした影響について，さらに新たな光を当てることが可能になるだろう。, This paper aims to present a more multifaceted and three-dimensional image of the student movements that were frequent and widespread in the 1960s, especially given the tendency of past research to positioning them solely as responses or challenges to large-scale social changes. To this end, this paper analyzed the strategies and tactics evinced in the social movements theories as a novel approach to the 1960s student movement. This paper particularly examines the strategies and tactics employed during the University of Tokyo Struggle that occurred between 1968 and 1969 at the University of Tokyo. The results of the analysis are as follows. First, direct action strategies were adopted in the University of Tokyo Struggle, which were inclined more toward counter-violence than non-violence. Thus, one's physical strength or stamina, his relative merits in the struggle, and his eligibility to participate in the conflict were linked. Second, in the final stages of the University of Tokyo Struggle, the counter-violence tilted toward a competent military battle, and the participants' practices was militarized. Next, two factors led the direct action strategy in the 1960s student movements to counter-violence. One was the tendency toward physical combats and militarization possessed by both new and old leftist movements, and the other was the participants' third worldism that was influenced by decolonization and independence endeavors that occurred in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.This paper further demonstrates that these findings could also contribute to the gender studies on the 1960s student movement by introducing the concept of military masculinity. The gender-based division of labor and the marginalization of women in the 1960s student movements exerted substantial influence on the women's liberation movement that began in the 1970s. Studies of the 1960s student movements from the perspective of gender theories have accumulated a body of knowledge that attest to this reality.The information contained in this paper can potentially be developed in several directions in the future. By approaching the motivations and experiences of the women participants in the 1960s student movements from the perspective of military masculinity, it will be possible to further illuminate the militarization of the 1960s student movements and the influence of such actions on the evolution of the movements.

本稿は，『毎日新聞』の社会部記者であった内藤国夫（1937～1999年）を中心に，東大闘争の専従記者が「1968年」報道にいかに携わったのかを明らかにする。第1節では，運動学生の行動動機を顧みずに，かれらを「暴徒」と見なす全般的な報道の特徴を検討した。それをよく示すものが『山陽新聞』の改ざん事件と，内藤国夫が取材した王子デモ報道であった。この背景には，学生運動の「暴徒」観を根強く抱く編集幹部の存在が挙げられる。第2節では，大学担当記者になった内藤国夫が東大専従記者となり，大河内一男総長の辞意報道に及ぼした影響や，各社が集った東大記者クラブと取材班の陣容を整理した。第3節では，内藤の日頃の取材先を押さえた上で，東大専従記者と運動学生の緊張関係が高まった読売新聞記者「暴行」事件に焦点をあてた。この事件を契機に学生の新聞不信が激化したことと，内藤の学生のために取材をしているという「君らのため」観との間に乖離があることを示した。第4節では，安田講堂の攻防で時計台放送が投げかけた，記者たちにとって東大闘争と報道とは一体何であったのかという，内藤を含めた記者たちの主体性を突きつける問題を考察した。それとともに警察側のデモ現場での巧妙な潜入や学生対策の実態について言及した。内藤は，東京大学法学部の卒業生という利点をいかし，取材源に食い込み，多くのスクープをものにした。しかし，その取材現場では学生の「暴徒」観に象徴されるように，事実に向き合おうとする記者と報道機関の姿勢も問われていた。そして多様な事実を報じる回路を制約したのが，現場記者と編集幹部の認識の差であった。記事決定の裁量権をもつデスクや編集幹部の力関係の構造の下，「1968年」報道も多面的な現実を読者に報じる役割が妨げられていたのである。最後に東大闘争と学生運動における暴力の問題についても見通しを提示した。, This paper clarifies the extent of the involvement of specialist correspondents of the University of Tokyo Struggle in the "1968" report with a focus on Kunio Naito (1937-1999) who was the local news correspondent of Mainichi Shimbun.In the first section, the authors examine the characteristics of the general reports that regarded the students of the movement as "rioters" regardless of the motivations of their actions. This representation was amply demonstrated in the falsification incident pertaining to Sanyo Shimbun, and in the Oji demonstration report written by Kunio Naito. The strongly rooted bias of executive editors forms the background of this depiction of the agitated students.The second section of the paper is devoted to Kunio Naito, who was the reporter in charge of universities, and who became a specialist correspondent for the University of Tokyo. This section discusses Naito's influence on coverage of President Kazuo Okochi's resignation, and lists the lineup of the University of Tokyo Reporters' Club which comprises a gathering of all news organizations and of their crews.Section 3 delves into the incident of "assault" on a Yomiuri Shimbun reporter in which tensions between the University of Tokyo specialist correspondents and the students of the movement were heightened, and led to the restriction of daily coverage by Naito. In the wake of this incident, the students' distrust of newspapers intensified, demonstrating that there was a gap between Naito's opinion that his reporting was meant for the students and the perception of the students themselves.In section 4, the authors examine the issue of the independence of the reporters including Naito and attempt to ascertain what the University of Tokyo Struggle and its news coverage meant for the reporters. This concern is highlighted by the clock tower broadcast during the Yasuda Hall incident. Along with this event, the skillful infiltration of the police at the site of the demonstration and the realities of the student measures are also discussed.Naito exploited the advantage of being the University of Tokyo, Department of Law graduate, and secured several scoops by making inroads into the source of the news. However, as symbolized by the perception of the students as "rioters" at the site of the incidents, the attitude of the reporters who tried to face the facts and the press organizations is also questionable. Further, the course of the reporting of various facts was constrained by the mismatch between the perception of the site reporters and the editorial executives. Based on the structure of the power relationship at news organizations, in the case of the "1968" report too, reporting of the multifaceted reality to the readers was hindered by the authority of the desk and the editorial executives. Finally, the authors' opinions with regard to the problem of violence in the University of Tokyo Struggle and during the student movements are also presented in this paper.

1968～69年における日本大学学生運動は，全国学生総数が約100万人と言われたこの時代に，学内学生3万人の参加という空前絶後の対理事会大衆団交を実現し，東京大学全共闘運動とともに当該時期の全共闘型学生運動の双璧に位置付けられている。本稿は，日大全共闘運動の組織論・運動論の特質を考察した拙稿「「1968年」大学闘争が問うたもの―日大闘争の事例に即して」の続編であり，日大闘争の展開過程を基本的な事実，諸資料から確定するという課題を継続している。前稿は，日大全共闘が，大衆団交という場において勝利できる展望を有していた時期までを対象とした。本稿では1968年9月30日「9.30 団交」への過程を再検討したうえで，日大闘争の戦術を象徴する各学部・各校舎のバリケードが一斉に解除・強制撤去される69年2月～3月までの基本的な経緯を示しながら，日大全共闘の組織と運動の時期的変化を検討する。具体的には，第1節で9月初めのバリケード撤去の強制執行をめぐる攻防を契機として，全共闘への求心力が高まり，6月以来要望し続けてきた大衆団交実施の意義がさらに掘り下げられていく過程，第2節は，大衆団交と政府の政治的介入を経て，各組織レベルでいかなる総括が行われ，他方で運動面ではどのような模索が行われたのか，さらに教員層や親たちの動き，警察権や司法権関与の変化，卒業・疎開授業強行問題，東大闘争との連携など10月～12月期の動向を多面的に追求し，第3節で，年明け以降3月までのバリケード闘争の終焉までの過程とその後の闘争継続の要因を指摘する。日大闘争の全過程を対象とした唯一の研究として，日本大学新聞研究会『日大紛争の真相―民主化闘争への歩み―』などに依拠した小熊英二『１９６８【上】』第9章「日大闘争」がある。本稿は，新たに利用が可能となった当事者の一次資料を中心に分析した。, The Nihon University student movement of 1968-69 accomplished the first and probably the last mass bargaining with the institution's board of directors. Around 30,000 students within the campus participated in this action in an era when the total number of students nationwide was said to be approximately one million. It is positioned as one of the two most significant All-Campus Joint Struggle League student movements of that period along with the University of Tokyo All-Campus Joint Struggle League student movement. This paper is a sequel to the author's manuscript entitled "Questions Raised by the 1968 University Struggles-With the Nihon University Struggle as a Case Study," which examined the characteristics of the organizational and movement theories of the Nihon University All-Campus Joint Struggle League movement. This paper further continues discussion on ascertaining the development process of the Nihon University Struggle from basic facts and varied material resources. The previous paper targeted the period up to the time when the Nihon University All-Campus Joint Struggle League (Nichidai Zenkyoto) had the possibility of winning at the mass bargaining. In this paper, the authors reevaluate the process of the "9/30 Bargaining" on September 30, 1968. While describing the basic course of events that occurred until February- March 1969 when the barricades of each department and school building that symbolize the tactics of the Nihon University Struggle were lifted and forcibly removed, the paper examines the periodical changes in the Nihon University All-Campus Joint Struggle League organization and movement.Specifically, the first section contends with the enhancement of the unifying power of the All- Campus Joint Struggle League in the wake of the struggle surrounding the forcible execution of the removal of barricades in the beginning of September. It also deals with the process of further investigating the significance of the enforcement of mass bargaining that was continually being demanded since June. Section two presents a multifaceted exploration of the trends that became noticeable between October and December, including the implementation of all kinds of reviews at each organizational level after mass bargaining and the government's political intervention. This part of the paper also considers the types of exploration for a solution that occurred within the movement, the actions of faculty members and parents, the changes in police authority and jurisdictional involvement, the issues of graduation and enforcement of class evacuation, and the cooperation of other sections of society with the University of Tokyo Struggle. In section three, the authors discuss the course of the movement up to the demise of the barricade struggle from the beginning of the new year until the end of March and the factors that influenced the continuation of the struggle thereafter. As the only study that targets the entire process of the Nihon University Struggle, the authors refer to Chapter 9, entitled "Nihon University Struggle" in Eiji Oguma's "1968 (cited above)," which based on the Nihon University Newspaper Research Association for the study "The Truth of the Nihon University Struggle-Steps toward the Struggle for Democracy" among others. This paper presents an analysis based on primary sources that have become newly available for use that relate to the parties concerned.

現在，日本国内においては巨大地震，大津波，巨大台風，低気圧などによる大規模自然災害が頻発する傾向が見られ，災害の記録，記憶を伝承する資料展示施設の社会的必要性が以前にも増して高まっている。しかし，その一方で同様の施設設置に係る基本的な理念，展示デザインの基本的な方法論は確立されておらず，設置された施設は管理運営，展示デザイン上の問題を多く抱えており，かつ，この状況を打開する具体的な試みが行われないままに新たな施設が設置されている。本論においては，国内に存在する震災等の災害資料展示施設，類似施設を事例として，施設の設置段階，管理運営状況における問題，展示デザイン上の問題，課題を指摘し，その解決に向けた試みの事例として，リアス・アーク美術館常設展示『東日本大震災の記録と津波の災害史』設置に至る経緯を述べるとともに，同展示における展示手法を示し，あわせてその成果を基に，災害資料展示施設の存在意義と，設置の必要性を独自の視点から再定義しようとするものである。「災害資料展示，災害資料系博物館などを設置し，管理運営していくための普遍的ミッションをどのように設定するのか，人知を超えた自然の営み，現象に対して人間は今後どのように向き合っていくべきなのか」。この問いに対する答えを求めることは，本論によって到達するべき究極的な目標であり，本来ならば，導き出される答えは同テーマを論じるための基盤とされるべき理念とも言える。リアス・アーク美術館においては，この問いに対する答えを，東日本大震災の経験を通して研究，模索し，記録，調査を継続しつつその成果を展示，公開することで具現化している。本論においてはその理念を一つの事例として提示し，既存の博物館，あるいは博物館学芸員等の研究者に普及することで，今後新たに設置される災害資料展示の社会的機能を適正化する道筋を示そうとするものである。, Currently, in Japan, there is a trend of frequent large-scale natural disasters due to great earthquakes, large tsunamis, great typhoons, low atmospheric pressure, and other causes, and there is an increased social need for resource exhibit facilities to document the disaster and pass on the memory. However, a basic philosophy in establishing such facilities and a basic methodology of exhibit design have not been set, and established facilities have many problems in operation management and exhibit design. Further, additional facilities are being established without concrete attempts to resolve the situation.This paper examines disaster resource exhibit facilities of earthquakes and other disasters and points out problems in the establishment phase and operation management of the facility and problems and issues in exhibit design. Additionally, it presents the case of Rias Ark Museum of Art's permanent exhibition Documentary of East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami and History of Tsunami Disaster as an attempt at a solution, outlining the sequence of events leading up to its establishment and indicating the exhibition techniques used in this exhibition. Finally, this paper attempts to redefine the significance of the existence of disaster resource exhibit facilities and the necessity of establishing them, from a unique perspective based on the results arising from this exhibit."How will the universal mission be set for establishing disaster resource exhibits and disaster resource-related museums and managing their operation? How should humans go on to face works and phenomena of nature beyond human understanding?" Finding the answers to these questions is the ultimate goal to be attained by this paper, and it could be said that the answer arrived at is a philosophy which should be used as a base for debating this theme. At the Rias Ark Museum of Art, the answers to these questions are being made manifest through the experience of the Great East Japan Earthquake Disaster as it is studied and explored, continued to be recorded and investigated, and the results are exhibited and made public. This paper presents that philosophy as one case and attempts to indicate a path to optimize the social function of new disaster resource exhibits to be established in the future by disseminating it to existing museums or researchers such as museum curators.

本研究は，富士山北斜面にて行われてきた生業について，(1)特に採取活動の実態を通時的に明らかにし，(2)これが国立公園制度といかなる関係を持ってきたかを検討した。この地域では，近世から富士山の高山帯に至るまでの広大な山野を背景とした生業活動が繰り広げられていた。大正時代から昭和初期にかけて訪れた国立公園指定と観光開発の動きの中で，富士山北斜面の入会（いりあい）住民はこの動きに主体的にかかわることはなかった。一方で，近世より継続されてきた富士山入会地での資源採取は，入会地の地盤が国有，皇室有，県有と変わる中で，管理の仕組みが精緻化し，特に今に続く入山鑑札制度として基盤が確立した。富士山の国立公園指定により，入会地のほぼ全域が国立公園の区域に包含され，現行制度においては，高山帯および亜高山帯は特別保護地区あるいは特別地域として，旧来の採取活動を停止しうるような規制内容を持っている。しかしながら，各入会組合は依然として入山鑑札を発行し，高山帯であっても人々の採取を容認している。これを可能にするものとして，現行法である自然公園法により特別保護地区が新設される際に，厚生省と農林省間で交わされた覚書で，区域設定前からの慣行は着手行為として規制の対象外とする了解事項が存在する。富士山北麓地域では，少なくとも近世まで遡ることのできる採取活動が実質的に継続しており，かつ，形式的にも鑑札制度があるために採取活動の存在が公認しうるものになっていることが，着手行為としての正当性を担保しているものと考えられた。一方で，入会組合と国立公園管理者の間での情報共有は行われておらず，将来的には，対立が引き起こされる可能性が指摘できる。, This paper clarifies the reality of subsistence activities, especially regarding the gathering of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) historically, and investigates how such activities have been influenced by the national park system. Records of local people engaging in various gathering activities on the vast range of the northern slope of Mt. Fuji,where they accessed common lands, date back to the beginning of the 18th century, at the latest. Their activities occasionally reach the alpine area of the mountain. After the Meiji era (1860s-1912), these common lands were owned by the government, then the imperial court, and, finally,Yamanashi Prefecture. Accordingly, the commons became substantially institutionalized; in particular, the license system that allows gathering activities even in the alpine area of Mt. Fuji has been established and refined. While a movement advocating that Mt. Fuji and its surrounding area be declared a national park took place during the Taisho era and the beginning of the Showa era (1910s-1930s), local people did not actively commit to it. As Mt. Fuji was designated as a national park in 1931, the whole area of the commons at Mt. Fuji was brought under the national park system. The current national park system designates the alpine and subalpine zone of Mt. Fuji as special protection areas or special areas, which may prohibit the traditional gathering activities. However, commoners' associations still issue licenses for gathering activities even for the alpine zone. When the current "Natural Parks Act," which established a new system including special protection areas, was enforced in 1965, the Ministry of Health and Welfare and the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry agreed that local people's activities regarding agriculture and forestry should not be restricted by the new national park system; this would be possible by treating these activities as "existing practice" before the time of enforcement. This is why gathering activities at special protection areas or special areas of the national park system are permitted. In the case of Mt. Fuji, this paper considers that the legitimacy of treating the case as an "existing practice" is guaranteed by the fact that the local gathering activities at alpine area can be dated back to before the Meiji era and thatThe activities can be officially recognized because of the license system. However, it can be stated that there is no proper communication between commoners' associations and the local managers of the national park, so conflict may possibly occur in the future.

