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Abstract Background The advent of Personalized Medicine (PM) holds significant promise in revolutionizing healthcare by tailoring treatments to individual patients based on their data. However, its successful implementation requires the seamless integration of innovative technologies and presents formidable challenges in terms of sustainability. To tackle these challenges head-on, the International Consortium for Personalized Medicine (ICPerMed) was established, and the IC2PerMed project, as part of this consortium, seeks to foster collaboration between the European Union (EU) and China in the field of Personalized Medicine. Based on the results collected by the project, the objective of this study is to discern the key priorities for the implementation of Personalised Medicine concerning Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) and Big Data and digital solutions, with a particular emphasis on data management and protection. Methods A Delphi survey was conducted to gather expert’s consensus on the main priorities for actions on Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) and Big Data and digital solutions in the field of Personalized Medicine. Results The survey identified seven priorities in the area of Big Data and digital solutions, including data interoperability, standards, security measures, and international partnerships. Additionally, twelve priorities were identified for the innovation-to-market process, emphasizing cost-effectiveness, need assessment, and value definition in resource allocation. Conclusions The effective implementation of new technologies in Personalized Medicine research and practice is essential for the advancement of healthcare systems in both the European and Chinese contexts. The identified priorities play a pivotal role in promoting the sustainability of health systems and driving innovation in the implementation of Personalized Medicine. Addressing challenges related to data interoperability, standards, security, international collaboration, cost-effectiveness, and value assessment is of utmost importance in order to propel the progress of Personalized Medicine in healthcare systems.

Abstract Background Personalised medicine (PM) has been fostered by technological and medical advances, but all stakeholders, including healthcare professionals, citizens and policy makers, should achieve adequate health literacy to promote PM implementation. The “Integrating China in the International Consortium for Personalised Medicine” (IC2PerMed) project, funded by the International Consortium for Personalised Medicine, focuses on this issue by highlighting the need to educate healthcare professionals and empower citizens. Within the aforementioned project, building on a mapping of European and Chinese policies in PM, experts in the field of PM participated in an online workshop and a following two-round Delphi survey, in order to identify the priority areas of intervention for healthcare professionals’ education and curricula, engagement and empowerment of citizens and patients. Results Nine experts completed the survey and reached a consensus on seventeen priorities: seven were related to health professionals’ education and curricula, whereas ten on citizen and patients’ awareness and empowerment. Conclusion These priorities emphasized the importance of education and health literacy, multidisciplinary and international collaboration, public trust, and consideration of ethical, legal, and social issues. The present experience highlights the relevance of the involvement of stakeholders in informing decision-makers, developing appropriate national plans, strategies, and policies, and ensuring the adequate implementation of PM in health systems.

The article studies the evolution of the military-political course of the French Fifth Republic. The authors provide a comprehensive analysis of the four editions of the French White Paper, which are the conceptual foundations of the country’s defense and national security strategy. Particular attention is paid to the impact of the domestic political situation, international political and economic processes, as well as membership in the European Union and the North Atlantic Alliance on the formation of France’s defense policy. The methodological basis for the study of the French military policy evolution is a systematic approach: a comprehensive study of the Fifth Republic’s defense and national security strategy as parts of the global European security architecture, which consists of closely related components. In addition the authors use the concrete-historical method, as well as induction, deduction, content analysis and comparative analysis of the Fifth Republic’s regulatory and legal documentation in the field of national defense and security, which allowed identifying elements of the specifics and continuity of the military-political course of France. With the help of forecasting, as well as a statistical method based on official data from government departments and research centers, the authors assessed the state of the French Republic Armed Forces. The excessive involvement of the French armed forces in various external and internal military operations, accompanied by a reduction in the number of personnel and deterioration of their equipment, weakens of the combat potential of Paris.

