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The White Paper on Intercultural Dialogue, published in 2008 by the Council of Europe, is one of the first European level attempts to provide a common guideline for diversity politics in Europe. It introduces the idea of ‘intercultural dialogue’ as a new focus and a method of governing diversity. Our paper aims to investigate the explicit and implicit meanings included in the idea of ‘intercultural dialogue’ and how the idea is rhetorically operationalized as a policy in the White Paper. The investigation is conducted with a lexical and semantic analysis of the text in the White Paper and a discourse analysis of its rhetoric, in order to explore how the ‘intercultural dialogue’ as a policy relies on a mixture of ideas borrowed from different political discourses. The investigation revealed how the concept of intercultural dialogue and other related concepts, such as culture and diversity, embrace power hierarchies. The meanings of these concepts are produced from a hegemonic point of view which grants the ‘intercultural dialogue’ with the power positions of a dialoguer and a dialoguee . The policy rhetoric in the White Paper emphasizes social cohesion in Europe. Its policy discourse does not recognize the societal, cultural, historical, religious, or linguistic differences between European societies, but offers unified – and profoundly Western European – views for the governance of diversity. Formulating a common and generic diversity policy for Europe as a whole inevitably simplifies the idea of diversity in Europe and produces new hierarchies between the subjects and objects of these policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the sources of authority behind the Bologna and ASEM secretariats' technocratic appearance and administrative routines, and argues that they are transnational policy actors in their own right. By drawing on principal-agent theory and the concept of "authority," it offers an alternative framework for understanding the various forms of authority. The case studies generate three important insights. First, it shows how the secretariats derive their authority from the "tasks delegated by states," the "moral values" and social purpose they uphold, and the "expertise" they possess. Second, it compares how the different governance structures of the Bologna and ASEM education processes impact on the secretariats' authority. Third, it highlights how the secretariats exercise their respective authorities and exert their discernible influence at different stages of higher education policy-making and region-building processes. [The paper was presented at the European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) conference in Prague.]

The purpose of this research was to identify how the use of a debate-based course delivery approach merged with a flipped classroom model influenced the students' academic outcomes and motivation in relation to their intelligence type and how the sampled students perceived the course delivery approach and certain debate-related activities. Sampled students' academic performance records, an evaluation survey to obtain students' feedback on both the course delivery approach and the effectiveness of the activities like 'Think-Pair-Share', 'Write-Pair-Share', 'Illogical story-telling', 'Treasure Hunt', case-study, 'One Minute Paper', 'Attitude/motivation test battery' as intelligence type-based diagnostics of learners' motivation, and a focus-group semi-structured interview were used as the instruments. SPSS 10.0.5 computer statistical package was used to process data. The use of debates to deliver the instructional content to the tertiary students can be considered a three-vector approach capable to bring a positive change to learning motivation, cognitive (intellectual) activity, self-esteem (self-efficacy) of a student and the overall quality of the vocational training system of the historians and lawyers-to-be. This study boosts the methodology of vocational training of the students majoring in humanities like History/Law in terms of fostering the 21st century-competencies and it adds a different perspective to the theory on relation between the type of intelligence and skills. This approach fosters learner autonomy and positive perception of challenging educational activities. It was found that it was prerequisite for the success of the above approach that there was a well-trained debate moderator, and debate-procedure-aware and trained students. The further research is needed in purposeful introduction of NLP training into the above model and examination its impacts.

During the Age of Revolutions, the Habsburg monarchy initially opposed nationalist movements as revolutionary. While the monarchy later sought to co-opt loyal patriots, historical memory often imagines the Habsburg state as implacably opposed to both nationalism and nationalist movements. In practice, however, Habsburg officials and central European nationalisms overlapped and engaged with each other in surprising ways. Their interaction problematizes a sharp line between monarchism and nationalism. This essay speficially introduces a special issue of Central Europe, consisting of two papers presented at a 2022 conference on the Habsburg state apparatus. The two papers explored the tensions and interactions between Habsburg officials and patriot circles as they played out in international relations. Polish exiles sought to recruit Habsburg officials to the national cause, while Habsburg agents sought to recruit patriots to the spy network of the Habsburg political police. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops the concept of spatial imaginations as the constructions of places as meaningful entities that establish identities of self and other through particular narratives and associated practices. It argues that traditionally, International Relations has ignored question of space despite their obvious centrality to the discipline. This has changed with the "spatial turn", which has its precursors in critical scholarship, especially drawing on sociology and political geography. The paper traces these contributions to the conceptual development of space in its material and discursive dimensions. It proposes that spatial imaginations are central to relations between "Turkey" and "Europe", establishing both as meaningful yet contested entities. In the works collated in the special issue of which this paper serves as an introduction, we may thus see facets of three core claim of the spatial turn: that space matters, that space needs to be made, and that spaces need to be formed. Against the prevailing attempts to fix the meaning of the spaces of "Turkey" and "Europe", I end with a plea to provide room for the articulation of a multiplicity of spatial imaginations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about the Asian influence in Europe is presented. It talks about the Tartar influence in European Russia. The author discusses his travels through Russia and the crossing of the Caucasus Mountains into Europe. Subjects of the paper also include tribes of Jews in the mountains, the Armenian Plain, and Tartar mill-work.