本稿では中国四国地方で出土した6～7世紀の銅鋺の考古学的知見とともに鉛同位体比，金属成分比の分析結果を報告し，あわせてその分析結果から派生する問題として国産銅鉛原材料の産出地と使用開始時期について言及した。すなわち，理化学的分析によってTK209 型式期の須恵器が共伴する無台丸底の銅鋺（津山市殿田1号墳，黒本谷古墳）に朝鮮半島産原材料，TK217 型式期の須恵器が共伴する無台平底の銅鋺（津山市荒神西古墳，竹原市横大道8号墳）に国産原材料の使用が推定され，形態的特徴と原材料との相関性とともに，国産原材料の使用開始時期が7世紀中葉に遡る可能性を示し，特に荒神西銅鋺，横大道銅鋺の鉛同位体比が古和同を含む和同開珎と近似する数値を示しており，近い値を示す長登，香春岳やその周辺の銅鉱山の開発が7世紀中葉に遡る可能性を論じた。さらに亀田修一による渡来人の関与による7世紀中葉以前に遡る国内銅生産を指摘する見解や馬淵久夫によるTK43型式期での出雲市後野産原材料使用を指摘する鉛同位体比分析結果などを踏まえると，国産原材料の使用開始時期が6世紀後葉に遡る可能性すらあることを示した。また銅鉛原材料産出地についても従来考えられてきた長登銅山周辺だけでなく香春岳や出雲市後野など，北部九州から中国山地東部にまで目を向けて探る必要性も説いた。いずれ本稿を端緒にした研究の深化を期待するものである。, This paper reports archeological findings of bronze bowls from the 6th to 7th centuries excavated in the Chugoku and Shikoku regions along with the results of lead isotope ratio and metallic composition ratio analyses, and comments on locations of origin of the domestic raw materials for leaded copper and when they started to be used.Specifically, physicochemical analysis points to raw materials originating in the Korean Peninsula in footless, rounded-bottom bronze bowls which co-occur with the type TK209 period of Sue pottery (Tsuyama City Tonoda Tumulus No.1 and Kuromotodani Tumulus) and domestic raw materials in footless, flat-bottom bronze bowls which co-occur with the type TK217 period of Sue pottery (Tsuyama City Kojinnishi Tumulus and Takehara City Yokodaido Tumulus No.8), indicating the correlation between the morphological characteristics and the raw materials and indicating the possibility that the start of domestic raw material use may go back to the mid-7th century. In particular, the lead isotope ratios of Kojinnishi bronze bowls and Yokodaido bronze bowls indicate values similar to Wadokaichin coins, including Kowado ("old Wado"), and this report discusses the possibility that the development of Naganobori, Kawaradake, and nearby copper mines, which show similar values, may go back to the mid-7th century.When such findings are taken along with Shuichi Kameda's opinion pointing out domestic copper production involving foreign settlers going back to before mid-7th century and Hisao Mabuchi's lead isotope ratio analysis results pointing out use of raw materials originating in Ushirono, Izumo City in the type TK43 period, this paper indicates that the start of domestic raw material use may even go back to the late 6th century. This paper also makes a case for the need to consider from northern Kyushu to eastern Chugoku Mountains when seeking locations of origin of the raw materials for leaded copper, including Kawaradake and Ushirono, Izumo City, in addition to the traditionally expected Naganobori copper mine area. I hope this paper intensifies further research on this topic.

本論では，縄文時代中期の環状集落を構成する家屋の中に系統の異なる家屋型式が共存する現象に着目し，これを「異系統家屋」として概念化するとともに，かかる観点から環状集落の分節構造の成り立ちとその背後にある社会関係について考察した。関東・甲信地方で拠点的な環状集落の造営が始まる中期前葉の五領ヶ台式後半から中期中葉の勝坂式期の事例に焦点を当て，分節構造の形成過程に異系統家屋がどのように関わったのかを検討した。その結果，中期中葉勝坂式期の関東地方南西部には，北陸系の異系統家屋と推定される二重柱穴列の掘立柱建物，中信系の異系統家屋と推定される「柱間溝」を有する大形竪穴住居や多柱穴の円形竪穴住居が移入され，一部の環状集落に受容されていたことが明らかとなった。異系統家屋の受容は同じ地域にある集落でも一様ではなく，また環状集落を構成する分節単位ごとに異なる場合があることも指摘した。また，それらの異系統家屋の伝わり方が，隣接する地域や集落を順に経由した玉突き式の単純な伝播ではなく遠隔地間の直接的関係を示唆している点を，事例集成と分布論的分析から明らかにした。このような諸現象を根拠として，勝坂式期における拠点的な環状集落の造営に複数の系統の異なる単位集団が関与していた可能性があること，そしてそれらの単位集団が個々にアイデンティティーを保持し，かつ集落外・遠隔地につながる集団関係を有していたことを論じた。また，異系統家屋の受容・共存が，同時期の土器群に見られるキメラ的な折衷土器や異系統土器の共存という現象とも密接に関連している点を指摘した。結論として，こうした諸現象を生じさせた要因を合理的に説明するモデルを提示し，勝坂式土器の分布圏に広がる広域部族の内部がリネージまたはシブのような単系出自集団に分節化していたこと，地域を超越した異系統家屋や異系統土器の動きが外婚制や半族組織によって助長された可能性が高いと考察した。, In light of the phenomenon that a settlement included several extraneous houses, this paper aims to describe the structure of circular villages of the Middle Jomon period and the social context behind it. To this end, this paper examines circular village sites built in the middle phase of the Middle Jomon period in Kanto and Chubu regions to assess how the extraneous houses affected the formation of the segmentation structure of the villages.In the middle phase of the Middle Jomon period, large posthole-type buildings originated from the Hokuriku region and pit dwellings typically seen in the Chubu Highlands region were introduced and accepted in some circular villages in the southwest of the Kanto region. This study analyses the distribution of these extraneous houses and consequently indicates that they seem to have been introduced directly from their respective places of origin, rather than spreading in orderly sequence from one village or district to the next. Moreover, this paper reveals that the acceptance and coexistence of extraneous houses were closely related to the contemporary fusion and coexistence of different styles of pottery including extraneous one.In conclusion, this paper suggests the model of society that can reasonably describe the above-mentioned phenomena. It seems that in the middle phase of the Middle Jomon period (the Katsusaka-style Pottery period), the construction of circular villages involved multiple different lineages. These segmental groups maintained their respective identities and relations with other relatives outside of their settlements in distant places. A large tribal group whose territory coincided with the geographical distribution of Katsusaka-style pottery was segmented into various unilineal descent groups such as lineages and sibs. The geographically discontinuous distribution of building and pottery styles is likely to have been promoted by exogamy, which was generally seen in unilineal descent groups.

本論は，北上川流域において長方形大型住居跡により構成された前期環状集落に関して，その特徴を明らかにすることを目的とした。このような集落遺跡の最初期となる岩手県綾織新田遺跡の事例では，大木2b式～大木４式期の長方形大型住居跡が，北列と南列に各時期数軒ずつ存在し，それが時期とともに広がり放射状になる様相が見受けられた。三陸沿岸部と北上山地内のほかの同時期の集落遺跡では，長方形大型住居跡は等高線に沿って配置されており環状構成とはならない。北上川流域では，類似する集落遺跡が大木３～４式期の岩手県蟹沢館遺跡において認められる。この遺跡では，長方形大型住居跡が放射状ではなく完全な環状配置となっている。また，この住居跡は，北上山地地域と三陸沿岸部のものとは全く形態が異なっている。大木5a式期では岩手県大清水上遺跡において，多数の長方形大型住居跡による環状配置が認められる。その住居跡の形態には，床面に段を有する長方形大型住居跡が確認された。この形態は，日本海側の円筒土器分布圏の住居跡の特徴とされている。この大清水上遺跡が立地する地点は，奥羽山脈から日本海側へと抜ける胆沢川沿いに位置しており，日本海側の円筒土器分布圏の文化と接するのに適した場所であると考えられる。大木６式期には，北上川中流域に集落遺跡が多数認められるが，大清水上遺跡では住居跡が激減し，和賀川流域の峠山牧場Ⅰ遺跡では環状集落遺跡が形成される。このことは，日本海側との回廊的役割の主体が胆沢川から和賀川流域の方に移ったことによるものと解釈した。これらの環状集落遺跡の特徴は，必ずしも相似するわけではなく，遺跡ごとの個別的な特徴の方が目立つ。今後，環状集落遺跡の形成要因の解明については，その他の遺構や遺物等の検討を踏まえ，遺跡・地域ごとの脈絡の上でその形成過程を検討する必要がある。, This paper examines the characteristics of circular settlements of the Early Jomon period, consisting of large rectangular dwellings, in the Kitakami River Basin. Large rectangular dwelling remains were generally arranged in lines in the ruins of the first half of the Early Jomon period in the Sanriku Coast and Kitakami Mountain region. In sharp contrast, such dwellings were arranged in a radial manner at the Ayaori Shinden Site. Moreover, those at the Ganjadate Site in the Kitakami River Basin were built in a different style and arranged in a perfect circle. In light of these findings, this paper describes regional variations in the style and arrangement of large rectangular dwelling remains from the first half of the Early Jomon period in the Sanriku Coast and Kitakami Mountain area and the Kitakami River Basin, and explains the unique characteristics of the Ayaori Shinden Site. The Osuzukami Site, large-scale circular settlement ruins from the latter half of the Early Jomon period, includes dwelling remains that show characteristics typically associated with the northern Tohoku region on the Japan Sea side. Located on an important route passing through the Ou Mountain Range, the Osuzukami Site is assumed to have had a close relationship with the Japan Sea side region.

本論文は，高度経済成長期に向かう時代，昭和30 年代初期のダム建設と水没集落の対応に一つの形があることに注目して民俗誌的分析を試みたものである。広島県の太田川上流の樽床ダム建設で水没した樽床集落（昭和31～32 年に移転）と前稿でとりあげた福島県の只見川上流の田子倉ダム建設で水没した田子倉集落（昭和31 年に移転）とは，どちらも農業を主とした集落で，移転時には民具の収集保存や村の歴史記録の刊行，移転後の故郷会の継続など，故郷とのつながりの維持志向性が特徴的であった。とくに，樽床の報徳社を作った後藤吾妻氏，田子倉の13軒の旧家筋の家々などが，村人の面倒見がよく，村の存続の危機への対応のなかで村を守る連帯の中心となっていた。村の中には貧富の差が大きかったが，富める者が貧しい者の面倒をみるという近世以来の親方百姓的な役割が村落社会でまだ活きていた可能性がある。それに対して，岩手県の湯田ダム建設で水没した集落（昭和34～35年に移転）は農家もあったが鉱山で働く人が多い流動的な集落で，代替農地の要求はなかった。さらに樽床ダムより約30年後に建設された太田川上流の温井ダムの場合には1987年に集団移転がなされたが，その際村人たちは受身的ではなく能動的に新たな生活再建を進めた。このように，移転時期による差異や定住型か移住型かという集落の差異が注目された。そして，故郷喪失という生活展開を迫られた人たちの行動を追跡してみて明らかとなったのは，土地に執着をもたず都市部に出て行った人たちの場合は新しい生活力を求めて前向きに取り組んだということ，その一方，農業で土地に執着があった人たちはその故郷を記憶と記念の中に残しその保全活用をしながら現実の新たな生活変化に前向きに取り組んでいったということである。つまり，更新と力（移住型）と記憶と力（定住型）という2つのタイプの生活力の存在を指摘できるのである。もう一つが世代交代の問題である。樽床も田子倉も湯田もダム建設による移転体験世代の経験は子供世代には引き継がれず，「親は親，子供は子供」という断絶が共通している。, This paper performs an ethnographic analysis based on the assumption that there were certain patterns in the resettlement of communities displaced by dam construction in the late 1950s, just before the rapid economic growth period started in Japan. The community of Tarutoko, submerged by the Tarutoko Dam on the upper Ōta River in Hiroshima Prefecture (displaced in 1956-1957), and the community of Tagokura, submerged by the Tagokura Dam on the upper Tadami River in Fukushima Prefecture (displaced in 1956; analyzed in a previous paper), were both agriculture-oriented villages and characterized by the tendency to maintain ties with the homeland. They collected folk implements for conservation purposes and wrote the histories of their villages at the time of displacement and maintained associations of fellow villagers after resettlement. This solidarity was built around Azuma Gotō, a founder of Hōkusha of Tarutoko, and the 13 old-established families of Tagokura as they provided attentive support to their fellow villagers when the villages were on the verge of extinction. There were large disparities between the rich and poor in the villages, but a world where rich people take care of poor people, as seen in a leader-follower relationship of the early modern period, seem to have survived in those communities. On the other hand, when a fluid community inhabited not only by farmers but also by many miners was submerged by the Yuda Dam in Iwate Prefecture (displaced in 1959-1960), villagers did not ask for alternative agricultural land. After the Act on Special Measures concerning Measures Related to Water Resources Areas was established in 1973, a community displaced by the Nukui Dam on the upper Ōta River in 1987 witnessed the villagers rebuilding their lives actively rather than passively. Thus, there were differences between communities, depending on the time of displacement or the type of community (whether renewed or sedentary). An analysis of the behavior of those who needed to restore their livelihoods after they lost their hometowns reveals two different patterns of livelihood rebuilding: renewed livelihoods (renewal and capacity) and sedentary livelihoods (memories and capacity). Those who did not feel attached to land and resettled in cities explored new lives while those who had engaged in farming and felt attached to their land preserved the memories of their hometowns and rebuilt their lives while paying tribute to these memories. Another insight from the analysis is related to a change of generation. The experiences of people displaced by the Tarutoko, Tagokura, and Yuda Dams were not passed down to their children. Discontinuation between parents and children was one thing displaced communities shared in common., 一部非公開情報あり