Abstract The Plant Health Panel reviewed the paper by Guarnaccia et al. () and compared their findings with previous predictions on the establishment of Phyllosticta citricarpa. Four species of Phyllosticta were found by Guarnaccia et al. () in Europe. P. citricarpa and P. capitalensis are well‐defined species, with P. citricarpa recorded for the first time in Europe, confirming predictions by Magarey et al. () and EFSA (2008, 2014, 2016) that P. citricarpa can establish in some European citrus‐growing regions. Two new species P. paracitricarpa and P. paracapitalensis were also described, with P. paracitricarpa (found only in Greece) shown to be pathogenic on sweet orange fruits. Genotyping of the P. citricarpa isolates suggests at least two independent introductions, with the population in Portugal being different from that present in Malta and Italy. P. citricarpa and P. paracitricarpa were isolated only from leaf litter in backyards. However, since P. citricarpa does not infect or colonise dead leaves, the pathogen must have infected the above living leaves in citrus trees nearby. Guarnaccia et al. () considered introduction to be a consequence of P. citricarpa having long been present or of illegal movement of planting material. In the Panel's view, the fruit pathway would be an equally or more likely origin. The authors did not report how surveys for citrus black spot (CBS) disease were carried out, therefore their claim that there was no CBS disease even where the pathogen was present is not supported by the results presented. From previous simulations, the locations where Guarnaccia et al. () found P. citricarpa or P. paracitricarpa were conducive for P. citricarpa establishment, with number of simulated infection events by pycnidiospores comparable to sites of CBS occurrence outside Europe. Preliminary surveys by National Plant Protection Organisations (NPPOs) have not confirmed so far the findings by Guarnaccia et al. () but monitoring is still ongoing.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(2), 479-511 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. EU climate policy and its impacts on third countries and persons living therein. – II.1. EU climate policy and its impacts on the sovereignty and economies of third countries. – II.2. Climate action and inaction and their impacts on human rights. – II.3. EU climate policy and its impacts on the human rights of persons living in third countries. – III. From impacts to legal obligations: extraterritorial human rights obligations in the context of climate change. – III.1. Extraterritorial human rights obliga-tions: a primer. – III.2. Recent judicial and quasi-judicial developments in the area of climate change. – IV. Pulling the threads together: the extraterritorial human rights obligations of the EU in the area of cli-mate change. – IV.1. Does the EU have extraterritorial human rights obligations? – IV.2. Enforcing the extraterritorial human rights obligations of the EU in the area of climate change: obstacles and ways forward. – V. Conclusion. | (Abstract) While it is by now recognised that climate change is having and will increasingly have a devastating im-pact on human rights and that ill-conceived climate action can also have adverse repercussions, the legal implications of these dynamics are still debated. This is particularly the case for the apparent in-compatibility between the global nature of climate change and the primarily territorial nature of States’ human rights obligations. In this context, the potential human rights obligations of the European Un-ion (EU) towards persons living in third countries when it acts – or refrains from acting – to counter cli-mate change have been particularly neglected, notwithstanding the major role played by the EU in both contributing to and mitigating climate change. Accordingly, the Article aims to shed light on the existence and extent of EU extraterritorial human rights obligations in the area of climate change. After exploring the wide array of EU climate measures and their extensive impacts on third countries and persons living therein, the Article offers an overview of the historical evolution and current state of ex-traterritorial human rights obligations in general and in the context of climate change specifically, pay-ing special attention to recent judicial and quasi-judicial developments. The Article then points to a number of peculiarities of the EU legal framework and EU climate policy to conclude that, notwith-standing potentially significant enforcement obstacles, the EU legal order could be readier than others to recognise extraterritorial human rights obligations when EU institutions act (or not) in the area of climate change.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(1), 423-442 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. The legal principles governing EU coordination in international law-making fora: a weakness or a strength of Member States' external sovereignty? – III. The case of the Maritime Labour Convention: the journey of human rights from the EU to China via international law. – III.1. The Conven-tion and the EU's role in its elaboration. – III.2. The EU's rationale for uploading human rights standards into international law: a rights-oriented approach. – III.3. The impact of the Maritime Labour Conven-tion in China. – IV. Conclusion. | (Abstract) This Article presents two arguments and explores the relationship between them. First, the principles governing coordination between the EU and its Member States in multilateral fora (mainly, sincere co-operation and unity in the EU's representation) serve to increase the Member States' influence in inter-national law-making. Thus, there is a trade-off between the autonomy of Member States to determine their own positions in multilateral fora, and their capacity to influence such fora: the lesser the former, the greater the latter. Second, such an influence can be used by the EU and its Member States to pro-mote human rights laws abroad, “uploading” high standards into multilateral treaties, which are subse-quently “downloaded” by third states through ratification and implementation. Therefore, there is a link between the mentioned EU external relations law principles (which are a “condition” for a success-ful promotion) and the obligation to promote values set in arts 3(5) and 21 TEU (which provides the “direction” of the promotion). Consequently, when Member States complain about excessive EU intru-sion into their autonomy through common positions in multilateral fora, they should bear in mind that they are not only bound by the above-mentioned legal principles, but that their obligation to promote certain values abroad is also at stake. The case of the EU's influence on the Maritime Labour Conven-tion and its impact on Chinese law and policy is used to illustrate the arguments.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(1), 229-245 | European Forum Insight of 02 July 2024 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. EU approach to International Investment Law. - ii.1. EU competence over Foreign Direct Investment. - ii.2. Integration of sustainable development into investment agreements. - III. EU-Angola SIFA. - iii.1. History of the agreement. - iii.2. Substantive provisions of the EU-Angola SIFA. - IV. Is the EU-Angola SIFA a step forward towards the promotion of sustainable investments? - iv.1. Differences with other IIAs. - iv.2. An effective way to implement SGDs? - V. Conclusion. | (Abstract) In 2019 the EU Commission launched the ambitious so-called European Green Deal, a set of proposals aimed to revise and update EU legislation and to put in place new initiatives with the goal to ensure that EU policies are in line with climate and SDGs goals. To reach the targets set out by the EU institutions, a crucial role is attributed to private investments, which can mobilize the necessary capital to make feasible the green transition. In this regard, trade agreements are an important driver for sustainable growth both in the EU and in partner countries insofar as they promote private investments in strategic sectors while at the same time they contribute to sustainable development. While the EU Commission has already started to insert trade and sustainable development (TSD) chapters in its trade agreements, another possible path has been identified in the conclusion of new-generation bilateral investment agreements. This Insight examines the recently adopted EU-Angola Sustainable Investment Facilitation Agreement (EU-Angola SIFA) as the first of this new generation of investment agreements. Specifically, this Insight points out that, while the agreement is not yet in force and it will take several years to gauge whether it successfully serves as a stimulus to attract sustainable investments, it can already be considered a further attempt to balance the necessity to attract private capitals indispensable for the green transition with the preservation of States’ regulatory powers.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(1), 53-68 | European Forum Insight of 2 May 2024 | (Table of Contents) I. Le contexte des interventions devant la CIJ. – II. Les modalités d’intervention devant la CIJ. – II.2. L’intervention en interprétation de l’art. 62 du Statut de la CIJ. – II.2. L’intervention en interprétation de l’art. 63 du Statut de la CIJ. – III. Les principaux arguments des interventions. – III.1. La question centrale de la compétence de la Cour: art. IX de la Convention. – III.2. L’interprétation des arts I et VIII de la Convention. – III.3. L’interprétation des arts II et III de la Convention. – IV. Impact procédural des interventions multiples devant la CIJ. – IV.1. Le double objectif des déclarations d’intervention des États membres de l’Union européenne. – IV.2. Une crainte de retard rapidement rassurée. – IV.3. L’ordonnance du 5 juin 2023. – V. Conclusion. | (Abstract) In the context of the litigation relating to the Allegations of Genocide under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Ukraine v Russian Federation) before the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the Member States of the European Union (EU) have in turn filed a declaration of intervention on the basis of art. 63 of the Statute of the ICJ. Scarcely deployed in practice, this procedure allows third parties’ States to the proceedings to declare the interpretation they adopt on the convention in dispute to which they are parties. In the present case, the States, on the one hand, interpret the convention in such a way as to ensure the jurisdiction of the Court and, on the other hand, that the use of armed force without the authorization of the Security Council is not a means of prevention or repression, even in the case of a potential genocide. In doing so, the intervening States openly show their support for Ukraine. Furthermore, the massive use of the declaration of intervention also tends to look like a instrumentalization of the law, directed towards Russia.