Copyright of Godišnjak Pravnog Fakulteta u Sarajevu is the property of Godisnjak Pravnog Fakulteta u Sarajevu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Until the beginning of 2005, the "mood" in EU-China relations was generally optimistic, boasting that a new "Europe-China" axis was in the making, and the arms embargo might be lifted eventually. During the last five years the relationship between these two powers has been full of controversy and competition, though cooperation remains the main theme. With the change of leaders in the major European powers, notably the advent to power of Angela Merkel in Germany and Nicholas Sarkozy in France, the lustre that could be found in Europe-China relations during the days of Chirac and Schroeder gradually faded. The new leaders are more critical on the issue of human rights in China, the Tibetan problem etc., and also appear to be more ready to voice their dissatisfaction over the growing trade deficit with China. This paper will focus on whether and how China could play a role in the minds of European policy-makers in mapping the future of Europe, taking into consideration four contextual factors: the implications of globalization for Europe, regionalization efforts in Asia, the "peaceful rise" or the subsequent "peaceful development" of China, and multilateralism in Europe-Asia relations. The paper aims to investigate how political leaders in Europe and China think and proceed on the prospects for cooperating with one another, the political implications of their cooperation and conflict over the future international political order, and the difficulties ahead that might interfere with cooperation in various fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the EU's usage of conditionality for democracy promotion within the European Neighbourhood Policy and its conditions, possibilities and limitations. In doing so, I will first develop a theoretical framework for analysing mechanisms of democracy promotion in general and conditionality as a state-centred, rational-choice mechanism in particular. I will show that, apart from the attractiveness of the incentives, there are other variables crucial for a successful use of conditionality. Furthermore, conditionality might be used as a promising strategy for the formal implementation of democratic institutions. However, in completing the consolidation of democracy, conditionality is highly limited. The empirical part of the paper will focus on EU democracy promotion in Ukraine and the incentives the EU offers to Ukraine instead of a membership perspective. With the help of this case study it will be discussed whether these elements of flexible integration are suitable for promoting democracy. Examples of such incentives are a visa-free regime, a new enhanced agreement, or a free trade area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following years of compromise, the Treaty of Lisbon finally came into force on December 1, 2009. This article analyses the new substantive law regulations and institutional arrangements of the Lisbon Treaty in the field of external relations and their impact on the effectiveness of the European foreign policy and the European Union as an international actor. For this purpose, this paper starts with analyses of the principle of coherence and continues with the reformed structure and legal personality of the EU, which was previously a serious challenge for the coherence of the EU's foreign policy. Finally, this article examines the functions and implications of institutional innovations, namely, the positions of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the President of the European Council and the European External Action Service. This paper argues that the Treaty of Lisbon improves the preconditions for a higher degree of coherence in European external relations and strengthens the EU as an international actor, even if the success of the European foreign policy, especially in the field of CFSP, still depends to a great extent on the Member States' willingness to cooperate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to emphasize the "othering" concept as the constructing element of the identity and to show the transformability of the identity and othering concepts on the basis of European identity. The other is created by the self to help and strengthen the construction and acceptance of the new identity of the self. Therefore, both the self and the other are abstract concepts of construct, and are open to change. The paper will focus on the EU-Turkey relations as a case study to show that the European identity and its definition of its other have changed throughout time depending on the historical framework of the world. Most of the time, ideology, power structures and religion are influential on these changes. The constructed European identity will either create a multicultural and open society to be all-encompassing, or a culturally homogeneous society trying to assimilate its minorities and exclude Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kurdish problem is one of the most fascinating research topics for a number of social sciences: history, sociology, political science, international relations. In many ways, it reflects the general problematic of the turbulent and unstable Middle East, certainly a zone of unfinished businesses. In the age of globalization such problems are usually transnational and global in character. Migration and demographical patterns of such a stateless nation as the 'Kurds' cannot be approached on a local or even regional basis. The existence of a powerful Kurdish 'diaspora' in Europe and elsewhere internationalizes the Kurdish problem. Therefore, it is of outmost importance to clarify such issues as the Kurdish demography and migration in the 20th Century, even though that means just scratching the surface of a much more complicated problematic. This paper approaches in descriptive and non-exhaustive manner the Kurdish problem during the 20th