戦後の米軍統治下における沖縄の高度経済成長という課題に対し，沖縄の戦後史の先行研究から改めて学び，その上で復帰前の沖縄の復興の指標として全国の自動車台数と人口の統計から自動車の普及率を比較した。米軍統治下の沖縄には，日本本土から生活物資・自動車が輸入されていたが，その資金は基地収入に依拠し，沖縄の生産力は成長せずに輸入超過の状態だった。戦後沖縄の米軍統治下における高度経済成長は，日本の高度経済成長と同時進行ではあるものの収支のバランスや生産力の面では全く異なるものだった。民俗学からの高度経済成長の研究を進めるため，当事者たる人々自らが記録した字誌・門中誌などの資料を参照し，戦争・戦後体験の記述から当時の生活を知ることを試みた。まず軍に接収されたシマ（村落）について，返還されても帰れなかったシマ，返還後に帰れたシマ，いまだに帰れなくとも人間関係の維持に取り組んでいるシマから，人々が置かれた状況下で生活を取り戻したことを今回は土地を中心に論じた。次に，戦後の復興期から経済成長期に門中の団体が実施した戦災後の墓の再建を分析した。それは戦前以来の祖先祭祀の再開であり，生き残った人間関係の構築であり，亡くなった戦死者の供養にもつながる事業だった。本稿では，戦後間もなくの墓の「移葬」（1952年）と「墓地修復事業」（1953年），那覇市の都市計画による墓の「移転」（1954年，1951年～55年），「遷葬」と偉人の顕彰（1955年～58年），門中有志の寄付による墓の「修復・改修」（1958年，1970年）の7事例を挙げた。祖先祭祀の中核となる墓所の再建は土木工事をともなうため門中で資金を集めることが必要であり，その実施に向けてそれぞれの事情や苦労がうかがえた。復帰以降も今日に至るまで，門中にとって大きな事業である墓地の改修という事例は，沖縄の戦後史・現代史，そして民俗学の研究・調査にとって多くの可能性を抱く考察対象である。, This paper reviews previous studies on the post-World War II history of Okinawa to examine its rapid economic growth at the time of its occupation by the US Forces and analyses its reconstruction before its reversion to Japan by using the ratio of its vehicle ownership rate (number of vehicles divided by population)to the national average as an indicator. While being occupied by the US Forces, Okinawa imported daily commodities and automobiles from the main islands of Japan. As the costs were covered by profits from military bases, the production capacity of Okinawa did not grow, leading to trade deficits. Thus, although the rapid economic growth of Okinawa under the US occupation kept pace with that of Japan, these two economies were totally different in terms of their productivity and balance of trade.This research takes an ethnographic approach to analyze the rapid economic growth, reviewing Okinawan community and family chronicles compiled by community and family members themselves and reconstructing their lives from their descriptions of their experiences during and after the war. First, this paper discusses land-based livelihood restoration by comparing the following three types of communities seized by the US Forces: (i) those not returned after the reversion; (ii) those returned after the reversion; and (iii) those not returned but maintaining personal ties.Then, this study analyses the graves rebuilt by family-based organizations from the post-war reconstruction to the rapid economic growth period. It was a restart of ancestor-worship rituals that had been discontinued since the start of the war, relationship building between survivors, and memorial services for the war dead. This paper uses the following seven examples as case studies: (i) the relocation of graves soon after the end of the war (1952); (ii) the graveyard reconstruction project (1953); (iii) (iv) the grave relocation projects implemented under the urban planning of Naha City (1954, 1951-1955); (v) the transfer of graves and the public honoring of great figures (1955- 1958); (vi) (vii) the grave repair and restoration projects supported by donations from families (1958, 1970). Although the rebuilding of graves was placed at the core of ancestor worship, the implementation processes were different and difficult as the engineering works required fundraising from surviving families.Even after the reversion of Okinawa to Japan, the reconstruction of graves has remained important to Okinawan families up to the present day. This issue is open to further consideration and discussion from the viewpoint of the post-war and contemporary history of Okinawa and from an ethnographic perspective.

農耕・運搬・厩肥生産などに用いられるため，多くの家で飼養されていた家畜は，農業用機械や自動車の普及などにより飼養が激減した。家畜飼養の激減を受け，家畜の生産地帯ではどのような変化が起こったのか。本稿は青森県十和田市を事例とし，家畜生産地帯であった農村における家畜飼養の変化を明らかにするものである。十和田市は古くからの馬産地であり，現在も畜産が盛んに行われている地域である。冷涼な気候のため農業による十分な収入が見込めなかった当地において，家畜，特に馬を売ることで得る収入は大きかった。そのため，馬産は重要な生業であり，馬は不可欠な存在であった。しかし，現在の十和田市では馬産を行う家は少なく，盛んに飼養されている家畜は肉用牛と豚である。かつての馬産地から現在の肉用牛・豚の生産地への転換は，どのように行われたのか。また，家畜飼養者は飼養する家畜をどのように選択してきたのか。十和田市における家畜飼養が大きく変化したと考えられる昭和30～50年代の様子を明らかにすることで，これらの問に答えていく。❷では統計資料や十和田市の広報誌などを用いて，十和田市の家畜飼養の変遷の全体像を把握する。馬産地であった十和田市が現在のような肉用牛・豚の飼養が盛んになった時期を明らかにすると同時に，飼養する家畜が変化した要因を明らかにする。❸では性格の異なる2集落を取り上げ，集落における家畜飼養の変遷を記述する。かつては集落のほとんどの家で飼養されていた家畜が，特定の場所で特定の人により飼養されるようになっていく過程を明らかにする。❹では飼養する家畜を選択する際に，家畜を飼養する「手間」と家畜から得られる「儲け」が重視されてきたことを指摘する。兼業化や耕作地の増加など，家畜以外による収入が増加することで，「手間」がかからず「儲け」の大きい家畜が選択されるようになっていった。, Many households used to raise domestic animals for farming, transport, and fertilizer production, but the number plunged due to the mechanization of agriculture and the spread of automobiles. What changes this sharp drop in livestock numbers brought to ranching regions? This paper focuses on Towada City in Aomori Prefecture as a case study to examine the changes in livestock breeding in ranching villages. Towada is located in a long-established horse breeding region where the livestock industry is still dominant. In this region with a cold climate that makes farming unprofitable, livestock, especially horses, used to be an important source of income for farmers. Horse breeding was a major livelihood, and horses were invaluable. Nowadays, however, only a few farmers breed horses. Instead, beef cattle and pigs have become popular as livestock in the city. How horse breeding was replaced by cattle and pig breeding? What factors influenced the choice of livestock to breed? In order to answer these two questions, this paper analyzes the actual situation of Towada from the late 1950s to the early 1980s, when the city went through a significant change in livestock ranching. Chapter 2 examines statistics and municipal bulletins to draw a whole picture of transformation of livelihood breeding in Towada. It is aimed to identify exactly when horse breeding was replaced by beef cattle and pig breeding and why this shift occurred. Chapter 3 focuses on two communities with different characteristics, examining the changes in their livestock breeding. It is aimed to reveal how the livestock that used to be raised around the communities were monopolized by certain people in certain areas. Chapter 4 presents that laboriousness (how laborious it would be to raise the animal) and profitability (how profitable the animal would be) were important factors that influenced the choice of livestock to breed. Farmers developed a preference to less laborious and more profitable animals while they were raising their incomes from other than livestock by operating side businesses or expanding agricultural land.

本稿は台形様石器の様相について検討した論稿である。このことについては佐藤宏之によって『台形様石器研究序論』が発表されており，該期の研究において姶良Tn火山灰降灰以前の石器群の解明が期待された。その後28年が経過し，全国的に台形様石器を出土する遺跡が広がった。とりわけ関東地方では層位的にも型式学的にも対応可能になり，あわせて台形様石器の機能・用途について使用痕研究や実験研究等により深みを増しつつある。筆者は該期の台形様石器について型式学的研究から見直そうと思う。先行研究では台形様石器は横長剥片を主たる素材とする点が強調されていたが，縦長剥片を素材とした例も看過できない。またペン先形ナイフと称された基部調整尖頭石器は東日本に卓越し，九州地方は僅少の分布状況を呈している。先端が尖状という点，基部加工のナイフ状石器と台形様石器が相互に影響して独自に製作されたものであろう。台形様石器は素材の切断を介して外形を作り出す。刃部の両縁は側縁加工と平坦剥離，とりわけ錯向剥離を顕著に用いる。このように形成された台形様石器の形態は6類に区分される。①水平刃で基部が尖基のもの。②水平刃で平基のもの。③水平刃で平基であるが，側縁が末広がりになり刃部と交わる部位が角状を呈すもの。④斜刃で尖基のもの。⑤斜刃で平基のもの。⑥縦長剥片の端部を切断して用いたもので構成される。台形様石器は関東地方で相模野B5層や武蔵野Ⅹ層下部まで遡り，立川ローム層において最古級を呈す。B4層，Ⅹ層上部からⅨ層は台形様石器が最も卓越し，Ⅰ～Ⅴ類の台形様石器が認められる。その終焉は黒色帯層の相模野B3層・武蔵野Ⅶ層の時期で縦長剥片を切断によって分割し，側縁加工を施したⅥ類の台形様石器が目立ってくる。北関東地方では台形様石器の石材が遺跡毎で差異があり，地域差的な様相を呈す。Ⅶ層以降に卓越する二側縁加工を主体としたナイフ形石器文化期以前の台形様石器文化が広く発達するのである。, This paper reviews the study of trapezoid stone tools. This were also referred in the Proem for Study of Trapeze-shaped Tools by Hiroyuki Sato, It was expected that stone artifacts before Aira-Tn ash fall would be elucidated. Since then, 28 years have passed, and trapezoid tools have been found at various archaeological sites across Japan. Especially, those unearthed in the Kantō region have yielded data as a result of stratigraphical and typological analysis. In addition, the analysis of traces of use, as well as experimental research, has progressed, enabling a more profound examination of the functions and applications of trapezoid tools.This paper reviews the studies of trapezoid tools of the above-mentioned age from the perspective of typology.Although past studies focused on trapezoid tools made mainly of wide flakes, those made of elongated flakes are too important to overlook. Backed points, also known as pen-point-knife-shaped tools, have been found mainly in eastern Japan and occasionally in the Kyūshū region. Because of its shape, pointed at one end and shaped at the other, this type of stone tool is assumed to have been independently developed by interactions between knife-shaped tools and trapezoid tools.In order to make trapezoid tools, stones were processed and then cut into trapezoidal pieces, and the side edges of the blade part were shaped and knapped to provide flat surfaces, especially disoriented surfaces. Trapezoid tools are categorized into six types: ① those with a horizontal blade and a pointed butt; ② those with a horizontal blade and a flat butt; ③ those with a horizontal blade, a flat butt, and sharp corners at the blade tip (shaped like a trapezoid with its width increasing toward the blade tip); ④ those with an angled blade and a pointed butt; ⑤ those with an angled blade and a flat butt; and ⑥ those made of elongated flakes knapped on the edges.Trapezoid tools have been excavated in the Kantō region from the Layers of Sagamino B5 and lower Musashino X at the deepest level, which means they are among the oldest stone tools of Tachikawa loam formation. Trapezoid tools are most common among those unearthed from the Layer of B4 and the Layers from upper X to IX. Most of these trapezoid tools are classified as Types I to V. The newest trapezoid tools have been unearthed from the black band Layer of Sagamino B3 and the Layer of Musashino VII. Most of them are classified as Type VI (those made of elongated flakes cut and shaped on the side edges). In the northern Kantō region, the materials of trapezoid tools are different at each archaeological site. This suggests that there were regional differences. The trapezoid tool culture reached its zenith before the rise of the knife-shaped tool culture represented by tools shaped on both side edges and excavated mainly from Layer VII.

柳田國男が一九〇六年の樺太紀行にて足跡を残した「ソロイヨフカ」の遺跡とは、南貝塚（別名、ソロイヨフカ遺跡）であり、この遺跡はその近隣にある鈴谷貝塚と共に、サハリンの考古学研究史上最も著名な遺跡の一つになっている。これらの遺跡の出土資料を標式として設定された「南貝塚式土器」と「鈴谷式土器」のうち、本論では後者の鈴谷式土器を対象として年代に関する再検討をおこなった。鈴谷式土器は、時代的には続縄文文化とオホーツク文化の、分布や系統の上では北海道とアムール河口域の狭間にあって、これら両者の関係性を解明する上で重要な資料であると考えられてきたが、特にその上限年代が不明確なこともあって年代や系統上の位置づけが定まっていなかった。本論でおこなった放射性炭素年代の測定と既存の測定年代値の再検討の結果、鈴谷式土器の年代はサハリンでは紀元前四世紀〜紀元六世紀頃、北海道では紀元一世紀〜紀元六世紀頃と判断された。この年代に従って解釈すると、鈴谷式土器はサハリンにおいて先に成立し、しばらく継続した後に北海道に影響を及ぼしたことになる。この結論を従来の型式編年案と対比させるならば、以下の点が検討課題として浮上してこよう。すなわち、サハリン北部での最近の調査成果に基づいて提唱されたカシカレバグシ文化、ピリトゥン文化、ナビリ文化といったサハリン北部の諸文化や、アムール河口域と関連の強いバリシャヤブフタ式系統の土器は、古い段階の鈴谷式土器と年代的に近接することになるため、これら北方の諸型式と鈴谷式土器の型式交渉を具体的に検討することが必要となる。また従来の型式編年案では、古い段階の鈴谷式土器は北海道にも分布すると考えられているため、その点の見直しも必要となる。鈴谷式土器を含む続縄文土器や、サハリンの古金属器時代の土器の編年研究においては、今後、これらの問題の解明が急務となろう。, The archaeological site of Solov'evka, which Kunio Yanagita visited on his trip to Sakhalin in 1906, corresponds to the Minami shell mound (also known as the Solov'evka site). This site, along with the Susuya shell mound in the vicinity, is considered one of the most important sites in Sakhalin archaeology. Objects unearthed from these sites are referred to as standard artifacts to distinguish Minami kaizuka type pottery from Susuya type pottery. Among them, the latter is examined in this paper to reassess its age. Dated between the Epi-jōmon culture and the Okhotsk culture and distributed in areas/cultural groups between Hokkaidō and the Lower Amur River basin, Susuya type pottery has been considered to provide an important clue in revealing the relationships between them. Nevertheless, its chronological and typological categories have not been fixed yet, partly because the upper limit of the age range is unknown. The results of radiocarbon dating and the reassessment of existing dating evidence in this study indicate that Susuya type pottery is dated to between the fourth century B.C. and the sixth century A.D. in Sakhalin and to between the first and sixth century A.D. in Hokkaidō. In the light of these results, this paper suggests that Susuya type pottery was first established in Sakhalin and later made an impact on the pottery of Hokkaidō. In view of the conventional chronology of pottery types, this assumption raises the following issues. First of all, because the pottery of Northern Sakhalin cultures, such as the Kashkalebagshch, Pil'tun, and Nabil' cultures whose existence was suggested by recent studies of Northern Sakhalin, as well as Bol'ishaya Bukhta type pottery which was closely related to cultures in the Lower Amur River basin, are chronologically close to early Susuya type pottery, it is essential to examine the detailed typological relationships between Susuya and these types of northern pottery. Moreover, it is necessary to review the conventional chronology of pottery types because it still suggests that early Susuya type pottery was distributed in Hokkaidō as well. These issues must be clarified as soon as possible to facilitate chronological studies of Susuya and other types of Epi-jōmon culture pottery as well as the pottery of the Paleometal Age in Sakhalin.