Biodiesel is defined as a fuel which may be used as pure biofuel or at high concentration in mineral oil derivatives, in accordance with specific quality standards for transport applications. The main raw material used for biodiesel production is rapeseed, which contains mono-unsaturated acids (about 60%) and also poly-unsaturated fatty acids (C 18:1 and C 18:3) in a lower quantity, as well as some undesired saturated fatty acids (palmitic and stearic acids). Other raw materials have also been used in research and the industrial production of biodiesel (palm oil, sunflower oil, soybean oil, waste plant oil, animal fats, etc). The historical background of biodiesel production, installed industrial capacities, as well as the Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council (May 2003) regarding the promotion of the use of biofuels or other renewable fuels for transport are discussed in the first part of this article. The second part focuses on some new concepts for the future development of technology for biodiesel production, based on the application of non-catalytic transesterification under supercritical conditions or the use of lipases as an alternative catalyst for this reaction.

This paper investigates the landscape of the e-commerce in the European Union (EU), from several angles, bringing into discussion issues related to the concept of electronic commerce, trends and new legislative framework of this domain adopted at the EU level. At the same time, based on Eurostat data, a statistical analysis of the evolution of the e-commerce sector during the 2012-2021 interval with a focus on current period was carried out in terms of the number of companies and the turnover in this, both on aggregate levels of the EU region and of its member states in trying to achieve a deeper understanding of the trends and dynamics of this field. The paper below also drags into discussion aspects related to online sales’ platforms and marketplaces as alternatives to the sales made by the firm through its own website and its own online applications. Last but not least, the prevailing business models in EU electronic commerce (business-to-business, business-to-consumer and business-to-government) are specified.

This exploratory paper contributes to the literature on European Union (EU) soft governance by discussing the recent EU policy initiative “Erasmus+ Teacher Academies” as a case of experimentalist governance. Asking what makes this initiative a case of experimentalist governance, the paper demonstrates how it constitutes an experiment in terms of governance as well as the development of teaching and learning. In particular, we identify and discuss the properties of the initiative regarding the four key tenets of experimentalist governance: i) setting of common framework goals related to the European Education Area; ii) delegation of responsibility to networks, comprising initial teacher education and professional development providers, schools, government units, and other types of organisations, in finding ways to meet framework goals; iii) regular reporting and peer review, orchestrated by the European Commission; and iv) periodical re-evaluation of framework goals, measures and methods by a widening array of stakeholders. Considering the conditions for governing teacher education and training in the EU context, we discuss the perspectives for policy learning generated by the Academies, the “shadow of hierarchy” potentially giving direction to the initiative, and the ambition to include the teaching profession in EU policy-making.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1599-1628 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. Reform of epidemic surveillance. – III. Limited attention to decisions. – IV. Linguistic dimension. – V. Diversity and incidence of decisions. – VI. Inspiration for comparison. – VII. Substantial classification of decisions. – VIII. Outlining the doctrine of “standardising” decisions. – IX. Identified replacements by regulations. – X. Evaluation of these replacements. – XI. Perspectives andlimits of the tendency. – XII. Envisaged reform of secondary law instruments. – XIII. Conclusions. | (Abstract) The reform of epidemic surveillance in the European Union as a reaction to the Covid-19 pandemic attracts attention to one sporadically discussed phenomenon. Following the usual meaning of this term in legal settings, many decisions address individual cases. Nevertheless, a new category of decisions establishing rules has emerged in the past decades, i.e. “standardising” (“normative”, “norm-setting”, or “general”) decisions. These decisions have addressed the cooperation between the EU and national authorities, funding programmes and assistance to foreign countries. The European Parliament and the Council approved them. Theoretical reflections on these decisions are rare, but their pitfalls are identifiable. Namely, their possible effects on individuals are limited. The definition of unaddressed decisions provided by the Lisbon Treaty did not clarify the situation. Therefore, the recent tendency to replace these decisions with regulations deserves attention.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1235-1245 | European Forum Insight of 24 January 2024 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction: Russian propaganda in state and online media: disinformation machinery in full swing. - I.1. Conceptual premise: a brief comparison between propaganda and disinformation. - I.2. Disinformation machinery in full swing: Russian propaganda in state and online media. - II. The RT case. - II.1. Disinformation machinery in full swing – Russian propaganda in state and online media. - II.2. RT France’s appeal. - III. “For the first time in modern history, Western European governments are banning media”: polemics with the banning of RT and Sputnik. - IV. Quo vadis propaganda regulation?. | (Abstract) The ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict has triggered a multitude of media regulation challenges within the EU. With the Russian state propaganda machinery continuing to work in full swing, it has become increasingly critical for the EU to regulate media content to prevent the dissemination of disinformation, harmful and misleading information and state propaganda. This Insight seeks to explore the EU’s reaction to the Russian coverage of the war through the example of the RT case. The study aims to provide a theoretical background to Russian propaganda as a premise for the case study. The focus of the Insight is the examination of the RT suspension and the RT France case via the broader understanding of “propaganda” restrictions using the case law of the CJEU and the ECtHR. The study also aims to introduce a scholarly critical viewpoint with regard to imposing stringent restrictive measures against a media outlet and the effectivity thereof. The main argument of the Insight is that the nuanced and contextual understanding of media in war is not only a legal necessity but an effective societal tool, too, especially in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1131-1142 | European Forum Insight of 16 January 2024 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. EU’s stance on gender equality and the operationalization of its supportive role in Ukraine. - III. The EU’s multifaceted engagement. - III.1. Legal dimension. - III.2. Justice-related dimension. - III.3. Values-based dimension. - IV. Conclusion. | (Abstract) The Insight investigates the role of the EU in promoting gender equality and freedom from gender-based violence in Ukraine in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine. By drawing on concrete examples of developments which took place at legal, justice-related and values-based dimensions through the framework of discursive institutionalism, the Author identifies a significant shift in the EU’s role since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Concretely, the shift from a supportive presence in the initial stages of war in 2014 to the EU more actively exercising its normative power.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1037-1045 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction - II. Protection of war refugees from Ukraine - III. Targeted sanctions against citizens of the Russian federation and of Belarus - IV. Human rights of the general population of the EU Member States - V. Concluding remarks. | (Abstract) The conflict in Ukraine, triggered by the Russia’s act of aggression in March 2014 and, in full scale, in February 2022, has had a profound impact on the human rights situation not only in Ukraine itself but also in the Member States of the European Union. This impact manifests itself in three main areas. The first area concerns the protection of war refugees from Ukraine. The second area pertains to the sanctions imposed on the citizens of the Russian Federation and of Belarus. The third area relates to the effects of the conflict on human rights of the general population of the EU Member States, stemming either from the economic or social hardship brought about by the conflict, or from restrictive measures adopted by the EU Member States in response to the conflict. In addition to introducing each of these areas in more detail, the Insight recalls that not paying adequate attention to all of them simultaneously might result in violations of human rights and in the radicalisation of certain segments of society that might feel (rightly or not) ignored and left behind.