Century from a historical-sociological point of view, emphasizing its main demographical and migration patterns as reflected in the topical literature and in demographical statistics. Its focus is on several historical events that have influenced and determined, to a certain degree, these patterns. Unfortunately, a clear limit of this paper is related to the following fact: it is highly difficult to measure the Kurdish demography and migration due to the scarcity and unreliability of data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper looks at the European Union's involvement in the Western Balkans and points out some of the imminent problems when dealing with a region with disputed territorial issues and trying to support reform processes in countries with divided societies. Although the Western Balkans and the South Caucasus can hardly be compared with each other, at least when it comes to the engagement of the EU, it can be assumed that similar strategies will be pursued and policy instruments deployed. Therefore, it is useful to identify some lessons taken from the Western Balkans that are applicable for the South Caucasus. The paper deals 1) with the controversies on Kosovo's independence and the problems of the EU to deal with its consequences, and 2) with the EU's efforts to support the constitutional and police reform processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to illustrate the challenges the EU faces when it has to deal with a "divided" country. In the second part, the paper looks at the EU's engagement in the South Caucasus, where the EU might play a similar role in the future as it does in the Balkans. The investigations demonstrate that European foreign policy has often lacked consistent strategies towards the Western Balkans, which prevented the EU from achieving "satisfactory" outcomes in its neighbourhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay takes stock of the literature on how European Union policies are being put into practice by the member states. It first provides an overview of the historical evolution of the field. After a relatively late start in the mid 1980s, the field has meanwhile developed into one of the growth industries within EU research. The paper identifies three different waves of EU implementation scholarship. The first wave considered implementation primarily a problem of institutional efficiency. In the second wave, the degree of compatibility between European demands and domestic policy legacies took centre stage. However, many second-wave scholars complemented the basic "misfit" argument with a set of additional explanatory factors to account for deviant cases. In the third wave, some researchers began to stress the role of domestic politics, while others re-discovered the importance of administrative capabilities. As an attempt to synthesise some of the partial explanations presented by earlier research, one group of scholars pointed to the existence of culturally-shaped country clusters, each with its own typical style of complying with EU legislation. After this historical overview, the paper summarises the most important theoretical, empirical and methodological lessons to be drawn from existing studies, and it discusses promising avenues for future research. First, most scholars seem to agree on the basic set of factors that may have an impact on transposition processes. The main task to be accomplished by future research is to establish under which conditions which configurations of factors prevail. While we already know that there are country-specific patterns, the importance of sector-specific patterns will need to be explored further. Second, greater research efforts will have to be devoted to the neglected area of enforcement and application. In theoretical terms, going back to the insights of traditional domestic implementation research seems to be most promising for this type of studies. Third, the paper cautions against the poor quality of the data employed by the growing number of quantitative compliance studies. Unless the problems with the data can be solved, scholars are well advised to rely on comparative case studies, at least in addition to statistical analyses. To increase the number of cases to be covered by qualitative research, the paper makes the case for crafting collaborative qualitative research projects as a viable alternative to quantitative research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores questions concerning the EU approach towards its Eastern neighbors, as well as the guiding premises of EU foreign policy towards these states without promising to answer them fully. The argument is divided into three parts, starting, first, with a discussion of the 'foreign policy' framework that the EU had built with enlargement and the challenges this framework now faces. Second, the paper examines the European Neighborhood Policy in light of the wider questions raised above. Third, the paper finishes with thoughts on what could be done to strengthen the EU foreign policy profile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economic History Research / Investigaciones de Historia Económica is the property of Asociacion Espanola de Historia Economica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After nearly a decade of discussion, analysis, and development, the Medicines Adaptive Pathways to Patients (MAPPs) initiative is beginning to see acceptance from regulators, industry, patients, and payers, with the first live pilot project initiated under the guidance of the European Medicines Agency in 2014. Although it is a significant achievement to see the first asset being placed into human trials under an adaptive pathway, there is much to be learned regarding the multinational and multi-stakeholder effort that has driven the growing acceptance of MAPPs as a methodology and concept, as well as the need for continued and increasing international collaboration to foster the wider adoption of MAPPs. Changes in available