本稿では、まず日本の近代化のなかで「精神病」という病がいかに「医療化」されてきたのか、そして精神病者をいかに「病院収容化（施設化）」してきたか、その要因について明らかにする。諸外国の「脱施設化」に向かう取り組みに対して、日本の精神医療はいまだ精神科病院数（病床数）の圧倒的な多さと在院日数の顕著な長さを示している。世界的に特殊な状況下で日本の精神科病院数の減少が進まない要因について探る。精神医療の「脱施設化」が進まない中、北海道浦河赤十字病院（浦河日赤）では日本の精神医療の先陣を切って「地域で暮らすこと（脱施設化）」に成功した。浦河日赤の「脱施設化」のプロセスには二度の画期がある。第一は、精神科病棟のうち開放病棟が閉鎖となったプロセスであり、それを第一次減床化とする。第一次減床化のプロセスについて詳細に描き出し、減床化に成功した要因について明らかにする。第二は、精神科病棟全体の廃止に至ったプロセスであり、それを第二次減床化とする。そのプロセスに起こった政治的なできごとや浦河町が抱える問題をもとに、第二次減床化に進まざるを得なかった浦河日赤の置かれた状況について描き出す。この二度にわたる「脱施設化」のプロセスを描き出すために、エスノグラフィック・アプローチとして、医師や看護師、ソーシャルワーカーなどの病院関係者、社会福祉法人〈浦河べてるの家〉の職員、そして地域住民へのインタビュー調査を行った。精神科病棟廃止に対するさまざまな立場の人が示す異なる態度や見解について分析し、浦河日赤精神科の二回にわたる「脱施設化」のプロセスを描き出す。第二次減床化の病棟廃止と並行して、浦河ひがし町診療所という地域精神医療を展開するための新たな拠点が設立される。診療所が目指す今後の地域ケアの方向性を探る。そのうえで、診療所が目指す地域精神医療のあり方と海外の精神医療の方向性とを比較し、浦河町の地域精神医療の特徴と今後の課題について考察する。最後に、今後のアプローチとして、精神障がいをもちながら地域で暮らす当事者を支えるための地域精神医療を模索するために、「医療の生活化」という新たな視点を提示する。, This paper first examines how psychiatric disorders have become medicalized in the process of modernization in Japan. It then analyzes how and why mental patients have become institutionalized. While there has been a growing trend in many countries to deinstitutionalize mental patients, Japan's mental health sector is characterized by its great number of asylums (beds) and extremely long hospitalization period. In light of these particularities, this study explores reasons why the number of asylums (beds) has not decreased in Japan. While deinstitutionalization has not progressed much in Japan's psychiatric medicine, Urakawa Red Cross Hospital (hereinafter “Urakawa Hospital”) in Hokkaido, Japan, has led Japanese psychiatric facilities in shifting to community treatment (deinstitutionalization). There were two milestones in this process. The first one was the closedown of the open ward in the psychiatric ward, which is called the “first reduction of institutionalization” in this paper. This step is examined in detail to reveal factors that can be attributed with having promoted deinstitutionalization. The second milestone was the shutdown of the entire psychiatric ward, which is called the “second reduction of institutionalization” here. By examining the political developments and problems faced by Urakawa town during the second step, this paper reveals the situation that forced Urakawa Hospital to shut down the psychiatric ward. In order to illustrate this two-stepped process of deinstitutionalization, this study takes an ethnographic approach by conducting interviews with hospital staff, such as psychiatrists, nurses, and social workers, staff of the social welfare corporation Urakawa Bethel's House, and local residents. The various ideas and opinions of different people about the shutdown of the psychiatric ward are analyzed to describe the two-stepped process of deinstitutionalization at Urakawa Hospital. In parallel with the second reduction of institutionalization (the closedown of the entire ward), a new medical facility, Higashi-machi Clinic, was established to provide community psychiatric treatment. This paper explores the direction the Clinic should take to provide effective community care. It then compares the Clinic's ideal form of community psychiatric medicine with the direction being taken by overseas psychiatric medicine to analyze the current features and future problems of the community psychiatric medicine of Urakawa town. In conclusion, this paper proposes a new, final approach of "Life-style priority Treatment" (to maintain one's lifestyle while receiving treatment) as a way to find a community psychiatric treatment able to support psychiatric patients living in the community.

本稿は、近代以降、葬儀において告別式が中心的な儀礼として成立し、次第に地方に普及して行く様相を、作法書と葬儀記録などの関連資料を通して分析し、民俗儀礼の平準化とそれを取り巻く言説を考察することを目的としている。近代の葬制は、葬列を行い自宅と寺院、墓地などでそれぞれ儀礼を行うなど、いくつもの儀礼の連続であった。しかし、葬列が無駄なものとして認識され、都市構造の発達によって実施が困難になる中で、誕生したのが告別式であった。ただし告別式の濫觴とされる中江兆民の儀礼は、宗教儀礼を否定し葬儀の代替として行われたが、その後の告別式は焼香などの葬儀の会葬部分を分離したものに変化していった。当時は基本的に葬儀式と会葬部分の告別式は分離されていたが、昭和期の作法書では、総体として新たな形式としており、またかならずしもその認識は一様ではなかった。戦後になると、この分離形式が正統な方式として認識される一方で、次第に一体化して行われるようになった。そして葬儀を含めて告別式を中心として捉えるようになる。一方で、都道府県別の作法書が一九八〇年代以降登場すると、告別式の記述はほぼ同一であるとととに、東京を正統な方式とし、現地では一体化したものが実施されているという、地方差として認識されるようになり、結果としてほぼ全国的に均質化した状況が呈されるようになる。ただし、地域によってはもっと多様な状況を示しているが、作法書という支配的言説によって儀礼のありようが収斂化していることが明らかになった。, This paper presents a study of the standardization of folk rituals and their explanations. To be more specific, this paper analyzes how a farewell ceremony has been established as a central ritual in funeral rites and spread into the regions since the modern times by examining the books of funeral etiquette and other relevant documents. In the modern times, the funeral service consisted of a series of rituals, including making a funeral procession and holding rituals at home, the temple, and the cemetery, respectively. However, while the development of cities made it increasingly difficult to form a funeral procession, people were getting weary of it. In this context, the farewell ceremony emerged. Although it was offered as an alternative option for a funeral ceremony, later it cast off the religious rituals of funeral ceremonies (e.g. incense burning), as Chōmin Nakae, to whom the farewell ceremony was attributed, denied its religious implications. At that time, the farewell and funeral ceremonies were in principle separated, but according to a book of funeral etiquette in the Shōwa period, this was considered as a new style and interpreted in various ways.After the Second World War, this separate style became accepted as a standard form, but an increasing number of people preferred to the integrated style. Later, the farewell ceremony including funeral rituals was defined as a central ritual. In the 1980s, books of funeral etiquette were compiled for individual prefectures. These books presented a similar description of farewell ceremonies and suggested the one prevailing in Tokyo as an orthodox style. While the integrated style was gaining increasing popularity there, people started to notice regional differences. In the end, a common style became predominant across the nation. Thus, it has been revealed that although there were some variations depending on the region, the books of funeral etiquette integrated different ritual styles into a single form., 一部非公開情報あり

国立歴史民俗博物館が開催する企画展示「万年筆の生活誌―筆記の近代―」（2016年3月8日（火）～5月8日（日））のために，館蔵資料43点を含む58点の蒔絵万年筆資料のマルチアングル画像を撮影し，展開図を作成した。本稿では，資料への負荷を抑えつつ図録掲載等の要求に耐える品質を有する展開図画像を得るための，万年筆資料のマルチアングル画像撮影ならびに展開図作成の技術開発について述べる。スリットカメラの原理に基づき，万年筆を一定角度で回転してマルチアングル画像を撮影するための専用の治具を制作した。マルチアングル画像からの展開図画像の作成について，万年筆の回転角と得られる展開図画像の誤差との関係について検討し，5度刻みのマルチアングル画像から，μm単位の誤差の展開図画像を作成できることを示した。展開図画像の作成にあたって，万年筆の太さは均一でないので画像の幅が必ずしも回転角に比例せず，単純に一定の幅で切り出した画像を合成したのでは重複や欠損を生じる。そこで簡単な画像処理によって万年筆の太さを求め，幅が回転角に一致する補正画像を生成したところ，重複や欠損のない画像を得ることができた。また，クリップのようにまわりから著しく飛び出している部分があると，画像から正確に半径を求められない部位が生じ画像が乱れる問題について，クリップの位置をマスク画像で与えることによって解決を図った。本稿で述べる展開図作成の技術は，類似の資料のデジタル化の促進に寄与することができよう。, The National Museum of Japanese History (NMJH) held a special exhibition “Fountain Pens: Their History and Art in Japan” from Tuesday March 8 to Sunday May 8, 2016. In preparation for this exhibition, we took pictures of 58 maki-e fountain pens, including 43 pens in the possession of the NMJH, from all angles to compose their rollout images. This paper describes the technology developed to acquire multi-angle images of fountain pens and compose their rollout images in a quality high enough to be used for pictorial records while preventing damage to the original materials as much as possible. By using the principle of the slit camera, we developed a special jig to rotate a pen at a set angle for each photograph to acquire multi-angle images. In order to compose a rollout image from the multi-angle images, we discussed about distortion between the real object and its rollout image at each rotation angle. A rollout image with distortion at the micrometer (μm) level could be composed from a set of images taken at every five degrees of rotation. However, a simple composition of the slit images each of which is extracted from the multi-angle images could result in a rollout image with gap and overlaps, because fountain pens were not uniform in thickness, and the width of the slit images are not always in proportion to the rotation angle. Therefore, we measured the thickness of each pen through image analysis and corrected the images to acquire images of the same width at each rotation angle. As a result, we could produce rollout images without gaps or overlaps. Another problem was that image analysis could not accurately measure the radius of a pen with something projecting from it, such as a clip. Binary images including the area of the projection are used to solve this problem. The technology to compose rollout images described in this paper can contribute to the digitization of similar materials.

産屋が利用されなくなって久しい。産屋が遅くまで残った地域でも昭和三〇年代がおおむね終焉時期となっている。産屋習俗の終焉の要因は一様ではない。本研究のテーマは、なぜ産屋習俗は終焉を迎えたのかという根源的な問いである。私たちは、産屋とは主屋と別に小さな建物を建て、そこに産婦が血の穢れのために家族と隔離されて食事も別にする施設であると学び、産屋を穢れからの隔離・別火というステレオタイプ化された視点で認識してきた。しかし出産の穢れからの隔離・別火が所与のものでないとすれば、産屋の本質はいったいどこにあるのであろうか。本論文が産屋習俗の終焉過程に注目する理由の第一点は、現在（＝平成二〇年代）が産屋体験者から直接話を聞ける最後の機会であること。産屋体験者からの聞き書きは緊急性を有し詳細な記録化が望まれる。第二点は産屋の終焉から過去に遡れば当該地域における産屋の変遷過程を明らかにできると考えた。現時点で伝承者からきちんと聞き書きを行うことは重要であり、産屋習俗の終焉過程の研究にも資するのである。先行研究では、産屋の発生は神の加護を得る籠もりにあるとされる。牧田茂・高取正男・谷川健一の所説は、産屋の原初的形態に視点を置いた論理である。実際に原初的形態を彷彿とさせる民俗事例が各地に伝承されているが、それをもって現行習俗を古代へ飛躍させるのは論理的に危険が伴うであろう。事例で取り上げた山形県小国町大宮のコヤバは、明治二二年以前は出産の都度小屋を建てていたが、警察署長の意見で常設のコヤバになったとされる。仮設から常設へ変化する傾向は、福井県敦賀市池河内の事例からも明らかである。福井県敦賀市白木のサンゴヤは、昭和五〇年代まで使用されており全国で最も遅くまで利用されていた。常設化の産屋は伝統を守りながらも、滞在期間の短縮化、休養の場の拡大化など、地域に応じた多様なあり方をみせている。, The custom of using ubuya (delivery huts) has been extinct for years. The regions where it survived for the longest time also saw it dying out from the late 1950s to the early 1960s. The reasons why this custom lingered for a long time vary depending on the region. This paper addresses a fundamental question of why the custom of using ubuya died out. People were taught that ubuya meant a small hut built separately from the main house to isolate a pregnant woman from her family and prepare meals separately to contain defilement by blood; therefore, many people had a stereotype perspective that ubuya should be used for isolation and separate meal preparation to contain impurity by childbirth. However, if the isolation and separate meal preparation were not a matter of course, what was the essence of ubuya?There are two reasons why this paper focuses on the process of dying out of ubuya. The first one is because we will never have a chance to interview those who have experienced it if we pass up this opportunity now (in the 2010s). It is urgent to put such experiences on record based on firsthand oral recollections. The more detailed the record is, the more useful it would be. The second reason is because if we go back into the history of ubuya, we could reveal the changes in the custom in the region. It is very important to interview those who directly involved and record their experiences now. The results can contribute to the research of the process of dying out of ubuya.Previous studies suggested that ubuya had been originated from seclusion to pray for divine protection. The theories of Shigeru Makita, Masao Takatori, and Kenichi Tanigawa focused on the original form of ubuya. In fact, folk customs resemble to the original ones have been handed down in various regions. It is, however, illogical to link modern customs to ancient ones just because they are similar to each other. As referred to in this paper, koyaba in Ōmiya, Oguni Town, Yamagata Prefecture, is said to have been built for temporary use for each and every childbirth before 1889 but transformed into permanent facilities based on the opinion of a police chief. This shift can be demonstrated by another example from Ikenokōchi, Tsuruga City, Fukui Prefecture. In Shiraki, Tsuruga City, Fukui Prefecture, sangoya had been used until the early 1980s, which means this is one of the last regions where the custom lingered on. Permanent ubuya were used, in principle, in a traditional way, but there were regional variations, such as shortening the time of stay and expanding rest areas.

柳田國男は一九三〇年代から、特定の時代・地域の人びとにおける「良い／悪い」や「好き／嫌い」といった感性的な価値判断を「趣味」という言葉でとらえ、心意現象の一部として民俗資料に含めることを提唱していた。これを展開した千葉徳爾は、芸術・娯楽に関わる民俗資料に「審美の基準」を位置づけた。本稿は、従来の民俗学が十分に論じてこなかったこの「趣味」や「審美の基準」を、民俗芸能の具体的事例にもとづいて論じる試みである。鹿児島県いちき串木野市大里の七夕踊りは、ナラシと呼ばれる一週間の稽古の過程において、各集落から選ばれた青年による太鼓踊りの評価が行われる。その評価が地域の人びとの関心を集め、多様な「良い踊り」に関する多様な言語表現や、流派に関する知識、技法の細部へのこだわり、踊りの特徴を継承する筋の意識などを生み出し伝えている。それらを手がかりとして、この踊りに関わる人びとにとって「良い踊り」という評価がどのように構成されているのかについて考察した。大里七夕踊りの場合、その評価の際だった特徴は、「成長を評価する」ということである。単に知覚的（視覚的・聴覚的）に受けとられる特徴だけでなく、踊り手がどれだけ十分に各人の個性を踊りで表現し得たかが評価の観点として重視されていた。これは近代美学における審美性の理解からは外れるかもしれないが、民俗芸能として生活に即した環境で演じられる踊りの評価に、文化に内在する様々な価値が混然として含まれるのは自然なことであろう。大里七夕踊りの場合、そのような価値を形成してきた背景には、近代以降に人格の陶冶の機関として地域の生活に根付いてきた青年団（二才）によって踊りが担われてきたという歴史が強く作用していると考えられる。, During the 1930s, Kunio Yanagita started to use the word “tastes” to mean the sensitivity possessed by people in specific regions and times to judge good and bad or likes and dislikes, and proposed treating them as subject of study in regard to mental phenomena. Following this idea, Tokuji Chiba treated aesthetic criteria as material for folklore studies related to art and entertainment. Since then, however, other folklorists have not paid adequate attention to tastes or aesthetic criteria. This paper examines such tastes and aesthetic criteria through a study of an example of folk performing art.This paper deals with the Tanabata-odori performed in the Ōsato district of Ichikikushikino City in Kagoshima Prefecture. The Tanabata-odori includes a competition for young male taiko (drum) dancers, who have been selected as representatives from each community involved, in the week-long practice called narashi. The results of competition are the focus of great interest among the local population, which has resulted in the creation of various expressions to describe a “good performance,” the accumulation of knowledge about various styles, the paying of close attention to technical details, and a consciousness of a dance legacy by which the features of their dance are passed down. By examining these factors, this paper considers how the people involved evaluate what a “good performance” is.In the case of the Ōsato Tanabata-odori, the evaluation is characterized by its focus on how dancers have grown. People value not only the perceptual (visual or auditory) characteristics of dancing but also dancers' ability to express their own personality through their performance. This may be substantially different from the common view of modern aesthetics, but in evaluating a dance performance that, as a folk art, takes place in an environment that conforms to people's lifestyles, it is quite natural to include in their entirety the various values that are inherent in the culture. In the case of the Ōsato Tanabataodori, a strong historical influence can be seen to have shaped this set of values via the role of the local youth groups (nise/seinendan). These groups, with their roots in the life of the locality, have been the educators and cultivators of local young men in modern times, and have become the custodians of the dance performance.