Regional integration is aimed at promoting socioeconomic growth and development in a region through economic cooperation among the member states. The European Union (EU) was established to promote economic and political cooperation among member countries. EU’s unprecedented success in regional integration offers lessons for other regions. Unlike the EU, SAARC has not been successful in achieving significant economic integration among member states. Despite its potential, SAARC has been plagued by political and economic differences among member states, especially between Pakistan and India. South Asian countries are unable to boost regional integration not only because of their political differences but also due to other sub-regional and trans-regional initiatives that run anti to the spirit of regional integration under the umbrella of SAARC. India’s role towards regional integration in South Asia is considered significant being the leading nation in the region. This paper first identifies the economic and political factors that hinder regional integration in South Asia. Then, it focuses on the dynamics of successful regional integration in Europe intending to underline the lessons to be learned by the South Asian countries to boost their regional cooperation. Bibliography Entry Niaz, Muhammad Tariq and Muhammad Riaz Shad. 2023. "Dynamics of Regional Integration in South Asia: Lessons from the European Union." Margalla Papers 27 (2): 85-101.

t Integrating information into internal reports amplifies top management decisions to implement a single database that gathers cross-departmental information from across the institution. Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) systems create this possibility by integrating data flow and information exchange brings the advantage of easy access to information through simple, reliable and complete reports. The need to report financial and non-financial information is also a legal obligation specific to certain types of entities operating in the European Union vin addition to the internal need to account for financial information. Current research into the best methods of reporting human capital elements aims to improve managerial decision-making based on data processed in the finance-accounting and human resources departments of each organisation. It has to be mentioned that the non-financial motivation of employees is complementary to the financial one. In this paper, the processes that determine the results quantification are extensively analysed. The research methods, the functionality and quality of information due to ERP systems, the analysis and interpretation of data, the identification of legal procedures and their comparison aim to substantiate the best decisions on personnel policy. Therefore, this paper aims to be a catalyst in the decision-making processes on human potential and seeks to enrich the literature with quality and relevant information in such a complex field where results are so important for management, shareholders, investors, creditors, employees, the state with its bodies, researchers etc.

The objective of this paper is to analyse the mechanisms established by the Directive 2022/2041 for the purpose of determining adequate and fair minimum wages and promoting collective bargaining. The authors present the objectives, scope of application, and legal nature of the provisions of the Directive, and subsequently undertake the clarification of the doubts that have emerged in the preparatory stages of the process of its transposition. Furthermore, the paper offers a preliminary reflection on the potential directions of the Directive’s impact on national laws.

Globalization trends have significantly influenced the role and importance of state power, though certainly not to the extent that one could argue globalization has rendered states obsolete or unnecessary. Many of today’s global challenges, such as terrorism, climate change, the migrant crisis, and others, are impossible to address within national frameworks, necessitating the cooperation of sovereign states as the ‘appropriate measure’ in responding to these and similar global issues. Starting from the fact that the components of state power persist even in an increasingly interactive and globalized world and that the past decades have witnessed attempts to balance state power among the often disproportionate member states of the European Union, this paper posits the hypothesis that the Western Balkan states lack the independent capacity to build institutions modeled after those of EU member states. Consequently, this region serves as a striking example of a neglected area with missed opportunities for clear integration into the EU. Furthermore, the paper analyzes, in light of knowledge on variability and development, identity and diversity, opposition and contradiction, the circumstances that have led to a series of missed opportunities for progress in this volatile region, as well as the internal problems within the Union that affect the Western Balkan countries on their European path.

This paper examines the narratives of the European Council, European Commission, and European Parliament regarding the European refugee crisis. Although the relevant scholarly research suggests that the EU Institutions held different perspectives about the refugee crisis, this paper argues that there was no such a clash of perspectives. This paper builds on the Copenhagen School’s securitization framework as complemented with subsequent methodological tools to support the author’s arguments. The findings suggest that despite the similarity in the views held by the main EU Institutions considering the refugees’ influx, there was a variation in the intensity of their securitizing narratives. Theoretically, this study develops an understanding of the importance of the securitization narratives’ intensity. Methodologically, this study introduces the Securitization Narratives Continuum, a research tool that facilitates the assessment of securitization. Empirically, this is the first study to interview and take into account the opinions of the securitizing actors.

This article is inspired by the 2017 discussions on the future of Europe (in particular some of the ideas debated in the White Paper on the Future of Europe, published by the European Commission) and the events that took place in the crises and post-crises period (aftermath of the financial crisis, ongoing refugee crisis and the Brexit shock). It is particularly interested in the scenario of differentiated integration. In this regard, it observes how in the aftermath of the crises, there was a shift in the rationale of differentiated integration with objective (in)ability of the states taking a prominent role. It presents a federalist critique of this development, drawing on the work of Daniel Elazar, discussing the concepts of non-centralization, federal process and federal covenant in the context of the 2017 discussions in the EU.

In this paper, the authors investigate the development and scope of the European Political Community as a new initiative of the European Union. The establishment of the European Political Community will be examined in the changed geopolitical context created by the invasion of Ukraine. The European Union aspires to demonstrate its readiness and ability to decisively influence opportunities on the entire continent, especially in circumstances of strategic rivalry with Russia. However, the longer-term goals, and therefore the outcomes of the European Political Community, are not completely clear since the initiative has only existed since the Prague Summit (second half of 2022). The authors are primarily guided by historical analysis (a chronological overview of the development of the initiative) and elements of a liberal intergovernmental approach. The paper argues that if the Initiative is viewed as a format for the occasional gathering of state leaders of all European countries (opposed to aggression against Ukraine), it can be viewed as primarily successful, as evidenced by several summits attended by many European leaders. However, if it is seen as the nucleus of a new international organisation or institutionalised platform for cooperation in Europe, there are many challenges, starting from the fact that many similar bodies already exist (the Council of Europe, the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, etc.) to the fact that numerous candidates for EU membership have reservations about participating in a format that, hypothetically, can serve as an alternative forfull membership. In this sense, the aspect of institutional identity, i.e., the specific field of action, is considered and, consequently, the purpose of such an initiative, bearing in mind the above-mentioned challenges.