science and technology, as well as a number of challenges in the current system, outlined in this paper, are transforming approaches to medicines development and approval. It is these challenges that have led directly to the groundbreaking MAPPs collaboration between the Massachusetts Institute of Technology Center for Biomedical Innovation’s New Drug Development Paradigms Initiative, the EMA, patient, payer and health technology assessment groups, the European Federation of Pharmaceutical Industries and Associations, and the Innovative Medicines Initiative—a European public-private partnership. This article examines the development of MAPPs, from inception of the concept, to the establishment of this trans-Atlantic initiative, and examines challenges for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As European integration progresses, scholars have become increasingly interested in the definition and development of a collective European identity. Based upon analysis of European Union (EU) policies and viewed through the lenses of constructivism and collective identity theory, this paper examines construction of an emergent European identity and why it differs from that initially envisioned by the EU. Due to the intersubjective and context-dependent nature of collective identity, policies not explicitly intended for identity construction have had a profound impact on the ultimate constructed identity. While somewhat subtle, the difference and, perhaps, contradiction between the initially envisioned and emergent European identities can change the effectiveness of EU domestic and international policies. This impacts not only relations among those living in the EU, but also interactions between the EU and the international community as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union has a great responsibility in providing the reception and expulsion structures designed for the individuals of the intra- and extra-community countries correlated with its capacity of relevant political actor not only in the continental but also in the international power equation. The process of immigrant's integration has significant effects on the production of "good" and "bad" international migration models. The successful integration is essential for humanitarian and cultural reasons and this is also necessary for maximizing the economic and social benefits of immigration, both for individuals and for society. The aim of this paper is to analyze the theoretical and practical approaches of the European Union regarding integration of immigrants, considering that at European level, there is a discursive context in which the ideas related to insertion, democratization and protection of rights of immigrants are taking a meaning, but they are not unanimously supported by policies adopted by the member states. Two main objectives will be presented in a theoretical approach: an overview of the "limits" of integration of the immigrants and the role of European Union in developing a framework for the integration by implicating the pro-immigrants organizations. The integration of immigrants implies a balance between the rights they have and the respect for the laws and culture of the host country. However, we should not disregard the fact that institutions, such as the European Commission, finances the pro-immigration organizations and they propose collaborations where possible, in order to create mutually reinforcing relationships, by institutionalizing the skills of different social actors, which can generate a pro-immigration emulation in the national states. Pro-immigration lobby provides examples on indirect representation and on how to capture interest through technocratic and legal pathways of influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A symbolic approach of the European Unity takes us to the main European symbols. Some of them already officially recognized by the European Union (the flag, the anthem, Europe Day and the currency) originate in the national symbols. These were designed to strengthen the national unity and the sense of belonging to a large community like the nation, but at the same time generating a differentiation from the others, members of other national communities and thus leading to the alterity or even violence. The issue that I will address in this study is whether it can be a European identity based on symbols originally linked to national identity without creating new alterities and differences. Are they compatible with the values of tolerance, of equality of chances or with the ideal of unity in diversity promoted by the European Union? We will argue in favor of an affirmative answer, while warning about the dependence of European symbols on their national substrate. The paper will be divided in two parts. In the first one, after a general introduction to the problem, I will focus on the European flag and anthem/hymn and in the second part I will analyze the meanings of the European currency, the Europe's Day and of some religious symbols and places. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents important information about the operations of nonprofit organizations in the online Web 2.0 technology environment with a focus on public libraries. Explained are techniques that any organization can apply in the development and brand management, communication with the widest and target audiences, models of public relations, shaping of public will, the use of Web 2.0 technologies, applications, tools and the concept of Library 2.0, all in order to create a positive public image of the library in the Web 2.0 environment. Scientific research has established that Croatian public libraries are still not fully adapted to demands of modern technological environment, but some of them are certainly on track to rise towards the ideal of Library 2.0, completely transformed library open to its customers as partners and together with them able to justify their existence and provide funds from various sources for their work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologija: Mintis ir Veiksmas is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Tourism is considered by many, one of the most important components of the world economy. Romania makes no exception from this point of view. After the fall of communism in 1989, many Eastern European countries have tried to develop their domestic tourism in order to increase their incomes. In the present paper, we tried to compare Romania's tourism with that of other countries from the Central and Eastern Europe. Our main objective is to offer an objective image of the regional tourism market, as we compare indicators for six countries. For our research we have selected five other countries: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. We have selected and calculated a series of indicators for several years (2002-2010) or only for 2010. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Security Strategy (ESS) needs revising. After a while, any strategic concept reaches the 'best consumed before' date and no longer serves to inspire and, most importantly, to drive policy and action. The ESS is incomplete as well, so more than reviewing, it needs completing. It operates at the grand strategic level, connecting large means and large ends. On the ends it remains vague, however. The ESS mostly gives us a method: the EU deals with foreign policy in a preventive, holistic and multilateral way. As a debate about a new ESS is beginning in the 'Brussels hub', this paper will assess what a review would imply in terms of substance, and through which method it could be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Collected Papers of the Faculty of Law in Split / Zbornik Radova Pravnog Fakulteta u Splitu is the property of Split Faculty of Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper evaluates the main theories of European integration as they apply to the foreign, security, and defense policies of the EU. It attempts to confront the theoretical spectrum with that of the decision-makers, directly involved in the implementation process of the CFSP. One observation is that the theorists' option and that of the practitioners of the European integration can be placed between two grand opposite perspectives: the first (the Europe of 'homelands', imagined by Charles de Gaulle) looks upon the European idea as based on a union among nation-states inside which 'the union' is structurally unable to take over the political and democratic competences of its constituting units; the second ('the fortress Europe') states that the emerging European structure will finally follow a similar logic with the historical development of the nation-state. Since the EU worked so far using the logic of the institutional-political compromise, the integration process in the field of foreign, security, and defense policies will probably be achieved in the same manner, following the middle-ground option between the two views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the Lisbon Treaty as a new formula for power, one that both incorporates and relies upon complexity, networks, and multivalent logic. This discussion importantly draws upon the thinking of Hobbes, Locke, and Kant. It thereafter examines the suitability of the Lisbon Treaty in meeting the challenge of the global financial crisis, and its impact on civil society across Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the influence of the process of European integration on the foreign policy-making in the new member states from Central and Eastern Europe, using as case-studies Hungary, Romania and Slovakia. The impact of the integration process is examined from an institutionalist perspective. The paper is especially interested in the institutional change of the coordination of foreign policy-making at both national and European levels, and on the process of learning and socialization of national representatives participating and interacting with the EU system of foreign policy. The impact of European integration is contrasted with the role of domestic factors in shaping institutions and process. The limits of Europeanization of foreign policy-making are identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europe and the world have changed. The 21st century brings new challenges and new opportunities. The interaction of economies and peoples worldwide -- whether by communication, trade, migration, shared security, concerns or cultural exchange -- is in constant evolution. European Union needs a unitary and coherent action in many fields (energy security, foreign policy, fight against terrorism and drugs, climate change, etc). The Treaty of Lisbon must fulfill these goals. In the last two years, much less attention has been given to the practical implementation of new institutional proposals included in the Treaty of Lisbon. Even a cursory examination indicates that the implementation of some of these proposals is likely to be uneasy, and in some cases could be a source of future problems or difficulties. Many voices said that there are only cosmetic differences between the former European Constitution and the Treaty of Lisbon. The European political context has changed after the recent elections for the European Parliament. The Treaty of Lisbon's failure will have negative effects for the future of European continent. The aim of this paper is to highlight, and to clarify potential problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The European Union has always had a territorial agenda, albeit implicit. Existing spatial planning systems in Europe, in particular French aménagement du territoire, have shaped the thinking about how to tackle it more systematically, lately under the flag of an EU territorial cohesion policy. Drawing on work by the European Spatial Planning Observation Network (ESPON), the member states collectively have produced an ‘evidence-based’ document, ‘The territorial state and perspectives of the European Union’. This