2011年3月に発生した福島第一原発事故は，東日本大震災を引き金にして起きたものであったが，その原発事故により広大な国土が放射能に汚染され，国土の一部は長く人が住むこともできない大地となり，また今後長期にわたり多くの人々への健康被害が懸念されるなど，大災害となった。その大災害に至った1つの大きな要因として，メディアによる原発の必要性や安全性などを訴える広告などの情報が，原発の問題を指摘する情報よりもはるかに多大であったこともあるが，その一方で，本来伝えられるべきであったと思われる原発関係の情報が十分伝えられてこなかったということがあると思われる。そうした情報の中で，本稿では，福島での原発事故が起きるまでは最悪の原発事故であった旧ソビエトのチェルノブイリ原発事故後による食品汚染についての情報について検討した。1986年に起きたその原発事故により，タイやフィリピンなどでは大きな放射能汚染食品騒ぎがあったが，少なくとも関西地方ではほとんど伝えられなかった。それらのニュースの内容をタイなどの地元紙の記事などから確認し，それらが実際にあまり報道されるべき価値のないものであったのかどうか検討した。また，それらのニュースが日本国内で実際にどの程度報道されたのかについて，国内の強力な新聞記事等のデータベースである「日経テレコン」により確認した。一方，福島第一原発事故から5年以上を経て，放射能汚染食品や放射線による健康被害など，また原発関連の報道が十分になされない部分が出てきている。その近年の状況についても，データベース利用などにより確認し考えてみた。メディアの編集者が放射能汚染食品や人々の健康被害に関する情報を制限する背景として，社会的不安などが生じることへの配慮もあると思われるが，正しい情報が伝えられないことにより，福島での原発事故の忘却が早められ，しっかりと原発について考えようとする流れが弱められている。, The Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant accident which occurred in March, 2011, triggered by the Great East Japan Earthquake has been a catastrophe. Vast land was polluted by radioactivity by the nuclear accident, and the land is partly not suitable for people to live in over a long term. Many people who were exposed to higher levels of radiation are at risk of health hazard.Before the catastrophe, information about the “necessity” and “safety” etc. of nuclear power plants by the media had been quite greater than the information about problems of nuclear power plants. That seems to be one of the factors which led to the horrible accident. On the other hand, the fact that information about the important matters relating to nuclear power plants had not been reported enough seems to be another factor. In this paper, I have checked the information about the food pollution after the Chernobyl nuclear accident in 1986 in the former Soviet Union which was the worst nuclear accident until the nuclear accident in Fukushima occurred.There were big troubles over radioactive contamination of foods in Thailand and Philippines etc. after the Soviet nuclear accident. However, those news were hardly ever reported in the media in Kansai area. I have confirmed the facts that had happened in the countries mainly from articles on local papers, and considered if those news were really worthless to report or not. I also have confirmed how much the media reported about the news in all over Japan by using the “Nikkei Telecon” which is the most powerful data base for news articles in Japan.On the other hand, some news which are related to the nuclear accident have not been reported well recently again, five years after the catastrophic accident in Fukushima. Those news are on the radioactive contamination of foods and the health hazard by radiation. I have checked it by using the data base too, and considered it.It seems that editors of the media tend to suppress information about the news fearing to cause social unrest. It may be one of the big reasons those news have not reported well. However, there seem to be problems in such circumstances. One of the big problems is that memories of the accident in Fukushima are fading rapidly. And another one is that the atmosphere to think nuclear power plants seriously has been gradually changing.

本稿は筆記環境の近代化と消費文化の様相を万年筆を通して考えようとするものである。ここではまず，明治の日本において万年筆が販売に際してどのような位置づけであったか，について，丸善における広告宣伝を確認し，特に夏目漱石が書いた「余と万年筆」（1912）をはじめとする万年筆関係の文章を分析した。さらに三越百貨店における万年筆の販売の様相を『三越』『三越タイムス』からうかがい，その特徴について考察した。その結果として，万年筆は筆記の近代化のシンボルとして，明治末から大正の初めにはかなり普及したが，特に三越では舶来品としての万年筆の販売に尽力し，さらに関連する商品も視野にいれ，商品そのものばかりではなく，関連する知識や使用法の啓蒙にも努めていたことが明らかになった。日本における万年筆の歴史，筆記文化の近代を考えるためには，ここで論じた以外にも国産化の過程をはじめとする複眼的な考究が必要であろう。, This paper examines fountain pens to reveal the modernization of writing instruments and the changes of consumption culture. First, this paper analyzes the position of fountain pens in marketing strategies in Japan in the Meiji era (1868-1912) by examining the advertisements of Maruzen, Yo to Mannenhitsu (A Fountain Pen and I) by Sōseki Natsume (published in 1912), and other essays and writings regarding fountain pens. Moreover, this paper traces the marketing of fountain pens at Mitsukoshi Department Store and analyzes their characteristics by examining its booklets named Mitsukoshi and The Mitsukoshi Times. The results of the analysis indicate that fountain pens became very popular as a symbol of modernization in the writing universe from the end of the Meiji era to the beginning of the Taishō era (at the beginning of the 20th century). In particular, Mitsukoshi Department Store actively promoted the sale of imported fountain pens. In addition to sales promotions, it shared related knowledge, including how to use a fountain pen, to create cross-selling opportunities. In order to fully reveal the history of fountain pens and the modernization of writing instruments in Japan, further studies from different angles will be needed, including the research of the process of promoting the domestic production of fountain pens.

明治時代から大正初期にかけて，百貨店は，多くの新たな流行を作り出す，「尖端的」な場であった。百貨店は，高い文化的価値を持つ空間だったのである。そうした価値の生成・維持のために，百貨店が活用したことの1つに，美術があった。日本に美術館が定着するよりも早く，いくつもの美術展覧会が百貨店で開催された。このことは，百貨店の文化的価値を高める要因の1つとなったのである。一方，大正時代中期から昭和初期になると，美術に関するいくつかの新興の団体が，展覧会の会場として百貨店を活用することを通して，団体の知名度と権威を高めていった。本論では，民芸運動という，大正末期に発生した工芸についての新興の文化運動を事例に，この運動のメンバーが百貨店をどのように活用していたのかを検討することで，近代日本における工芸（とくに手工芸）の文化的消費と百貨店との関係を考察する。その際に民芸運動が持つ2つの側面と百貨店との関わりをそれぞれ検討する。2つの側面とは，民芸運動メンバーの芸術家としての活動と民芸運動の啓蒙活動としての側面とである。前者については，明治後半に百貨店に設置された美術部との関わりを，美術部の草創期から重要な役割を担った1人である富本憲吉や，濱田庄司ら運動同人の個人作家らを事例に検討する。また後者については，民芸運動を推進する団体である民芸協会が主催した，1920年代の後半から30年代にかけての展覧会を取り上げて，百貨店との関わり等について検討する。それによって，1つには，新興の文化運動の一事例としての民芸運動が，どのように百貨店を捉え，活用しようとしていったのか，もう1つには，工芸という付加価値商品の百貨店を通しての（広い意味での）文化的消費の有り様がどうであったのかということの一端とを明らかにする。, From the Meiji period to the early Taishō period (from the late 19th to the early 20th century), department stores were extremely fashion-forward, creating new trends one after another. These stores were a place of high cultural values. They utilized art as a means to keep their status. A number of art exhibitions were organized by department stores before museums were established in Japan. This was one of the factors to boost the cultural value of department stores. From the mid-Taishō to the early Shōwa period (from the early to mid-20th century), some emerging art-related organizations used department stores as venues for exhibitions to raise their recognition and reputation. This paper presents case studies of the Folk Crafts Movements that emerged as one of cultural movements at the end of the Taishō period. In particular, this paper examines how the members of these movements used department stores in order to reveal the relationships between department stores and the cultural consumption of crafts (especially handicrafts) in modern Japan. The analysis of the relationships especially focuses on the following two aspects of folk handicraft movements: (i) the activities of artists as members of the movements and (ii) the enlightenment activities of the movements. The former aspect is analyzed through a case study of the connections between the artists and the art sections established at department stores around the 1900s. The case study takes a close look at Kenkichi Tomimoto, an artist who played an important role in the art sections from their beginning, and individual artists who joined the movements, such as Shōji Hamada. Meanwhile, the latter aspect is analyzed through a case study of exhibitions held by Mingei Kyōkai, a folk craft association involved in the movement, and its relationships with department stores in the late 1920s to the 1930s. Through these analyses, this paper reveals the following two points: (i) how the Folk Crafts Movement, as one of emerging cultural movements, saw and used department stores; and (ii) how crafts (value-added products) were consumed through department stores (patterns of “cultural” consumption in a wider sense)., 一部非公開情報あり

本稿は、鎌倉中期における漢籍の京都から鎌倉への移入、御家人らへの伝授と相互書写による本の累積、そして地方への拡散のありかたを将軍家や御家人の人的ネットワークとその所領関係から考察したものである。考察の対象は、金沢文庫本の核をなす北条実時本とこれに関わった清原教隆の伝授本を中心にした。まず、北条実時らに伝授した清原教隆について、九条家の家司の側面が見いだせることを清原良元宛て書状の分析を通して指摘した。教隆の鎌倉下向は九条家との縁が背景にあろう。実時本にみえる豊原奉重にも九条家との関係が推測される。やがて、将軍家の家政に関わる人物は、鎌倉の要人への漢籍等の伝授を媒介に、幕府内での立場も確保していった。こうした伝授が進行した結果、鎌倉では同一本が複数の家に所有される状況が生まれ、御家人を協力者として書写する関係がうまれていく。実時の協力者をみると、後藤基政は京都大番役で上洛、太田康有は公務の上下関係、二階堂氏とは俗縁関係といったことを背景に補写や本の提供を行った。こうして、要人の家では蔵書を文庫で管理し、儒者が継続的に教授し、伝授された者同士がそれぞれの本を相互に校閲する環境が整った。漢籍の鎌倉からの地方伝播は、清原教隆が伝授した『論語集解』を通して検討した。嘉暦鈔本は加賀白山八幡院玉蔵坊での書写本で、奥書にみえる得橋禅門への伝授は鎌倉で行われたと考えられる。得橋氏は加賀国得橋郷の惣地頭とみられ、六波羅料所の管理人的立場にあったと推定される。得橋氏への伝授には六波羅探題北方北条時茂、執権北条長時らとの関係があろう。また、虎関師錬書写本の伝授をみると実相寺・菅生など足利氏・吉良氏の寺院や所領がみられる。漢籍の伝授には一族と所領のネットワークが媒介となっていたと考えられる。書籍の伝授は所領経営のあり方をも反映しているのである。, This paper analyzes how Chinese texts were introduced from Kyoto to Kamakura, duplicated and provided to vassals, and spread to other provinces in the mid-Kamakura period (in the 13th century) from two viewpoints: (1) personal networks between the shogun family and their vassals and (2) feudal relationships. The analysis focuses on the Hojo Sanetoki documents, which constitute the core of the Kanazawa Bunko collection, as well as the Chinese texts introduced by Kiyohara Noritaka, who played an important role in the collection of the documents.First, based on the examination of a letter addressed to Kiyohara Yoshimoto, this paper suggests that Kiyohara Noritaka, who lectured on Chinese texts for Hojo Sanetoki and others, may have served the Kujo family as their keishi (household superintendent). His personal connection with the family may have brought him from Kyoto to Kamakura. The fact that Hojo Sanetoki had copies handwritten by Toyohara Tomoshige also indicates the connection with the Kujo family. Those who served the shogun family gained their positions in the Shogunate Government as well by introducing Chinese and other texts to key persons in Kamakura. As a result, copies of the same texts were held by multiple families in Kamakura. Moreover, they built cooperative relationships with other vassals to duplicate manuscripts. Sanetoki also gained cooperation for restoring and collecting manuscripts from such networks. For example, Goto Motomasa, who went to Kyoto as Kyoto Obanyaku (guard of the palace), helped Sanetoki. Ota Yasuari cooperated with Sanetoki based on their superior-subordinate relationship in the government, while the Nikaido family did that based on their secular connection. Thus, an environment was created where Chinese and other texts were archived by powerful families in their libraries, continuously lectured on by Confucian scholars, and proofread by those who were provided with the same copies.This paper analyzes how Chinese texts spread from Kamakura to other provinces by examining the Karyaku handwritten copy of Lun Yu Ji Jie (also known as Rongo Shikkai) introduced by Kiyohara Noritaka. The manuscript was copied by Gyokuzobo from Hachiman-in in Hakusan, Kaga. According to the colophon, it was provided to Tokuhashi Zenmon, which is presumed to have been executed in Kamakura. The Tokuhashi family seems to have assumed the position of soujitou (head manorial steward) in Tokuhashi-go District, Kaga, as well as served as a caretaker of the area of Rokuhara. The document was provided to the family because of their connections with leading figures, such as Hojo Tokimochi, Rokuhara Tandai Kitakata (Northern Chief of Rokuhara Tandai); and Hojo Nagatoki, Regency. Meanwhile, the handwritten manuscripts copied by Kokan Shiren were provided to the temples and manorial estates of the Ashikaga and Kira families, such as Jissou-ji Temple and Sugao, Mikawa. Thus, Chinese texts spread through the networks of families and their manorial stewards. This process also reflected how manors were managed.

巨大都市江戸において、諸国から定期的に移動してくる各藩の勤番武士は重要な存在である。従来の研究では、勤番武士の行動は、外出、とくに遠出のみが注目され、「江戸ッ子」が創り出した田舎者イメージ「浅黄裏」、および江戸各所の名所をめぐる行動文化の担い手としての自由なイメージで語られてきた。こうした従来の検討に対して、筆者は勤番武士の日記や生活マニュアルについて、①江戸定住者によって作り出された田舎者のイメージから離れる、②勤務日・非外出日も含めた全行動を検討する、③外出については近距離の行動も視野に入れる、という視点から分析をすすめ、他者から見た江戸像や、江戸の体験（他文化）を経た自文化の発見、また彼らの消費行動に支えられた江戸の商人や地域を論じてきた。本稿では、臼杵藩の中級藩士国枝外右馬が初めての江戸勤番中に執筆した「国枝外右馬江戸日記」から行動を検討し、以下の点を明らかにした。第一に、本日記は手紙のように国元に頻繁に送られており、国元への報告という性格を明確に持っていることが特徴である。勤番武士の日記の検討にあたっては、こうした視点が今後不可欠であろう。第二に、行動についての概要を検討し、既に検討を加えた八戸藩・庄内藩の事例と比較した。その結果、他藩士と同様に、基本的には勤務と外出制限によって、居住地から二キロメートル以上離れた場所に出る日は少なく、とくに藩邸から離れた本所・深川などへはあまり訪れていないこと、ただし本事例では外出日が若干多く、また行動範囲もやや広い傾向がある点を明らかにした。第三に、勤務の内容から、外右馬の経験を検討し、自藩の大名社会における位置、ひいては幕府権力の巨大さを認識するに至った可能性を指摘した。これは政治都市・儀礼都市江戸における勤番による特徴的な経験であり、こうした情報が伝えられることによって、格式や自藩の位置が認識されていったのではないかと考えられる。勤番武士については、今後、時期、藩の規模、藩士の階層、藩邸の所在地など、異なる事例を蓄積した上で、さらに全行動を対象として比較・検討する必要があろう。, Samurai warriors dispatched for duties in Edo, a giant capital city, from their home domains on a regular basis played an important role. Most prior studies on the activities of samurai warriors on duty in Edo focused on their outings, especially trips, and described them as country bumpkins who had been scornfully called “Asagi-ura” by the permanent residents of Edo or as free people who had enjoyed sightseeing in the capital city. In contrast, the author has analyzed the diaries and life manuals of samurai warriors with the following three approaches: (1) being free from their image as country bumpkins created by the permanent residents of Edo; (2) analyzing all of their activities including those on working days and non-outing days; and (3) covering both short and long outings. Thus, the author has discussed the image of Edo as seen by outsiders, the discovery of their own culture through experience in the city (a different culture), and the merchants and communities supported by their consuming activities.This paper analyzes Kunieda Tōma Edo Nikki, a diary written by Kunieda Tōma, a middle-class retainer of Usuki clan, during his first duties in Edo, to reveal the following three points.First, the diary has clear characteristics as a report to his family in the home domain since it was frequently sent like letters. The future studies of samurai warriors on duty in Edo will need to take this point of view.Secondly, this paper examines the outline of the activities recorded in the diary and compares them with those of Hachinohe and Shonai clans' samurai warriors that were previously analyzed. As a result, this paper reveals the following three points: (1) like other clansmen, Tōma rarely travelled more than 2km from the residence of his clan due to his duties and restrictions on outings; (2) in particular, he seldom visited places far from his clan's residence, such as Honjo and Fukagawa; (3) he had a little more outing days and a wider sphere of activities than others.Thirdly, the analysis of his duties to examine his experience indicates the possibility that he gained recognition of the position of his clan in the daimyō (feudal) society and the magnificence of the power of the Tokugawa Shogunate. This was a typical result of the experience from duties in Edo, a political capital full of rituals. It seems that the transmission of the information acquired in the city helped to spread formalities.Going forward, it will be necessary to accumulate case studies of different conditions (e.g., different ages in history, sizes of clans, classes of retainers, and locations of clan residences) in order to compare and analyze all the activities of samurai warriors on duty in Edo., 一部非公開情報あり