Introduction. The party-political system of Estonia, with traditionally Euro-optimistic elites leading it, was previously characterized by the presence of a number of so-called “Russian political parties”, which traditionally professed Euroscepticism and criticized the European Union as whole or certain areas of its activities. The purpose of the article is to determine the specific features of the Eurosceptic party discourse of “Russian parties” in Estonia. Materials and Methods. The information basis of the paper consisted of the results obtained using a combination of the comparative method (method of comparative analysis) and the method of discourse analysis. A single case study design was chosen for the paper. The data obtained as a result of using the discourse analysis method made it possible to study the indicators of the Eurosceptic discourse of “Russian parties” and process their programs, manifestos, electoral platforms, as well as statements of their high-ranking representatives. Results. It was revealed that the use of Euroscepticism by the analyzed “Russian parties” when targeting the Russian-speaking diaspora of the state in a number of cases (for example, in case of the Estonian Center Party) has shown some efficacy, allowing it to mobilize the electorate among Russian-speaking citizens. However, it was found that for small marginal “Russian parties” in Estonia this did not demonstrate productivity and benefit, since such efforts did not bring them a significant number of votes in elections at various levels. Most of them, adhering to Eurosceptic protest declarations, were never able to take part in “mainstream politics” of Estonia; thereby they failed to implement their Eurosceptic political agenda. Discussion and Conclusion. The results allow us to conclude that a specific characteristic of the Eurosceptic party discourse of the majority of “Russian parties” in Estonia is its focus on pragmatism for ethnic Russian residents living in this state in the form of concrete results that are useful for them: the desire to improve the existing discriminatory position of ethnic Russian population in Estonia through appealing to Brussels, to solve the problem of so called non-citizens, and, finally, to establish good relations between Estonia and its eastern neighbor state – Russia. The results of this study can find application in the academic activities of universities in our country, may be of interest to political and regional scientists studying political processes in the Baltic States.

This article analyzes the transformation of the attitude of the Russian-speaking and Estonian-speaking communities of Estonia towards the reception of refugees from the 1990s until the present day. A comparison is made of the attitude towards immigrants of various origins (African, Asian, Ukrainian refugees, entrants from Russia) by ethnic Estonians with the perception of them by local Russian-speaking residents of this Baltic state. The author examines the reasons for the negative and positive perception of Estonians towards immigrants of various origins. It is noted that there is a direct connection between the current perception of immigrants in Estonia and the historical past of this country. The paper describes the sharp increase in Euroscepticism in Estonia after the start of the European migration crisis in 2015, as well as the serious joint opposition of the state’s authorities and its residents to the refugee distribution quotas imposed by the European Commission. In addition to the similarities in the approaches of the two largest communities on the issue of refugees, the author also identified a number of significant differences on this topic, which is sensitive for all Estonians. The paper concludes that the refugee crisis and anti-immigrant Eurosceptic worldview have largely united ethnic Russians and Estonians living in Estonia in the face of a “common threat”. It is also justified that the present warm and hospitable attitude of ethnic Estonians towards Ukrainian refugees in the medium term may be replaced by “fatigue” and apathy towards them.

The European Union's (EU) Cohesion Policy, the oldest policy within the EU, has undergone numerous transformations over more than three decades, evolving in both objectives and implementation instruments. The recent expansion of the European Union has rekindled discussions on the efficacy of Structural Funds in achieving economic goals. (Drăgan, 2018). Analyzing the impact and effectiveness of cohesion policy in Romania, as well as understanding the challenges involved in fund absorption and distribution at all levels, is crucial for achieving sustainable regional development to benefit citizens. Starting from the research question: "To what extent has Romania capitalized on the funds allocated through the cohesion policy?", this study outlines the following main objectives: (O1) identifying and analysing the main challenges for the regional policy and for the strengthening of regional and urban development (O2) determining the thematic priority areas to which the majority of cohesion funds in Romania have been allocated, (O3) identifying the primary investment priorities for which European funds have been attracted in Romania. This study aims to address the stated objectives and, where necessary, to identify areas for improvement and suggest strategies to overcome these obstacles.

Albania, like other countries in the region, has been aspiring to join the EU for two decades. In different periods of the last 20 years, it has taken steps back and forth along the process towards membership. Therefore, in this context, the present paper will analyse the Albanian perspective, having in focus the promotion of human rights standards in lights of it s integration into the European Union. The aim of this paper is to comprehend the evolution of Albania in relation to human rights in light of the EU integration perspective and demonstrate that Albania has yet a very long road ahead to become part of the European Union.

The paper tackles the issue of the selection of appropriate forms of internationalization on the EU market by Polish businesses. The objective of the article is to identify appropriate strategies for the internationali-zation of Polish businesses on the Euromarket, taking into account the assessment of SMEs and large enti-ties and enterprises attributable to the volume of foreign revenues. The theoretical part discusses issues related to the internationalization on the Euromarket and explains the importance of export, contract, co-operation and foreign investment forms. The research paper is based on the results of analyzes conducted on a sample model of Polish enterprises. Four research hypotheses were formulated. In order to verify them, statistical analyzes were used, i.e. the descriptive statistics method and the chi-square test of inde-pendence. Predicated on statistical tests, no relationship was found between the size of a business and the forms of internationalization on the Euromarket. However, it was proved that there are dependencies be-tween groups of enterprises depending on the volume of foreign revenues and internationalization strate-gies on the Euromarket, in particular regarding forms of cooperation and capital investments. In addition, appropriate expansion strategies on the Euromarket were identified, which, according to the respondents, include mainly export forms, to a lesser extent contractual forms and foreign investments, and less often cooperative ones. The least applicable strategies for the internationalization of Polish businesses are co-operative forms, both for small and medium-sized enterprises and for entities with high foreign revenues. The final part of the paper consists of conclusions and a summary.