forms the basis of a political document entitled the ‘Territorial Agenda of the European Union: Towards a more competitive and sustainable Europe of diverse regions’. The subsequent First Action Programme came at a time when it appeared that the Treaty of Lisbon would make EU territorial cohesion policy official. This paper gives an account of the process, pointing out that a turning point has been reached, in that the member states have come to accept the need for EU territorial cohesion policy. Section 1 sets out the theoretical framework and the research approach. Section 2 sets the scene as regards the EU and it institutions. Section 3 looks at spatial planning systems in Europe and, in particular—since it has been instrumental in formulating EU regional and territorial cohesion policy—French aménagement du territoire. Section 4 identifies the implicit EU territorial agenda and how this has been articulated further by the member states formulating the ESDP. Section 5 gives an account of the fledgling EU territorial cohesion policy. Section 6 focuses on the member state initiative to produce the ‘evidence-based’ document, ‘The territorial state and perspectives of the European Union’, which forms the basis for the Territorial Agenda. As a background to this, the section discusses ESPON, which provided the research base for this undertaking. Sections 7 to 9 are about the Territorial Agenda process as such, particularly its making, the substantive policies and the institutional measures proposed therein, and the First Action Programme adopted in the wake of the Territorial Agenda. Section 10 identifies challenges ahead, followed by the final section, which explores issues whose resolution is not immediately in sight. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Through examining the EU's record in region-building in its Eastern neighborhood, this paper intends to identify the reasons that have prevented the EU from supporting regional cooperation in the ENP, especially in its Eastern component as well as to question the emergence of an EU regional vision in the Eastern part of the continent and the relevance of 'thinking about' the Eastern neighborhood on a regional basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of UNISCI Discussion Papers is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper makes a comparative study of regional experience in Europe and South Asia. The European regionalism is far more successful, mainly for three important reasons. One is the commonly perceived threat of the USSR, the second is the common urge for recovery from the losses of the Second World War. The third, but not the least important reason is that the 'regional concepts' of France and West Germany, the two biggest European states, while being different in substance, complemented each other very well. Regional experience in South Asia differs much from Europe. First, there is an absence of a common extra-regional threat. Indeed, most smaller South Asian states perceive India, the biggest regional state, as a threat to themselves. The second problem is that South Asian states continue to emphasize on bilateralism despite the formation of a regional organization. The theory of 'New Regionalism' offers another explanation on regional experiences. Europe is a 'core' region, characterized by political stability and economic dynamism. South Asia, on the other hand, is a 'peripheral' region, affected by political instability and regional cold war. Also, while regionalism in Europe poses significant challenges to the sovereign power of the Westphalian states, the principle of non-interference continues to characterize regionalism in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU's development strategy towards their southern partner countries between 1995-2005 resembles the economic development Leitmotiv of the early Nineties, i.e. the Washington Consensus with its three pillars of macro-economic stabilisation, structural adjustment and liberalisation, and rests on the modernisation theoretical basis paradigm developed by Seymour Martin Lipset in 1959. In accordance with the optimistic convergence hypothesis, both the European Commission and the Council of Ministers assume that economic development correlates positively with the creation of democratic structures in the Third Countries of the Mediterranean (TCM). In other words, economic liberalisation, as a prerequisite for both the introduction of Euro Mediterranean Free Trade and the expansion of the Euro-Mediterranean trade exchange, should lead to increasing prosperity as well as to an increase in the number of middle class actors. These should, in turn, due to their newly acquired participation rights in the economic area, almost inevitably demand further participation in the political realm. Ideally, this would be followed by a political liberalisation process that encompasses the whole Southern Mediterranean area and that will result in a democratisation of all the TCM. Based on this assumption and the concept of incomplete contracting, this article aims to show two interrelated insights: 1.) that the main goal of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership's second basket, i.e. to contribute to the socio-economic development in the TCM, has not been achieved during its first ten years; 2.) that the envisaged modernisation theory-inspired spill-over from the economic to the political level was severely hampered. It will be shown that the Euro-Mediterranean trade nexus, which appears as the primary tool for the realisation of the EMP's above mentioned objective, has been adjusted to the needs of EU-European market providers while the asymmetrical structure of Euro-Mediterranean trade has been further aggravated to the disadvantage of the TCM. The paper concludes with some remarks related to the linkage between the structure of Euro-Mediterranean trade relations and the explanatory power of modernisation theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]