放射性炭素年代測定を用いた住まいの建築年代調査において，庶民住居である民家と上層住宅の¹⁴C年代調査法の比較研究を行った。民家3棟と住宅4棟の事例報告を行い，年代調査の目的と，¹⁴C年代調査に適した部材選択の条件について検討した。¹⁴C年代調査は，民家では建築年代に30年程度の幅を持っていても民家研究に有効である。一方住宅では，由緒につながる建築年の是非を明らかにすることが要求される。このように，民家と住宅では目的や意義が違うため，要求される年代の性質が異なることが分かった。そして目的に沿った部材選択をすることで，民家に対しても，住宅に対しても効果的な結果の得られることが判明した。民家の辺材や皮付きの用材や，芯持ちで年輪幅の大きい用材は¹⁴C年代調査に適しており，古材や前身建物の再利用材を見分けて部材選択を行うことが重要である。住宅の年輪幅の狭い四方柾の用材は¹⁴C年代調査に不適であり，小屋材など辺材や皮付きの用材を選択するのが良い。また数寄屋で用いられる面皮や白太の部材は¹⁴C年代調査に適している。このように，民家と住宅で，調査目的に対応した部材選択や年代考察の方法を明らかにした。, As part of a research project into the use of radiocarbon analysis for determining the date of construction of houses, we made a comparative study of the methods appropriate for the dating of commoner houses (minka) and upper-class residential structures in Japan. Through examination of 3 commoner houses and 4 upper class structures, this paper considers the purpose of the dating research and establishes criteria for selection of samples to obtain a meaningful result using radiocarbon dating.Carbon-14 dating is effective in establishing the construction dates of commoner houses to within a range of about 30 years, which is generally considered sufficient (though a more precise date may sometimes be useful). On the other hand, in the case of upper-class houses, greater precision is often desirable in order to establish the details of their histories. Thus, because studies of commoner houses and upper class houses have different purposes and significance, different levels of precision in dating analysis may be required. We were also able to establish that radiocarbon dating can provide useful insights in the case of both commoner and upper class houses, if the members to be sampled are appropriately selected. In the case of commoner houses, posts and other members are generally made from relatively small logs, and therefore contain sapwood, un-barked timber and heartwood with wide annual rings, from which it is easy to select material for analysis which will indicate date of felling. Care should be taken to distinguish re-used members from earlier structures, however, as these will distort results. In the case of upper-class houses, members cut from material away from the periphery of large close-grained logs (often specially selected to expose edge-grain on all faces), should be avoided for dating, as the relation to the final growth rings is often unclear, so date of felling cannot be accurately established. Un-barked timber and sapwood from the roof frame should be selected instead. In the case of sukiya style structures, members with bark and sapwood may be available and should be selected. This paper thus reveals approaches to dating and sample selection criteria applicable both for commoner and upper-class residential structures.

神戸・横浜等の南京街を拠点とする，日本に在住する華僑・華人の歴史は，近代の開国とともに始まり，彼らのための公共墓地が設立される。神戸・横浜の中華義荘（横浜は入口に建てられる「地蔵王廟」が，霊園全体の通称となっている）がそれで，その後，神戸から分化して，京都華僑のための京都華僑霊園が黄檗宗萬福寺に開かれる。一方，近世の鎖国政策のもとでも中国との交易が続いていた長崎には，崇福寺をはじめとする唐寺や稲佐悟真寺等に，唐人墓地が併設される。これら華僑華人の墓地と，一般的な日本（人）の墓地とが大きく異なるのは，華僑墓地には「后土」「土神」として，土地神の石碑が立てられることである。神戸・横浜以上の長期，鎖国時代を含む3世紀を超える中国との交流を有する長崎では，日本人墓地でも，土神が立てられることが現在なお一般的であることなど，中国の習俗が日本に影響を与えている。これら日本の華僑華人の墓地において注目されるのは，「后土」「土神」等の土地神の石碑の立てられる位置や，墓地における祭祀の方法が，長崎，神戸・京都，横浜で異なることである。日本華僑は，福建・広東・台湾等の出身者を主とするが，本論文では，日本国内の華僑霊園の后土神の祭祀の相違が，故郷（僑郷，原籍地）の習俗を反映したものか，あるいは，日本への定住後に，それぞれが辿った歴史の中で差異を生じるようになったのかを検討，考察した。また，原籍地の習俗との相違や，故郷の習俗を現体験として保持している現代の華僑1世の記憶や意識についても検討した。日本における華僑華人の先祖祭祀として4月の清明節は，本国と同様に年中行事の中でもっとも重要であるが，そのほか神戸等で盂蘭盆行事，中元節として行われる普度勝会にも言及しつつ，日本における華僑華人の公共墓地のなかで，后土が，彼らの日本移住後に経験した大震災等の自然災害等の辛苦の歴史を共有するための役割を果たす，日本で暮らす華僑・華人にとっての共同意識の紐帯となるような，公共的な意味を帯びるようになって現在に続いていることを明らかにした。, The history of Chinese living in Japan, based in Chinatowns in Kobe, Yokohama, and other cities, began with the opening of modern Japan. They built their own public cemeteries, such as Chuka Giso in Kobe and Yokohama (the latter is generally called “Jizō-ō-byō” because of the temple built near its entrance). Later, Kyoto Kakyo Reien, a cemetery for Chinese living in Kyoto, was built at Oubaku-sect Manpuku-ji Temple, separated from Chuka Giso in Kobe. Meanwhile, in Nagasaki, which continued trades with China even during the seclusion period in the early modern times, Chinese tombs are located in Japanese cemeteries at Chinese temples(e.g., Sofuku-ji Temple), Inasa-Goshin-ji Temple, and other temples. One of the major differences between these Chinese cemeteries and general Japanese cemeteries is that the former has a stone monument of the gods of earth called “HouTu (Shen)” or “Tu Shen”. In Nagasaki, which has a longer history of exchanges with China (i.e., over three centuries) than Kobe and Yokohama do, Chinese culture has had a large impact on Japanese cemeteries; for example, it is now very common to build a monument of the gods of earth in Japanese cemeteries in the city. Another fact worth noting about the cemeteries of Chinese-Japanese, who are mainly from Fujian, Guangdong, and Taiwan, is that the location of such a stone monument, as well as burial rituals, varies between Nagasaki, Kobe/Kyoto, and Yokohama. This paper examines whether these differences were caused by the difference of their homelands or arose after they settled in Japan due to the difference of their experiences. Moreover, this paper analyzes the differences between the customs of Chinese-Japanese and those of their homelands as well as the memories and attitudes of current first-generation immigrants who have actually experienced the customs of their hometowns. In particular, this paper examines the Qing Ming Festival held in April to honor ancestors (the most important festival in the year for Chinese not only in Japan but also in the Mainland and Taiwan) as well as Fudo-shoe held as a Chinese Bon Festival in Kobe and some other cities. Thus, this paper reveals that in Chinese cemeteries in Japan, the deity of earth is still honored today while acquiring a public meaning as it is playing a certain role in building a sense of community among the Chinese living in Japan and sharing the experience of ordeals, such as great earthquakes and other natural disasters, after their settlement in Japan.

1970年代から80年代にかけて盛んに論じられた都市民俗学はどのように形成され，どういった可能性と限界とを持っていたのだろうか。本稿はそうした問題について，都市民俗学の模索段階，形成期について検討し，その様相について論述を試みる。さらに都市民俗学を表面的には標榜しなくても，都市をとらえた民俗研究を検討し，その可能性を指摘する。ここでは特に世間話や個人に関する着目が重要であったことを確認する。全体として，都市民俗学は現代社会や民俗変化を対象化するムラを超える民俗学へと民俗研究が発展的に解体する過程と位置づけることができ，そこでの問いや模索された対象や概念化の取り組みは，現代における民俗的諸事象との対峙を志向する研究へと分節化されたということができるのである。, Urban folklore studies attracted much attention in the 1970s and 1980s. How were the studies established? What possibilities and limitations did they have? In order to answer these questions, this paper analyzes the design and formulation stages of urban folklore studies to track their transitions. The analysis also covers the studies which did not clearly claim to be part of urban folklore studies but which actually examined urban folklore phenomena to verify such a possibility. This paper especially emphasizes that the verification should be based on whether the studies focused on small talks and individuals or not. On the whole, urban folklore studies are considered to have been a transitional form of folklore studies in the process of evolving from simple “village studies” to studies of modern society and folklore changes. The questions, subjects, and concepts dealt with by folklorists in the process indicated that folklore studies were developing as an independent discipline to explore folklore phenomena in modern times.

本論は，近代日本において生地からの移動によって見いだされた故郷の物語が，現代においてどのように変貌し，実体と言説の境界面においてどのようなゆらぎを抱えているかを検討する。故郷を巡る物語は，様々なメディアのなかに表出され，出郷や離郷，場合によっては故郷喪失の経験をもつ多数の都市生活者の内面に刻み込まれてきた。そのような物語はいくつかの定型を構成しつつ，地方にとどまった者や地域間を往還する者たちにも受容され，変奏されて紡ぎだされていった。これまで故郷観や故郷の物語についての研究の多くは，都市に住む出郷者たちの社会組織や心性の問題として論じられてきた。しかし，本論では表象される側であった故郷において内在的に，あるいは相互交渉的に語られる故郷の物語に注目する。同時に現代において故郷からの移動の経験を身体化し，故郷と新たな生活の場としての「第二の故郷」との距離をはかりつつ生活する人びとによってどのように再構成されているのかに焦点をあてる。以上の目的を検証するために石川県輪島市門前町七浦地区にあった七浦小学校の同窓会の会誌を取りあげる。この同窓会は明治の終わりに成立して以来，本部を七浦地区におき，地元の卒業生と出郷者との交流を目的とした会誌を発行してきた。ここでは質量ともに会誌がもっとも充実していた1980年代中頃から90年代にかけての誌面に登場する記事の検証を行う。近代初期に移動によって生み出された故郷の物語が，世代を超えて続く地域間の往還の経験や，世帯や家格に関係なく生じる離郷経験のなかで，物語そのものの解体，ないしは内破にむかう可能性について考えていく。現実の故郷はひたすら過疎化し，高齢化していくなかで，故郷の物語がどのように語られていくのか，その徴候をこの時期の会誌から読み解いていきたいと考える。, This paper analyzes how the hometown memories of emigrants who left their homes in modern Japan have changed in the present times and what differences exist between the memories and reality. Hometown memories have been expressed by various media and imprinted in the minds of many urban residents who left or lost their homes. While evolving into different forms, these memories have also been accepted and adapted by people who continued to live in their hometowns and who migrated between regions.Most prior studies on people's perceptions and memories of their hometowns focused on the social organizations and views of urban residents who emigrated from their homes; this paper is centered on how the people who continue to live in their hometowns create hometown memories by themselves or in interaction with emigrants. At the same time, this paper embodies the experience of emigration in the present times to analyze how people who are living in new places while keeping the balance between their original and second homes remember their hometowns.This paper examines some bulletins published by the alumni association of Shitsura Elementary School in Shitsura District, Monzen-machi, Wajima City, Ishikawa Prefecture, to analyze the above-mentioned points. Since its establishment at the end of the Meiji Period, the alumni association has placed its headquarters in Shitsura District and issued bulletins to facilitate communication between local alumni and those who emigrated from the district. This paper examines the articles of the alumni bulletins at their peak in quality and quantity, from the mid-1980s to the 1990s. The results are used to analyze the possibility that hometown memories created by migrants in the early modern times will be broken or imploded by the experience of migration between regions over generations or the experience of emigration that occurs regardless of the family rank or household they were born into. This paper analyzes the bulletins published when the population of the district was declining and aging to reveal how hometown memories changed in parallel with the process.

近年，学校教育のなかで民俗芸能が積極的に行われている。学校教育で教えられている民俗芸能を見てみると，その在りようは，年々多様化している。特に，2006（平成18）年の教育基本法改訂に伴い，『新学習指導要領』のなかで「伝統の継承」に関する文言が明記され，正規の教育課程でも「伝統と文化」に関わる教科・科目の導入が顕著となってきている。本稿で取り上げる沖縄県八重山諸島石垣島に所在する3つの高等学校で導入された八重山芸能も，『高等学校学習指導要領』改訂に伴う教育課程の再編成によって実施されている。また，学校教育で民俗芸能の教育が導入される状況は，地域によってもさまざまである。たとえば，地域社会を主体として民俗芸能の継承を行うには，困難な状況となり，学校教育が民俗芸能の継承の一翼を担っている場合がある。本稿が対象とする八重山諸島は，地域社会だけでなく，八重山諸島の3つの高等学校のそれぞれの学校が主体となり，地域社会と相互に関わり合いながら民俗芸能の教育が行われている。そして，民俗芸能が地域と切り離されて教授されてきた訳ではなく，むしろ地域社会と密接な関わりを保ちながら行われていた。このようなことから，本稿では，八重山諸島の歴史的，社会的，文化的背景を踏まえて，現代八重山における八重山芸能の継承の現状と展開を，現在，3つの高等学校で行われている八重山芸能の教育の事例から明らかにする。その際，近世琉球期に八重山諸島と沖縄本島を行き来した人々がもたらした影響を通して，今日の八重山芸能がどのような人的交流を経て確立され，学校教育に取り入れられてきたのかについてみていく。具体的には，まず，廃藩置県以降，琉球王府に仕えた元役人の琉球古典芸能家が八重山諸島の人々へもたらした影響と，琉球古典芸能の八重山諸島への流入が八重山芸能の確立に与えた影響とその展開について検討する。次に，戦後の沖縄と八重山で芸能の普及に大きな役割を果たした「研究所」に着目しながら，芸能を継承する場の変化について指摘する。それらを踏まえて，現在，八重山の3高校の生徒および教員が八重山内外を移動することによって受ける沖縄本島や日本本土からの影響について検討し，八重山芸能が創造される過程について明らかにする。八重山の高等学校の事例を通して，今日の八重山芸能の継承と創造の過程について考察する。, Recently, many schools have been actively teaching folk performing arts. An analysis of folk performing arts transmitted through school education has revealed that such approaches are becoming more diverse year by year. In particular, the introduction of subjects related to tradition and culture in the regular curriculum has become even more common since the New Teaching Guidelines included the provision of “transmission of tradition” after the Fundamental Law of Education was revised in 2006. The three high schools located in Ishigaki Island in the Yaeyama Islands, Okinawa Prefecture, and examined as case studies in this paper also restructured their curriculums to introduce education on Yaeyama Performing Arts after the High School Teaching Guidelines were revised.The adoption of folk performing arts in school education varies depending on the region. For example, some communities are no longer able to take a responsible role in passing down folk performing arts and therefore schools partially act as their substitutes. In the case of the Yaeyama Islands analyzed in this study, three local high schools are teaching folk performing arts while being involved with their respective communities. In this process, however, none of the folk performing arts has been separated from the communities; rather, their connections with the communities have been strengthened.In this context, this paper aims to reveal the current situation and outlook of how to preserve and transmit Yaeyama Performing Arts through the case studies of ongoing education about them at three high schools in the Yaeyama Islands as well as the analysis of historical, social, and cultural backgrounds of the islands. At the same time, this paper examines the impacts of the exchanges of people between the Yaeyama Islands and Okinawa Main island in the early-modern Ryukyu era to uncover what kind of people were involved to form today's Yaeyama Performing Arts and how they have been adopted in school education. More specifically, at first, this paper investigates the impacts that traditional Ryukyu art performers who had previously served the royal court of Ryukyu brought to the Yaeyama Islands after the kingdom was transformed into Okinawa Prefecture, as well as the impacts of their arts introduced to the Yaeyama Islands on the establishment and development of Yaeyama Performing Arts. Next, by analyzing the “Institute” that played an important role in spreading performing arts in Okinawa and Yaeyama after World War II, this paper describes changes in those responsible for preserving and transmitting performing arts. Based on these results, this paper analyzes the current impacts of Okinawa and Japan's main islands caused by the movements of students and teachers of the Yaeyama three high schools in and out of the Yaeyama Islands to reveal the process of creating Yaeyama Performing Arts. Thus, the process of creating and transmitting today's Yaeyama Performing Arts is illustrated through the case studies of the three high schools in the Yaeyama Islands., 一部非公開情報あり