The digital economy has become a key issue for both theoreticians and practitioners worldwide, especially in the last decade. It is based on various forms of technology, such as the Internet of Things, artificial intelligence and blockchain. The aim of the paper is to briefly present and analyse the evolution of the digital economy in Romania in the period 2019-2022. In this respect, the authors used a qualitative research method. The results show that the period 2019-2022 witnessed a slight decrease in Romania’s performance related to the Digital Economy and Society Index. The paper indicates that despite its efforts, Romania has scored well below the other EU countries. However, the adoption of several measures in favor of digitalisation proved its clear commitment to building a functional digital economy.

In the 21st century, the issue of energy security is an important challenge for many states. Energy independence is an important component of the country’s national security. That is why its development is considered a priority of the country’s economic policy. Along with the trends of globalization, international energy relations are increasing day by day. However, the issue of energy security and vulnerability is equally on the agenda, which in turn is related to the problems of access to energy resources and the aggressive appeal of industrialized states with this issue, which creates a destabilizing vulnerable environment in the state. This issue was clearly revealed in the background of the 2022-2023 war between Russia and Ukraine. The mentioned issue is one important part of this paper, along with which the issue of renewable energies is also discussed. Renewable energies, the so-called practical way to get rid of petroleum products is growing more and more. Accordingly, the mentioned work considers both issues equally on the example of the European Union’s energy security strategy, within the framework of the Russia-Ukraine war. The paper discusses the European Union’s energy security policy and current challenges.

The challenges and threats from cyber security are increasing every day in the world. All this has a significant impact on international relations. When we are dealing with such a revolutionary development of technology as in the 21st century, it is already necessary for all states to have high-standard cyber security systems. This is not an easy issue to solve, because cyber security requires quite a lot of finances, human resources, and also specially trained professionals. Threats emanating from cyberspace need a proper response, in this case we have no choice, the whole world is facing danger. Cybercrime and the damage caused by it are increasing year by year. Also, all this affects a person psychologically and leaves a feeling of insecurity. The biggest problem is that aggressive states, terrorist organizations, non-state groups, large corporations, etc. are mostly involved in this virtual war (as in the real one). As an example, we can cite such an aggressor state as Russia, which carries out major cyber attacks against Ukraine, Georgia and other states whose cyber security systems are less protected. The transition of political, military, social or criminal processes into cyberspace has made cyber security one of the main segments of state security. Countries with developed cyber-offensive potential, primarily Russia, successfully use cyberspace both during war and conflict, as well as in peacetime, to gain geopolitical advantage. This article discusses the challenges and threats associated with the development of modern cyber and information technologies, analyzes the threats associated with the new information security capabilities of modern states, including cybersecurity. The aim of the paper is to present the role of cyber security in the Russia-Ukraine war and the threats arising from it. The following methods are used in the paper: methods of historical-descriptive, policy research and comparative analysis. The paper uses the theories of balance of power and securitization.

Migrants play an important role in shaping today’s EU, both in terms of the labour market, and society as a whole. The analyses of the migration policies, including the labour sector, are generally focused on the control and, respectively, on the security dimension, while a third branch includes the researches on the broader term of incorporation of migrants into the fabric of the host societies. This paper starts from the questions “why does the EU labour market need migrants?” and “what role can migrants play in community development?”, and it argues that using an incorporation approach in public policies concerning migrants could provide a theoretical and actional solution to overcome challenges posed by various other policy and political positions aimed against migrants. An assessment of labour-connected incorporation policies and practices is presented as a study case, using evidence-based policies and practices from Romania. The main findings of the paper indicate that there is a huge gap between stated aims of written strategies, actions being implemented and the perception of intended target groups. The article argues that this deviation is due, at least in the case of Romania, to a weak administrative capacity to manage migrant flows and the challenges they bring to traditional and rigid legal and administrative systems. The gap is also due to poor operationalisation of the concept of incorporation in policy practice, with contradictory simultaneously policy narratives of adaptation, assimilation, inclusion, or integration, and without a clear goal that should shape a national labour migration policy.

Anthropogenic climate change is undeniably altering planet Earth, and agricultural emissions are a significant contributor to this crisis. Agriculture, specifically cattle farming, is a key emitter of GHG emissions, accounting for 14.5% of global GHG emissions. This paper thus asks, given that cattle farming contributes a significant amount of total global GHG emissions, if the elimination of cattle farming in the EU is a sustainable way to reduce total GHG emissions. This paper explores the sustainability of cattle farming in the EU and highlights the vital role that EU cattle farming plays in the EU economy and in meeting the global food supply. It also explores the role that beef consumption plays in human diets. By researching the available literature, this paper finds that the complete elimination of cattle farming in the EU would have devastating effects on the EU economy and would leave the global food demand largely unmet. Not to mention that the environmental benefits of eliminating cattle farming become less significant when accounting for the emissions of new economic activity on ex-cattle grazing lands. Thus, this paper highlights the importance of improving cattle management and changing dietary patterns to mitigate GHG emissions in the context of a worsening climate and an increasing global food demand that must be met.

This paper assesses the impact of transport infrastructure quality on economic competitiveness in the European Union (EU), context in which we argue that the quality of the different modal transport networks has a differentiated contribution on competitiveness. The purpose of our analysis aims to quantify the qualitative contribution of each modal transport network to economic competitiveness in the EU. The econometric quantification of the mentioned impact emphasizes a contributory hierarchy as follows: the quality of port and railroad infrastructure contributes most substantially to economic competitiveness, followed by the quality of the air transport infrastructure, the inland waterways and the road network. Based on the iterated results, we sequenced the EU member states with the lowest quality of networks with the highest impact on competitiveness. Thus, we identified the states for which the priority improvement of the quality of the port and railway infrastructures would significantly improve their economic competitiveness.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2022 7(2), 949-968 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. Defining BURGs. - II.1. Institutionalized cooperation. - II.2. Currently active. - II.3. Only current EU member states. - II.4. Institutional separation from the EU. - II.5. Geographical proximity. - III. Comparing BURGs: Key variables. - III.1. Longevity, pre- or post-accession. - III.2. Institutional structure. - III.3. Policy scope. - III.4. Frequency of meetings. - IV. Explaining BURGs. - IV.1. Integration vanguard. - IV.2. Functional cooperation. - IV.3. Policy coordination. - IV.4. Resistance. - V. Conclusion: BURGs and differentiated integration. | (Abstract) Within the EU there are several regional forums in which member states cooperate with one another outside the EU institutional framework. The purpose of this Article is to define, identify, compare and explain these intra-EU bottom-up regional groups (BURGs). A BURG may be defined as a group of geographically proximate current EU member states engaging in a form of institutionalized and active cooperation that is institutionally separate from the EU. By this definition this Article identifies at least thirteen BURGs. Comparing the BURGs, this Article observes that they vary according to their longevity (including whether they were established pre- or post-accession), institutional complexity, policy scope, and frequency of meeting. Explaining BURGs, this Articles argues that they may serve one or more of four purposes - integration vanguard, functional cooperation, policy coordination, or resistance. These BURGs represent an unexplored form of differentiated governance within the EU. They do not conform to the classic definition of differentiated integration, which is measured according to whether member states opt-out of common EU policies. Rather, they are a bottom-up form of differentiation, that sits at an intermediate level between the member states and the EU.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2022 7(2), 857-866 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. Differentiated governance within the EU. - III. Brexit and differentiated governance outside the EU. - IV. Structure of this Special Section. | (Abstract) This Article introduces the Special Section on "Differentiated Governance in a Europe in Crisis", out-lining the focus of the Special Section and summarising the contents of its various contributions. The Article defines the notion of differentiated governance and highlights its manifestation both within and outside the EU, and underlines how recent crises affecting the EU have increased differentiated governance.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2022 7(2), 671-695 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Situating the topic. - II. Dealing with rule transgressions. - II.1. Instrumentalist and normative approaches. - II.2. The potential of peer reviews. - III. What is wrong with the current approaches? - III.1. The Article 7 procedure and the rule of law framework. - III.2. The budget conditionality mechanism. - III.3. The Commission Rule of Law Report. - III.4. The Council's annual Rule of Law Dialogue. - IV. The EU Rule of Law Peer Review. - IV.1. History of the initiative. - IV.2. Which institutional design for the initiative? - IV.3. Can the EU peer review address the problems of the approaches? - V. Ways ahead? | (Abstract) The possible remedies that the EU can use against backsliding on the rule of law are limited: While art. 7 TEU has been widely conceived as ineffective, the recently introduced budget conditionality may become bogged down in court cases. Softer instruments like the Commission Rule of Law Report provide observations on rule of law developments, but are in themselves unable to address transgressions. Against this background, the Council has recently introduced a peer review mechanism that may exert peer and public pressure on transgressors. However, the agreed procedures show important deficits such as lacking transparency to the outside world, limited time devoted to the re-view, and the absence of clear country-specific recommendations that could become the focus of peer and public pressure. The new procedure thus needs reform to achieve results. A comparison with peer reviews among states in other international organizations show the potential that peer reviewing holds.

This article explores the scope and evolution of the European transatlantic policy with the United States of America (USA). Our research questions are related to the number and content of the texts adopted by the European Parliament (EP) and the role of the EP and its Committees in shaping the European transatlantic policies. We examine which are the committees that lead and guide the EP transatlantic conclusions. Within this context, this research paper highlights the substance of the European Union (EU) and the USA relations over the last 25 years and the major areas in which the EU cooperates with the USA. We have built our research on the European Parliament since it has legislative authority in shaping and guiding EU’s external policy. Therefore, our study brings a new perspective to the current literature on transatlantic relations by assessing the EU-USA relations from the EP conclusions and adopted legal texts. A document and policy analysis are conducted between 1999 and 2024, to assess each of the last five Parliamentary Terms and through the entire current EU laws in force. We conclude that despite studies asserting the weakening of the EU-USA relations, EU’s relations have been consistent since 1999 and even increasing in the last decade, from technical and legal achievement, based on the quantitative and contentive analysis of our research.

The evolution of the European Union (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) raises questions about whether societies in member states share a common or convergent defence culture. Conceptual and methodological problems in the existing literature, however, make it difficult to measure this phenomenon. That is why this paper proposes a new model to measure the political culture relative to European defence, using a mixed factor analysis. In addition, drawing on a series of Eurobarometer surveys, it charts current attitudes towards defence in European citizenship and the impact of the war in Ukraine. The findings point to the existence of several political subcultures regarding defence in the EU. They also indicate various methodological strengths – and limitations – arising from the available Eurobarometer data.

This paper analyses the repercussions that the war in Ukraine since 2022 has had on the European Union (EU) policy of economic globalisation. The Union’s comprehensive response to the conflict is examined from different angles, taking in energy insecurity, economic shocks, geopolitical shifts, humanitarian challenges and technological vulnerabilities. In this context, the EU’s adaptive resilience is evident on several fronts, such as the integration of its economic policies with security (particularly in critical sectors), its role in the European security architecture and its commitment to incorporating Ukraine into the West. The study expands to include the flexible management of mass migration, tech vulnerabilities, energy resilience, economic stability, geopolitical alliances, humanitarian response action and technological reinforcement.

Critical trafficking scholars have questioned the staggering and ever-rising scale of financial investments in the anti-trafficking industry. While many analyses have focused on the United States, considerably less attention has been devoted to anti-trafficking funding provided by the European Union (EU). This paper draws on an analysis of the results of several EU programmes funding anti-trafficking actions during the 2014–2020 programming period. It describes the type of projects and organisations funded, the countries involved, the amounts awarded, and the potential reoccurrence of funding toward specific organisations. It also presents the findings of a survey of European NGOs working in the field of anti-trafficking to investigate approved and rejected projects, the reasons for rejection, and the key challenges faced in accessing EU funding. The overarching aim is to better understand funding trends against the backdrop of EU anti-trafficking policy priorities.

The search for and use of green energy sources is an important course of action for the European Union (EU). The paper compares the 13 EU countries that acceded to the EU in 2004 and afterwards in terms of the level of renewable energy use. The primary indicator used to assess the use of renewable energy sources (RES) was the share of renewable energy in gross final energy consumption from 2007 to 2021. Statistical data were sourced from the Eurostat database. The results of the study confirm that between 2007 and 2021, there were positive changes in the use of renewable energy in most of the countries. The prospects for renewable energy development in these countries were assessed by constructing forecasts of the indicator concerning the share of renewable energy in gross final energy consumption for 2022–2024. For most of the countries, the forecasts were highly and sufficiently precise, meaning the countries have a chance of meeting the RES targets set out in EU directives.