本稿は，縄紋後期の生業活動において，海洋資源がどの程度利用されていたのかを見積るため，炭素の安定同位体比（δ¹³C値）と炭素14年代をもとに，時期別・地域別の検討をおこなったものである。旧稿［小林2014］において，陸稲や水田稲作が出現する弥生移行期である縄紋晩期～弥生前期の土器付着物を検討した方法を継承して分析した。そのことによって，旧稿での縄紋晩期と弥生前期との違いの比較検討という目的にも資することができると考える。土器内面の焦げや外面の吹きこぼれなど，煮炊きに用いられた痕跡と考えられる土器付着物については，δ¹³C値が-24‰より大きなものに炭素14年代が古くなる試料が多く，海洋リザーバー効果の影響とみなされてきた。一方，-20‰より大きな土器付着物については，雑穀類を含むC₄植物の煮炊きの可能性が指摘されてきた。しかし，これらの結果について，考古学的な評価が十分になされてきたとはいえない。国立歴史民俗博物館年代研究グループが集成した，AMSによる縄紋時代後期（一部に中期末葉を含む）の炭素14年代の測定値を得ている256試料（汚染試料及び型式に問題ある試料を除く）を検討した。その結果，土器付着物のδ¹³C値が-24～-20‰の試料には炭素14年代で100 ¹⁴C yr以上古い試料が多く見られることが確認され，海産物に由来する焦げである可能性が，旧稿での縄紋晩期～弥生前期の土器付着物の場合と同様に指摘できた。北海道の縄紋時代後期には海産物に由来する土器付着物が多く，その調理が多く行われていた可能性が高いことがわかった。東日本では縄紋時代後期には一定の割合で海産物の影響が認められるが，西日本では近畿・中四国地方の一部の遺跡を除いてほとんど認められない。これらは川を遡上するサケ・マスの調理の結果である可能性がある。また，C₄植物の痕跡は各地域を通じて認められなかった。以上の分析の成果として，土器付着物のδ¹³C値は，縄紋時代後期の生業形態の一端を明らかにし得る指標となることが確認できた。, This paper presents a comparison of pottery deposits from different locations and times. In addition to their ¹⁴C dates, their stable carbon isotope ratios (δ¹³C values) are analyzed to estimate the amount of marine resources consumed in people's livelihood in the Late Jomon period. In this study, the same analytical method is used as in the foregoing paper (Kobayashi 2014) which analyzed pottery deposits from the Final Jomon to the Early Yayoi period, a transitional period when dry- and wet-rice cultivation began in the Japanese Archipelago. Therefore, this paper can also contribute to the purpose of the preceding paper to compare differences between the Final Jomon and Early Yayoi periods.Pottery deposits, such as burnt residue on the inside and outside of vessels, are considered as evidence that the pottery was used for cooking. Among them, the radiocarbon dates of the samples with a δ¹³C value of greater than -24‰ appear significantly older than they should have been. This has been considered due to the marine reservoir effect. Meanwhile, the pottery deposits with a δ¹³C value of greater than -20‰ has been assumed to be used to cook C₄ plants including cereals and grains. However, these results have not been fully analyzed from an archaeological point of view.This paper analyzes the 256 samples (except for contaminated or improperly-labelled samples) which the dating research group of the National Museum of Japanese History collected and dated to the Late Jomon period (some to the end of the Mid-Jomon period) by AMS radiocarbon dating. The results indicate that many of the pottery deposits with a δ¹³C value from -24‰ to -20‰ are estimated at more than 100 ¹⁴C years older. These deposits seem to be derived from seafood. These results match the ones reported in the preceding paper on pottery deposits from the Final Jomon to the Early Yayoi period.Many potsherds of the Late Jomon period excavated in Hokkaido have deposits derived from marine products, which indicates a high possibility that seafood was often cooked in the region. Some of the pottery of the Late Jomon period unearthed in Eastern Japan shows signs of being used to cook seafood, while no such sign has been found in Western Japan except for some exceptions in Kinki, Chūgoku, and Shikoku regions. This is assumed because they cooked salmon and trout taken from rivers. None of the analyzed samples contain C₄ plant remains.The results of this study confirm that the δ¹³C values of pottery deposits can serve as an indicator that may reveal people's livelihood in the Late Jomon period.

本稿は1950年代半ばから70年代半ばの高度経済成長を大きな画期として生じてきている民俗伝承の大きな変化に注目しながら，それをふまえてさらに2010年代前半の現在，葬送の民俗がどのように変化を進めているのか現地の具体的な情報に密着しながらその追跡を試みたものである。近世の寺檀制度のもとで浄土真宗門徒の講中という強固な地縁的な組織が卓越してきていた地域の典型的な葬送習俗の事例として広島県山県郡旧千代田町域の事例に注目してみた。そして，平成20年（2008）の北広島町営の新しい火葬場「慈光苑」の建設とJA経営の葬祭ホール「虹のホール」の開業とが決定的に大きな画期を与えたことが確認できた。その変化とは従来の講中の世話になる葬儀からJA「虹のホール」を利用する葬儀へ，伝統的であった相互扶助の関係における無償の地縁的な世話協力という関係から新たな有償の金銭によるいわば無縁的な葬儀業者からのサービス提供の購入へ，という大きな変化である。近世以来同じく講中組織の強固であった村落であっても一定程度に近隣地域にまでその調査範囲を広げて比較観察してみると，その範囲内の事例ごとに講中の組織の緩みや葬儀の簡略化の実際には，地域的なそして時間的な差異がある。古い歴史と由緒を感覚的に共有しあっている村落では伝承を守ろうとする引力が強いのに対して，新たな移住戸が多いなど歴史的な蓄積の意識の浅い村落ではそれが弱いという傾向性が見出される。本稿２は別稿１とともに今回の共同研究の成果として提出するものであるが，日本歴史の中で葬送の作業を担う中心的な存在として位置づけられてきた人間は時代ごとに変化しており，古代中世の社会では血縁的関係者が主で，近世以降の社会では講中など地縁的な関係者が主で近現代の日本社会でもそれは継承されていた。しかし，1950年代半ばから70年代半ばの高度経済成長を経ることによって，「死と葬儀の商品化」という現象が起こり，死は医療関係者の対象へ，葬儀は葬儀業者の有料サービスの対象へとなってきた。2000年代初頭の現在はJAなどの葬祭業進出によっていっせいに日本各地でホール葬と呼ばれる葬儀場での葬儀が一般化してきている。長い日本歴史の流れの中で葬儀分担者の「血縁・地縁・無縁」という三波展開が指摘できるのである。ただし，生の密着関係が同時に死の密着関係でありいずれの時代にあっても葬儀の基本的な担い手が血縁者であるという意識は通底し通貫しており，近年の「家族葬」はその現代的な表出と位置づけることができる。, This article aims to reveal changes in funeral customs in the early 2000s by referring to specific information from field studies and comparing it with the drastic changes in folk traditions triggered by the high economic growth in the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s. To this end, this paper uses cases in former Chiyoda Town (present Kita Hiroshima Town), Yamagata District, Hiroshima Prefecture, as a typical example of funeral customs in a community where a religious association of Jodo Shinshu followers, a group based on strong local relationships within the temple patron system, has played an important role since the early modern times. This case study indicates that the establishment of Jikouen, a new public crematory managed by the Kita Hiroshima Town Office, and the opening of Hall of Rainbow, a funeral hall managed by Japan Agricultural Cooperative (JA), in 2008 caused dramatic changes. For example, funeral rites that used to be organized by conventional religious associations have become provided by JA-associated undertakers at Hall of Rainbow. This is an enormous change from a gratuitous service supported by locality groups based on traditional relationships of mutual cooperation to a chargeable service provided by third parties such as funeral directors on business relationships. A comparative study of other villages where religious associations have played a substantial role since the early modern times reveals spatial and temporal gaps in the weakening of religious associations and the simplification of funeral services, which is even clearer when the scope of the study is extended to neighboring communities. In brief, while the villages where old traditions and histories are shared and cherished have a strong inclination to preserve traditional customs and practices, the villages with many newcomers and without long histories have a little inclination to do so.This Paper II, as well as Paper I, is issued as part of the collaborative research, indicating that people responsible for organizing funerals have changed over time in the Japanese history from blood relations in the ancient and medieval times to locality groups such as religious associations in the early modern times. Although these practices continued until recent times in the Japanese society, both death and funeral rites were commercialized due to the high economic growth from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s; the former became dealt with by medical professionals, while the latter by funeral directors, both as a chargeable service. Moreover, in the early 2000s, with the rise of the funeral industry, such as JA-associated undertakers, it became common all over Japan to hold a funeral service at a funeral hall. These trends show a three-stage transition of people responsible for funerals in the long Japanese history; from blood relations to locality groups and to third parties. On the other hand, there is also an underlying, timeless point of view that in principle, blood relations should be considered as key people in funeral services because close relationships in this world form close relationships in the world to come, as evidenced by the recent increase in family funeral services.

祖霊観念は日本人の間に抱懐されているものであり，民俗学の重要な課題とされてきた。柳田国男は『先祖の話』の中で「三種の精霊」として祖霊，新仏，無縁という異なる精霊の存在を提示し，盆行事に関する研究や正月の前後に行われる魂祭を研究する一つの指標とされてきた。本稿ではまず「祖霊」の用例を検討してみたが，柳田は「祖霊」の語彙を積極的には用いておらず，三種の精霊についても柳田は「みたま」を基本語彙として説明している。この「祖霊」を以て様々な民俗事例や歴史上の文献史料を解釈していくことは危険であり，その認識に立った上で平安，鎌倉時代における暮れの魂祭に関する文献史料，『枕草子』や『徒然草』等を確認した。また，これらの文献に見られる御魂祭と東日本に広く伝承されている「みたまの飯」については多くの研究者が関連づけて記述してきたが，本稿での検討の結果，正月が「祖霊」を祀る日であったわけではなく，少なくとも，そう遠くない直近の死者の魂が帰ってきて，食物を供えて饗応する日だったと考える方が適当であることを指摘した。そして平安，鎌倉時代に行われていた魂祭と現在の東日本の「みたまの飯」が時代的に連続しているという説にも再検討が必要である事を指摘した。そして，現在の正月とその前後に行われる死者霊の供養や祭祀について，東日本の「みたまの飯」，中国地方の「仏の正月」，四国地方の「巳正月」など，正月から死者供養などの儀礼を避けてきた結果，日本列島の中で正月前後の魂祭や死者供養の民俗に地域差が生じている事を明確にした。このように本稿は列島の民俗事例を俯瞰することで明らかになる地域差を提示した上で，歴史史料も積極的に援用し，比較検討を進めるという試論であり，列島の民俗分布をもとにどのような歴史的展開や社会的要因が背景としてあったのかを考察するという新たな比較研究法の提示を試みるものである。, The concept of ancestor spirits cherished by the Japanese has been considered as an important issue in folklore studies. In his book “Senzo no Hanashi” (Story of Ancestors), Kunio Yanagida suggested the existence of three spirits: the spirit of an ancestor, the spirit of the newly deceased, and the spirit of the deceased who left no relatives behind. His theory has served as a basis for subsequent studies on the Bon Festival and the Mitama Festival (ancestral worship rituals in August and around January, respectively). First, this article examines the terminology of the word “ancestor spirit.” The word was hardly used by Yanagida, who collectively called the three spirits “mitama” (the spirit of the deceased). In fact, it is often inappropriate to interpret folklore phenomena or historical documents with the concept of ancestor spirits. While keeping this in mind, this paper studies historical documents regarding the Mitama Festival at the end of each year in the Heian to Kamakura Period (794-1333), such as “Makura no Soushi” (The Pillow Book) and “Tsurezuregusa” (Essays in Idleness). The Mitama Festival described in these materials is related by many researchers with the New Year's offerings to mitama (ancestor spirits) in eastern Japan; however, after careful examination, this article points out that the New Year's Day was a day to make offerings to the spirits of the newly dead coming back to this world, rather than to honor the spirits of ancestors. Moreover, this article casts doubt on the view that the Mitama Festival in the Heian to Kamakura Period was transmitted without any interval to the present custom of the New Year's offerings to mitama in eastern Japan. Moreover, this paper indicates that differences between regions across Japan in ceremonies and rituals to remember the deceased around January, such as the New Year's offerings to mitama in eastern Japan, hotoke no shogatsu (a ritual after the third day of the New Year to remember the dead) in the Chugoku Region and mi-shogatsu (a ritual on the day of the Snake in early December to remember the dead) in the Shikoku Region, were caused by the reluctance of people to remember the deceased on the New Year's Day. Thus, indicating regional differences by taking a global view of folklore phenomena all over Japan, as well as actively referring to historical documents, this paper presents a preliminary analysis based on comparison. More specifically, this paper suggests a new comparative study method to clarify the background factors, such as historical movements and social effects, based on the analysis of folklore distribution in the country.

本稿は日本各地の葬送習俗の中に見出される地域差が発信している情報とは何かという問題に取り組んでみたものである。それは長い伝承の過程で起こった変遷の跡を示す歴史情報であると同時にその中にも息長く伝承され継承されている部分が存在するということを示している情報である。柳田國男が創生し提唱した日本民俗学の比較研究法とはその変遷と継承の二つを読み取ろうとしたものであったが,戦後のとくに1980年代以降の民俗学関係者の間ではそれが理解されずむしろ全否定されて個別事例研究が主張される動きがあった。それは柳田が創生した日本民俗学の独創性を否定するものであり,そこからは文化人類学や社会学との差異など学術的な自らの位置を明示できないという懸念すべき状況が生じてきている。日本民俗学の独創性を継承発展させるためには柳田の説いた視点と方法への正確な理解と新たな方法論的な研磨と開拓そして研究実践とが必要不可欠であり,民俗学は名実ともに folklore フォークロアではなく traditionology トラデシショノロジイ(伝承分析学)と名乗るべきである。日本各地の葬送習俗の伝承の中に見出される地域差,たとえば葬送の作業の中心的な担当者が血縁的関係者か地縁的関係者かという点での事例ごとの差異が発信している情報とは何か,それは,古代中世は基本的に血縁的関係者が中心であったが,近世の村落社会の中で形成された相互扶助の社会関係の中で,地縁的関係者が関与協力する方式が形成されてきたという歴史,その変遷の段階差を示す情報と読み取ることができる。本稿1は別稿2とともに今回の共同研究の成果として提出するものであり,1950年代半ばから70年代半ばの高度経済成長期以降の葬儀の変化の中心が葬儀業者の分担部分の増大化にあるとみて現代近未来の葬儀が無縁中心へと動いている変化を確認した。つまり,葬儀担当者の「血縁・地縁・無縁」という歴史的な三波展開論である。そしてそのような長い葬儀の変遷史の中でも変わることなく通貫しているのはいずれの時代にあっても基本的に生の密着関係が同時に死の密着関係へと作用して血縁関係者が葬儀の基本的な担い手とみなされるという事実である。近年の「家族葬」の増加という動向もそれを表わす一つの歴史上の現象としてとらえることができる。, This article discusses the issue of what information is found in differences in funeral customs between regions in Japan. That is historical information to trace shifts during transmission from generation to generation as well as to prove some consistency and continuity over time in spite of the transition. In order to grasp this change and continuity, Kunio Yanagida proposed and advocated a comparative study approach in Japanese folklore; however, most folklorists in the post-World War II period, especially after the 1980s, completely neglected this approach and explored individual cases without understanding his intention. This trend denied the originality of the Japanese folklore originated by Yanagida, which led to a problematic situation where it could neither distinguish itself from cultural anthropology or sociology nor establish itself as an independent academic discipline. In order to preserve and develop originality of Japanese folklore, it is crucial to accurately understand Yanagida's perspectives and methodologies, newly develop and refine them, and apply them to practical studies. In other words, this academic discipline should be established as traditionology in name and reality rather than as folklore. For example, differences in traditional funeral customs between regions in Japan include information of who is chiefly responsible for organizing funerals, either blood relations or locality group members. This information shows the history of the shift from a system based on blood relations in the ancient and medieval world to a system based on locality groups established through social relationships of mutual cooperation and surveillance in the early modern village world, as well as differences between the stages of the change. This Paper I, as well as Paper II, is issued as part of the collaborative research, revealing that one of the major changes in funeral customs after the high economic growth period, from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s, was the increasing involvement of funeral directors. This is considered as an early sign that funeral services is changing to involve third parties in the present and near future. In brief, these trends show a historical three-stage transition in people responsible for organizing funerals: from blood relations to locality groups and to third parties. However, in spite of these changes over time, there is certain continuity in funeral rites: that is a timeless fact that, in principle, blood relations are considered as key people in funeral services because close relationships in this world form close relationships in the world to come. This is also evidenced by another historical phenomenon: the recent increase in family funeral services.