The aim of this paper is to present the situation and create a SWOT analysis organic animal husbandry production in the Republic of Croatia during the last decade, research its development potential, and to make a comparison with the situation in other EU countries. Organic animal husbandry is constantly increasing in the Republic of Croatia (increase in number of cows, sheep, goats and ungulates), as well as in most EU countries. During the last decade, numerous activities/measures were undertaken which led to an increase in the area of used agricultural land under organic production, and now they occupy 8.57% of the total used agricultural area of the Republic of Croatia, while in the EU is 9.9%. The potentials for the development of organic animal husbandry production in Croatia are shown in the SWOT analysis and they are very good; not only because of the wealth of natural resources, various incentive measures, the preservation of numerous protected and GMO-free landscapes suitable for the aforementioned production, the abundance of neglected land areas that quickly could be put into use, regulated legislation; but also because of the emphasis on tourist destinations and friendly farming. In the EU countries, the need for better education of organic farmers as well as consumers of organic animal products is also emphasized, as well as raising the quality of coexistence with animals and the environment while preserving biodiversity, better distribution of incentives for this sector with opportunities for the development of numerous protected and rural areas.

In the context of increasing economic interdependence, tax reform has become critical on the international agenda due to widespread tax avoidance by multinational companies and digital giants. The OECD has proposed tax reforms to address these challenges, aiming for a fairer distribution of tax revenues among countries. This paper examines the necessity and impact of implementing the OECD's tax reforms within the EU, considering the diverse tax systems of member states. The analysis reveals an upward trend in profits transferred to tax havens globally. EU tax havens like the Netherlands, Ireland, and Luxembourg are significant recipients of these profits. The OECD reforms, by reallocating profits and establishing a minimum tax, are expected to reduce the attractiveness of these havens. The impact will vary: less developed EU countries may lose foreign investment opportunities, while more developed countries could benefit from increased tax revenues and fairer profit distribution.

Datafication is changing from the value of concept to the value of layer for the present world. It describes every aspect of our lives with data. In this paper, the researchers put the datafication in the context of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Also, the authors examine some aspects changed by datafication. The researchers look at several aspects (put in context with the industrial evolution) and also to the effect of datafication on several areas of human activity. By using a qualitative approach, the research examines the datafication and its various dimensions. The results suggest the need for robust, transparent systems to manage the complexity of data and advocate for ethical and privacy considerations. These insights are crucial for policymakers, businesses, and academics, providing a comprehensive understanding of the legal environment, societal impacts, and innovation potential in the European Union.

This paper discusses the major challenges for the present European Commission, starting with Brexit and ending with issues such as EU Eastern Enlargement from today’s perspectives, trying to explain why it is difficult to talk about enlargement in a fragmented European Union. How will the European Neighborhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations evolve in the actual mandate of the European Commission? Did the European Commission succeed in offering Eastern states the opportunity to join the European Union by developing instruments encouraging states to meet the accession criteria? A qualitative analysis will be used to highlight the novelty elements analyzed by the proposed theme; the author uses a study case using as research instruments discourse and content analysis. Therefore, the main objective of this research paper is to highlight how the European leaders’ discourse on a possible enlargement of the European Union has evolved.

The paper explores the intricate landscape of implementing food safety policies within the European Union (EU) context. Through an examination of key themes, including discretion and enforcement of policies, the EU’s problem-resolution strategies, and the concept of individualization that surpasses mere adherence to laws, the paper sheds light on the complexities and nuances inherent in ensuring food safety across the diverse member states. The paper scrutinizes the role of discretion in the enforcement of food safety policies within the EU. It delves into how regulatory bodies exercise judgment in interpreting and applying policies, taking into account the varying contexts and challenges faced by member states. The discussion highlights the need for a balanced approach that considers both uniformity in enforcement and flexibility to address specific regional or sectoral requirements. Further, the paper focuses on the EU’s problem-resolution strategies concerning food safety policies. It explores the mechanisms in place for identifying and addressing challenges that arise during the implementation phase. This includes an analysis of coordination among member states, collaboration with stakeholders, and the role of regulatory bodies in mitigating issues and fostering a harmonized approach to problem-solving. In the end, the paper introduces the concept of individualization, emphasizing how a diverse range of policies and practices exists beyond mere adherence to overarching laws. This section explores the unique approaches taken by member states in tailoring food safety policies to suit their specific circumstances. It investigates the benefits and potential challenges associated with such individualization, considering its impact on overall policy effectiveness and coherence.

Although there were many disagreements in transatlantic relations before the COVIC-19, the pandemic accelerated tensions in transatlantic relations even more. The inauguration of the new US president Joe Biden, however, has been perceived as a new chapter in transatlantic relations. The paper aims to assess the COVID-19 pandemic implications to transatlantic relations and answer the question of whether the pandemic has strengthened or weakened the transatlantic security community? The paper stems from the idea that transatlantic countries compose a transatlantic security community. It examines the COVID-19 implications to several tiers of features that should be present in every security community: namely, implications to the perception of threats, patterns of communication and policy coordination, as well as to institutional framework. The paper argues that COVID-19 has not transformed the transatlantic security community; however, it highlighted certain problematic aspects of transatlantic relations.

The full-scale military invasion of the Russian Federation in February 2022 caused significant damage to the Ukrainian economy. The war caused obstacles in the sphere of foreign and domestic trade, disruption of transport and logistics processes, outflow of personnel abroad or partial movement of labor resources within the country, occupation of territories, destruction, looting of enterprises, which certainly affected the ability of entrepreneurship to fully function. This made it necessary to study the impact of war on the state of entrepreneurship of Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the state and identify priorities for the restoration and further development of entrepreneurship in the post-war period.

The objective of this paper is to analyze the evolution of work-life balance legislation in the European Union (EU), from its adoption in 2019 to its mandatory implementation among member states in 2022 or later, prompted by EU infringement procedures. Our research begins with an overview of first steps taken towards such policies since 2017, elucidating the concepts and significance of work-life balance in contemporary society, and briefly discussing the historical context of relevant laws and acts that paved the way for the most recent one, Directive EU 2019/1158. Additionally, we will outline the key provisions of the work-life balance directive and highlight primary studies that have monitored its implementation across EU member states (such as Coface, Deloitte, European Commission, etc.). Our paper will be added to literature which contributes to a better understanding of work-life balance legislation of the European Union also by updating about its implementation in all EU 27 member states.