葬送儀礼では，故人をはじめ，遺族，地域住民，宗教者などが関わり，近年には医療関係者，葬儀業者，火葬場職員といった専門業者の関わりも増えている。本論文は，「高度経済成長とその前後における葬送墓制の習俗の変化に関する研究」という共同研究のテーマに対して，第三者の関わり方の諸相に焦点を当てることで，変化の質をとらえようとするものである。その際，新参者が習俗の知識を獲得し，伝統の担い手となるプロセスに「参入」する局面と，反対に第三者の関与が習俗のあり方に影響を及ぼし変化へと舵を切らせる要因となる「介入」の局面に注目することで，第三者の関与の度合いを測る指標とする。ここで言う第三者とは，そうした従来の葬送習俗の担い手であった人々から見て外部者を指すが，そうした外部者は葬送儀礼の一部の機能を代替的に担うものとして関与する場合が多く，そうした関わりが葬送習俗に変容をもたらす場合もある際には，それを「介入」ととらえることで，持続と変化の様態の輪郭を描くことが本論文の基本的な問題設定となる。まず「参入」に関するエピソードを取り上げた上で，歴博の『死・葬送・墓制資料集成』に基づいて，1960年代（広く昭和30～40年代前後も含まれる）から1990年代（あるいは平成初年代）にかけての変化と介入の諸相をとらえる。その上で，2000年代以降のさらなる変化をとらえるために，長崎県雲仙市における筆者の調査成果に基づいて，会館葬化の動きのなかの「輿型霊柩車」という新たな葬列の形を紹介する。そこには，葬儀業者の「介入」の局面が見られるばかりではなく，条件に応じて試みられる「参入」の局面もとらえられる事態について考察を行っている。, Funeral rites involve a variety of people including not only the deceased and the bereaved but also local residents and religious professionals. Recently, more and more specialists, such as medical professionals, funeral directors, and cremators, are also engaged in funeral services. In this context, this paper aims to reveal the characteristics of changes. To this end, the changes in the approach of third parties to funeral services are examined in relation to the subject of the collaborative research on “The Changes of Custom of the Funeral and Grave Systems before, during and after the Rapid Economic Growth Period.” More specifically, in order to assess the degree of involvement of third parties, attention is focused on two aspects: the “participation” of newcomers in the process as a bearer of tradition by acquiring knowledge of the manners and customs; and the “intervention” of third parties that produces impacts and causes changes to the manners and customs.The word “third party” in this article means an outsider to those who were responsible for funeral customs for years. These outsiders often join the process of funeral rites by acting as a substitute for some functions. Considering their involvement that causes changes in funeral customs as “intervention,” this paper discusses its basic theme: trends in the preservation and change of funeral customs.First, this paper presents an example of “participation” and examines the trends in changes and interventions from the 1960s (or the late 1950s) to the 1990s based on “Collection of Materials on the Death, Funeral Rites, and Grave Systems” by the National Museum of Japanese History. Then, in order to clarify new changes after the 2000s, the results of our research in Unzen City, Nagasaki Prefecture, is referred to as an example that illustrates a new form of funeral procession to use a biertype hearse introduced as more and more funerals are held at funeral halls. This paper provides some considerations on this phenomenon since it reflects not only the “intervention” of funeral directors but also their “participation” according to the conditions.

本研究では，博物館などで使用することを目的とした分光情報に基づいた文化財展示システムを開発する。このシステムは３次元コンピュータグラフィックス（3DCG）技術と分光画像計測によるデジタルアーカイブ手法に基づいている。この手法の特徴的な点は，カメラ特性や照明条件などの撮影環境に依存せずにデジタルアーカイブが可能なことであり，また，分光的な光反射モデルを用いて正確なCG再現が可能なことである。本稿では金属物体と不均質誘電体の光反射モデルを示し，そのモデルパラメータは物体表面上の光反射分布の計測データから定量的に求める。デジタルアーカイブと3DCGレンダリングに必要なモデルパラメータは，変角分光画像計測の計測結果から推定する。このことから本手法は，様々なシーン照明下で陰影や光沢のレンダリングが可能となる。本論文では，第１に，計測やレンダリングのために物体表面の反射特性を分光的な光反射モデルとして記述する。第２にシーン照明環境の全方位分光画像を計測する手法を提案する。ここでは東京国立博物館の応挙館と庭園，そして信州大学の講堂をシーン照明の空間分布推定のためにRGBカメラと魚眼レンズで計測する。第３に文化財のレンダリングのために分光CG再現システムを開発する。ここでは宮入小左衛門行平刀匠の日本刀を様々なシーン照明の下でCG再現する。第４に，このレンダリングシステム用のマイクロソフト社のKinectセンサを用いた非接触型ユーザインタフェイスシステムを開発する。このシステムではボーンと呼ばれる人間の仮想骨格を認識して，人の様々な姿勢を推定することが可能である。このシステムを使うことで，一般ユーザが身振りで正確に本レンダリングシステムを操作することができる。本稿では，この3DCGデジタルアーカイブシステムとユーザインタフェイスを統合したものを文化財展示システムと呼ぶ。最後に本研究で開発した文化財展示システムの有用性を検証するために，国立歴史民俗博物館のエントランスホールで本システムを展示した。, In this paper, we develop a tangible cultural properties exhibition system based on multi-spectral information for using in a museum. The system is based on a digital archive method of 3 dimensional computer graphics (3DCG) and multi-spectral imaging. The feature of the method is independent of photographing environment such as device characteristics and illumination environment. The system can render precise reproduction CG of an object using multi-spectral reflection model. The models are provided for metal and inhomogeneous dielectric material. The parameters of the models are derived from the RGB camera and a device measuring the distribution of light reflection intensity on the object surface. The model parameters for digital archiving and computer graphics rendering, multispectral reflection properties of the object are estimated from multi-spectral imaging of goniometric measurements. Then the method can render object including shade and gloss under any scene illuminations. First, we describe multi-spectral reflection model for measuring and rendering of reflection properties of the object. Second, the method is proposed for measuring of multi-spectral omni-directional image of scene illumination environment. Multi-spectral omi-directional images of Oukyo-kan and garden of Tokyo National Museum and auditorium of Shinshu university are measured using RGB color camera and fish-eye lens for estimating spatial distribution of illumination in the scenes. Third, we develop multi-spectral CG reproduction system for rendering tangible cultural properties. A Japanese-sword which made by Miyairi Kozaemon Yukihira sword smith is rendered under measuring scene illumination. Fourth, non-contact user interface system is developed for the rendering system with Microsoft Kinect sensor. The system can detect any pose of user from images as Bone which is virtual motion framework of the human body. Because the system can be given command by gesture of user, even a general user can exactly operate the rendering system. In this paper, the system which integrated the multi-spectral 3DCG digital archive system and user interface is called the tangible cultural properties exhibition system. Finally, to confirm availability of the tangible cultural properties exhibition system, the system was demonstrated in entrance hall of National Museum of Japanese History.

葬送儀礼についての研究関心は，社会の動向を背景に，Ⅰ．1980年代頃までの，葬送儀礼における個々の儀礼の意味と霊魂への対応とそれらの歴史への関心の段階，Ⅱ．1980年代，90年代以降の，葬祭業者委託の割合の増加と葬儀の変化の動向，それに伴う遺体処理の変化への関心という段階，Ⅲ．2000年以降の葬儀の簡略化に伴うさらなる変化の中にある現在，というふうに大きく変化してきているといえる。本稿は，このうちⅡの段階からⅢの段階への変化について，まずこれまでの調査から地域ごとの対応の差を概観し，そのうえで，農村部においては葬儀の変化だけが独立して起こっているのか，という問題について，近畿地方村落の宮座祭祀の伝承と変遷との関係において調査事例をもとに分析を試みたものである。調査事例としたのは，比較的遅くまで土葬が行なわれていて，2000年代に入ってようやく公営火葬場の利用に変わった近畿地方の両墓制と宮座を伝承してきた滋賀県蒲生郡竜王町綾戸と奈良市大柳生町の事例である。竜王町綾戸では，公営火葬場の利用によって，2005年に新たな石塔墓地の造成がなされ，それまでのサンマイ利用が消滅していった。綾戸では村の中に葬式の時だけ親類としての役割を果たすソーレンシンルイのしきたりが続けられてきていたがそれも2016年には解消された。さらに氏神の苗村神社の祭礼をつとめる当屋の負担の軽減がはかられることになり，葬儀の相互扶助の消滅への動きが祭りの改革も引き起こすことになったことが観察された。大柳生町では，2000年から2010年の半ばに土葬から火葬へ，そして自宅葬からホール葬へという変化がおこり，ほぼ同じ頃，2006年に宮座の明神の当屋に奉納される太鼓踊りの中止という事態が起こっていた。このようにこの2事例からは，村人の相互扶助による葬儀が変質し喪失していくなかで，村落の人びとの結集の弛緩が葬儀以外の場面でも起こっていることがわかる。, Great change has been observed in the interest in research of funeral rites, according to the trend in society at the time: phase I of interest in the meanings of individual rites in funeral rites and the handling of the soul up to the 1980s, along with their histories; phase II of interest in the share increase of funerals entrusted to companies and the trend of changes in funeral rites that occurred in the 1980s and 90s and the accompanying changes in the treatment of corpses; and phase III of the present day, in which the further changes accompanying the simplification of funeral rites since 2000 is ongoing. This paper examines the change from phase II to phase III, first by getting an overview of how regions have adapted differently, based on existing surveys. Then, it asks whether the changes in funeral rites in rural areas is occurring independently of other changes, and it attempts to analyze this in the relationship of transmission and transition in the religious services by the miyaza (a ritual organization generally focused upon the shrine of the ujigami, the local tutelary deity) in villages in the Kinki region based on research examples. The research examples used were Ayado (in Ryuoh Town, Gamo District, Shiga Prefecture) and Oyagyucho (in Nara City), where burial was practiced until comparatively late and transition to the use of public crematories finally occurred in the 2000s. At both, the Kinki region traditions of “double graves” (both burial graves and ritual graves) and miyaza had been transmitted. In Ayado, Ryuoh Town, the use of san-mai (traditional burial grounds) ceased due to the use of public crematories, and a new graveyard with gravestones was developed in 2005. The customary practice of having soren shinrui, persons who play the role of relatives only at funerals, in the village had continued in Ayado, but this also was dissolved in 2016. Further, when the load on the toya (the one who manages rituals) at Namura Shrine of the ujigami was reduced, it was observed that the transition to the end of mutual aid led to the reformation of festivals. In Oyagyucho, the transition from burial to cremation and from funeral services in homes to at funeral halls occurred from 2000 to the mid-2010s, and around this same time in 2006, the Taiko-odori festival offered to the toya of the myojin (apparent deity) of the miyaza ceased to be held. From these two examples, as funeral rites held with the mutual aid of village residents change and are lost, it can be observed that the cohesion of persons in the villages become laxer also in settings aside from funerals.

本稿は，1980年代まで葬儀における地域社会の相互扶助を比較的維持してきていた農村部におけるそれ以降の2020年の現在までの変化を追跡したものである。葬儀の変化のうちとくに集落での葬儀の伝承に大きな役割を果たしてきていた講中とか組と呼ばれる近隣組織の相互扶助の関係が，新たなホール葬や家族葬へ，という変化の中で，どのように変化しているのか，具体的な調査事例をもとに分析し論じたものである。そして，葬儀の変化が集落の結集に影響を与える程度というのは，それぞれの集落の旧来の結集力に葬儀の相互扶助の関係がどれだけの比重をもっていたかによって異なるということが指摘できた。調査地とした広島県西北部の俗に安芸門徒と呼ばれる浄土真宗の卓越した地域では，葬儀の相互扶助をはじめ集落の結集の上で大きな機能を果たしていたのが講中とか組という近隣組織であった。そのまとまりが，ホール葬の導入によって弛緩している事例もある一方で，今回集中して調査した地域社会では，2008年のJA「虹のホール」の開業以降に進んだホール葬の採用へという変化の中でも，講中の相互扶助の関係と一定の結集力は維持されてきていることが追跡できた。その背景として注目されたのは，1980年代から進められた農事組合法人の設立による，旧来の個家別営農から集落営農へという展開に成功したという事実である。同じ町域の大小約160の集落でも2008年の時点で法人組織や特定営農団体が設立されていた25の集落では，比較的集落の結集力が維持されているという傾向性が指摘できる。つまり，今回の調査地及びその町域の集落におけるホール葬の採用をめぐる2010年から2020年ころの急速な変化は，集落ごとの生産と生活の変化に連動しており，それまで均質的であった集落運営のありかたに対して，それぞれの集落が維持していた結集力の強弱の差異を顕在化させてきているということができる。, This paper considers rural areas, which had relatively continued mutual aid in the community for funeral rites from the 1980s to the mid-90s, and catalogs the changes that followed, up to today, 2020. Among changes to funeral rites, it analyzes specific research examples and theorizes how the mutual aid relationships of neighborhood organizations, called koju (religious associations) or kumi (groups), that had played major roles in transmitting funeral rites, especially of a settlement, are changing with the transition to new forms: funeral services at funeral halls and family funeral services. It can be pointed out that the degree of influence that changes in funeral rites have on the cohesion of a settlement depends on how weighted the mutual aid relationships for funeral rites had been in the traditional cohesion of a settlement. The area of study was the northwest region of Hiroshima Prefecture, where Jodo Shinshu is prevalent and has followers called Akimonto. There, what had been serving major functions in the cohesion of settlements, including mutual aid for funeral rites, were neighborhood organizations, koju and kumi. Some cases show that such groups have weakened with the introduction of funeral services at funeral halls. In a community that this research concentrated on, however, despite the transition to funeral services at a funeral hall after the opening of Japan Agricultural Cooperative’s Niji no horu (rainbow hall) in 2008, it was confirmed that the mutual aid relationship of koju and some cohesion was still being maintained. What attracted attention as a background for this was the success in the development from agricultural management as individual families to as a settlement through the establishment of agricultural producers’ cooperative corporations, which started in the 1980s. Among the approximately 160 settlements in the same town, large and small, it can be indicated that the 25 settlements that had established a corporate organization or a specified agricultural management group by 2008 tended to maintain relatively strong cohesion as a settlement. Rapid changes took place at the settlements in the town this report surveyed between 2010 and around 2020 concerning the adoption of funeral services at funeral halls. The changes were linked to the changes in production and daily life of the individual settlement, and the report suggests that the management of settlements had been uniform until that time, but the changes brought to the fore the differences in cohesion strength that each settlement had maintained.